Перевод: со словенского на английский

с английского на словенский

word-for-word

  • 1 evьja

    evьja; evьn̨a Grammatical information: f. iā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `granary, drying shed'
    Page in Trubačev: -
    Russian:
    évnja (W. dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    ëvnja (Psk.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    evnjá (dial.) `drying shed without a ceiling' [f jā]
    Belorussian:
    ëŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    éŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jaŭja (dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{1\}
    Ukrainian:
    jevja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jévnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā]
    Polish:
    jawia `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{2\};
    jewnia (arch.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jownia (arch.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: iouiaH
    Lithuanian:
    jáuja `granary, drying shed, threshing shed' [f ā] 1 \{3\}
    Latvian:
    jaũja `threshing floor' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    jauge `drying shed, barn for braking flax' \{4\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: ieu-iH-eh₂
    IE meaning: granary
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 512
    Comments: It is evident that *evьja is a borrowing from Baltic. The Baltic word is a derivative of the word for `grain', Lith. javaĩ, which lacks a Slavic counterpart. The resyllabification of *iau̯-iā to *iau-i̯ā may account for the metatonical acute tone of both the Lithuanian and the Latvian form, if we assume that the original form was *iau̯-ìā. The East Slavic word *ovinъ apparently underwent the e- > o- shift (I do not share Andersen's objections to Trubačëv's Proto-Slavic reconstruction *evinъ, theoretical though it is).
    Other cognates:
    MoHG jauge (dial.) `barn'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form without -n- has been recorded from 1540 onwards in many different shapes, e.g. ev'ja, jav'ja, evga and javga. According to Anikin (2005: 143), only the form jaŭja is known in the living language. The other forms are limited to areas that were inhabited by Lithuanians.\{2\} Since 1554 many variants have been recorded, e.g. jawia, jawgia, jewia, jowia. \{3\} There are many variants, viz. jáujė, jáujis, jáujas, jáujus. \{4\} The oldest source (1604) has the spelling jawyge (Toporov II: 21).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > evьja

  • 2 evьn̨a

    evьja; evьn̨a Grammatical information: f. iā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `granary, drying shed'
    Page in Trubačev: -
    Russian:
    évnja (W. dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    ëvnja (Psk.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    evnjá (dial.) `drying shed without a ceiling' [f jā]
    Belorussian:
    ëŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    éŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jaŭja (dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{1\}
    Ukrainian:
    jevja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jévnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā]
    Polish:
    jawia `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{2\};
    jewnia (arch.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jownia (arch.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: iouiaH
    Lithuanian:
    jáuja `granary, drying shed, threshing shed' [f ā] 1 \{3\}
    Latvian:
    jaũja `threshing floor' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    jauge `drying shed, barn for braking flax' \{4\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: ieu-iH-eh₂
    IE meaning: granary
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 512
    Comments: It is evident that *evьja is a borrowing from Baltic. The Baltic word is a derivative of the word for `grain', Lith. javaĩ, which lacks a Slavic counterpart. The resyllabification of *iau̯-iā to *iau-i̯ā may account for the metatonical acute tone of both the Lithuanian and the Latvian form, if we assume that the original form was *iau̯-ìā. The East Slavic word *ovinъ apparently underwent the e- > o- shift (I do not share Andersen's objections to Trubačëv's Proto-Slavic reconstruction *evinъ, theoretical though it is).
    Other cognates:
    MoHG jauge (dial.) `barn'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form without -n- has been recorded from 1540 onwards in many different shapes, e.g. ev'ja, jav'ja, evga and javga. According to Anikin (2005: 143), only the form jaŭja is known in the living language. The other forms are limited to areas that were inhabited by Lithuanians.\{2\} Since 1554 many variants have been recorded, e.g. jawia, jawgia, jewia, jowia. \{3\} There are many variants, viz. jáujė, jáujis, jáujas, jáujus. \{4\} The oldest source (1604) has the spelling jawyge (Toporov II: 21).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > evьn̨a

  • 3 olbodà

    olbodà; elbedà Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `goosefoot'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 18; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lebedá `goosefoot' [f ā];
    lobodá `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Czech:
    lebeda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    loboda (dial.) `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    loboda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    lebeda (dial.) `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Polish:
    lebioda `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lobòda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    Čak. lobodȁ (Vrgada) `goosefoot (?)' [f ā];
    Čak. lobodȁ (Novi) `goosefoot (?)' [f ā], lȍbode [Nom p];
    Čak. lobodȁ (Orbanići) `unidentified plant (wild basil?)' [f ā], lobodȍ [Accs]
    Slovene:
    lóboda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    lobóda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    lebę́da `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    lóboda `goosefoot' [f ā]
    IE meaning: goosefoot
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: The anlaut of dialect forms such as Pl. ɫabądź or SCr. laboda must be analogous after the words for `swan'. The reconstruction *olboda is not without problems in view of the consistent reflex *lo- in South Slavic (but cf. SCr. rȍb `slave'?), which also doesn't match the *la- of the `swan' word. We must seriously consider the possibility that the proto-form was *h₂lob-oda (*h₂leb-eda) (for further discussion see s.v. *olbǫdь).
    Notes:
    The anlaut of dialect forms such as Pl. ɫabądź or SCr. laboda must be analogous after the words for `swan'. The reconstruction *olboda is not without problems in view of the consistent reflex *lo- in South Slavic (but cf. SCr. rȍb `slave'?), which also doesn't match the *la- of the `swan' word. We must seriously consider the possibility that the proto-form was *h₂lob-oda (*h₂leb-eda) (for further discussion see s.v. *olbǫdь).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olbodà

  • 4 elbedà

    olbodà; elbedà Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `goosefoot'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 18; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lebedá `goosefoot' [f ā];
    lobodá `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Czech:
    lebeda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    loboda (dial.) `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    loboda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    lebeda (dial.) `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Polish:
    lebioda `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lobòda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    Čak. lobodȁ (Vrgada) `goosefoot (?)' [f ā];
    Čak. lobodȁ (Novi) `goosefoot (?)' [f ā], lȍbode [Nom p];
    Čak. lobodȁ (Orbanići) `unidentified plant (wild basil?)' [f ā], lobodȍ [Accs]
    Slovene:
    lóboda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    lobóda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    lebę́da `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    lóboda `goosefoot' [f ā]
    IE meaning: goosefoot
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: The anlaut of dialect forms such as Pl. ɫabądź or SCr. laboda must be analogous after the words for `swan'. The reconstruction *olboda is not without problems in view of the consistent reflex *lo- in South Slavic (but cf. SCr. rȍb `slave'?), which also doesn't match the *la- of the `swan' word. We must seriously consider the possibility that the proto-form was *h₂lob-oda (*h₂leb-eda) (for further discussion see s.v. *olbǫdь).
    Notes:
    The anlaut of dialect forms such as Pl. ɫabądź or SCr. laboda must be analogous after the words for `swan'. The reconstruction *olboda is not without problems in view of the consistent reflex *lo- in South Slavic (but cf. SCr. rȍb `slave'?), which also doesn't match the *la- of the `swan' word. We must seriously consider the possibility that the proto-form was *h₂lob-oda (*h₂leb-eda) (for further discussion see s.v. *olbǫdь).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elbedà

  • 5 ȍlovo

    ȍlovo Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `lead'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 76-77
    Old Church Slavic:
    ólovo (Supr.) `lead' [n o]
    Russian:
    ólovo `tin' [n o]
    Old Russian:
    olovь `tin' [f i]
    Czech:
    olovo `lead' [n o]
    Slovak:
    olovo `lead' [n o]
    Polish:
    oɫów `lead' [m jo];
    oɫów (obs.) `lead' [m o];
    oɫowo (dial.) `lead' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    ȍlovo lead' [n o];
    Čak. ȍlovo (Vrgada) lead' [n o]
    Slovene:
    olǫ́v `lead' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    élavo (dial.) `lead' [n o] \{1\}
    Lithuanian:
    álvas (DK, Bretk.) `tin' [m o] \{2\}
    Latvian:
    al̂va `tin' [f ā];
    al̂vas `tin' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    alwis (EV) `lead'
    IE meaning: tin, lead
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: -
    Comments: Pokorny derives the Balto-Slavic word for `tin, lead' from *al(ǝ)- `white'. This more or less presupposes that the original meaning was `tin' (plumbum album) rather than `lead' (plumbum nigrum). In view of both the formal problems and the sphere to which this word belong it seems preferable to regard it as a borrowing from an unknown language.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Forms with *(j)e- are limited to Bulgarian, e.g. MBulg. jelovo, Bulg. (dial.) élavo. In Russian dialects, we find a form lov' (Voronež), which may reflect *olvь. The fact that we do not have *lavь < *olHvi-, as we might have expected on the basis of the Baltic forms, can be explained by assuming that the laryngeal was eliminated according to Meillet's law before the metathesis of liquids. \{2\} It's unclear to me on what grounds the LKŽ assigns AP 1 to this word. To my knowledge, the only accented form is áɫwu Isg. (DK), which points to AP 1 or 3. The Modern Lithuanian form ãlavas is a borrowing from Slavic.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȍlovo

  • 6 aščerъ

    aščerъ Grammatical information: m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `lizard'
    Page in Trubačev: I 87-89
    Old Church Slavic:
    aštera (Supr.) `lizard' [Gensm o]
    Russian:
    jáščer `inflammation of the tongue (cattle, horses)' [m o];
    jáščerica `lizard' [f jā]
    Czech:
    ještěr `saurian, dragon' [m o];
    ještěrka `lizard' [f ā];
    ještěřice (rare) `lizard' [m o]
    Polish:
    jaszczur `salamander, saurian' [m o];
    jaszczurka `lizard' [f ā];
    jaszczór (dial.) `lizard' [m o]
    Slovincian:
    vješčìe̯řäcă `lizard' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȁster (obs.) `lizard' [m o];
    jȁšterica `vesicle on the tongue' [f jā];
    Čak. jȁšćerica (Vrgada) `vesicle on the tongue' [f jā]
    Slovene:
    jȃščerica `green lizard' [f jā];
    jȃščarica `green lizard' [f jā]
    Lithuanian:
    skėrỹs `locust' [m io]
    Latvian:
    sk̨ìrgaîlis `lizard' [m io];
    sk̨ir̃gaila `lizard' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    estureito `lizard'
    Page in Pokorny: 933
    Comments: Though the details would remain unclear, there is definitely possibility that this is a substratum word showing prefixation of a non-Indo-European type (cf. Schrijver 1997: 307-312). Among the alternative solutions, the analysis *h₁oh₁ḱu-sker-, a compound of the word for `quick' and the verbal root that is found in Gk. σκαίρω `frisk' as well as probably Lith. skėrỹs `harvestman, daddy-long-legs' and Latv. šk̨ìrgaîlis2, seems the most attractive (Vey 1953, see also -> *astrębъ).
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ἀσκαρίς `worm in the intestines, larva of a mosquit o' [f];

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > aščerъ

  • 7 màkъ

    màkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `poppy'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 149-151
    Church Slavic:
    makъ `poppy' [m o]
    Russian:
    mak `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]
    Czech:
    mák `poppy' [m o]
    Slovak:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Polish:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁk `poppy' [m o], mȁka [Gens], màka [Gens];
    Čak. mȁk (Vrgada) `poppy' [m o], makȁ [Gens]
    Slovene:
    màk `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ?
    Lithuanian:
    aguonà `poppy' [f ā] 2;
    mãguonė (dial.) `poppy' [f ē] 1 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    maguône `poppy' [f ē] \{2\} \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    moke (EV) `poppy' [f]
    IE meaning: poppy
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 698
    Comments: The Germanic forms show grammatischer Wechsel as well as an alternation *ā: a. The vocalism, which could reflect PIE *eh₁: h₁, does not match the ā of the Greek and the Slavic forms, which leads us to assume that the vowel alternation arose when at a comparatively late stage the root māk- was borrowed into Germanic (cf. Kluge 1989, 484). The Lithuanian and Latvian forms are usually considered borrowings from Germanic, whereas OPr. moke may have been borrowed from Polish. The Estonian and Livonian forms must be borrowings from Baltic, probably Latvian. It is generally agreed upon that ultimately we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European (Mediterranean?) origin.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. μήκων `poppy' [f];
    Dor. μά̑κων `poppy' [f];
    OHG māho `poppy'
    ;
    OHG mago `poppy'
    ;
    OS magosāmo `poppyseed'
    ;
    OS mēcopin (Königsberg) `poppy'
    ;
    OSw. valmoghe `poppy'
    \{4\};
    Est. magun `poppy;
    Liv. maggon `poppy'
    Notes:
    \{1\} Besides, we find the variants maguona and magūna. The forms with m are restricted to the area around Klaipėda. \{2\} I have found the variants magùona2, magana, magane and magūne. \{3\} The initial m of the word for `poppy' was apparently lost in Lithuanian but not in Latvian. The Lithuanian dialect forms with m- may be due to the influence of the (Latvian) language of the fishermen of the Couronian Isthmus (cf. Būga RR III: 320). Sabaliauskas suggests dissimilatory loss of m, parallel to the loss of r in arotai: rarotai, akrūtas: rakrūtas, Latv. ruodere: uodere, ūk̨eris (1960, 71-72). \{4\} The first element means `sleep', cf. Nw. dial. vale `deep sleep', Sw. dial. valbjörn `Schlafdorn'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > màkъ

  • 8 olьxa

    olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82
    Russian:
    ol'xá `alder' [f ā];
    ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    jelcha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Polish:
    olcha `alder' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jelha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-
    Lithuanian:
    al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;
    alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;
    álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1
    Latvian:
    àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];
    àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂
    IE meaning: alder
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-303
    Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. alnus `alder'
    ;
    Span. aliso `alder'
    ;
    Mac. ἄλιζα `white poplar';
    OHG elira, erila `alder' [f];
    OE alor `alder'
    ;
    OIc. ǫlr `alder'
    , jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olьxa

  • 9 elьxa

    olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82
    Russian:
    ol'xá `alder' [f ā];
    ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    jelcha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Polish:
    olcha `alder' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jelha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-
    Lithuanian:
    al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;
    alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;
    álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1
    Latvian:
    àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];
    àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂
    IE meaning: alder
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-303
    Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. alnus `alder'
    ;
    Span. aliso `alder'
    ;
    Mac. ἄλιζα `white poplar';
    OHG elira, erila `alder' [f];
    OE alor `alder'
    ;
    OIc. ǫlr `alder'
    , jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elьxa

  • 10 bebrъ

    bebrъ; bobrъ; bьbrъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `beaver'
    Page in Trubačev: I 174-175; II 145-146; III 159
    Church Slavic:
    bebrъ `beaver' [m o];
    bobrъ `beaver' [m o]
    Russian:
    bobr `beaver' [m o], bobrá [Gens];
    bobër `beaver (fur)' [m o], bobrá [Gens]
    Old Russian:
    bebrъ `beaver' [m o];
    bobrъ `beaver' [m o];
    bьbrъ `beaver' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    bibr `beaver' [m o], bobrá [Gens]
    Czech:
    bobr `beaver' [m o]
    Polish:
    bóbr `beaver' [m o], bobra [Gens]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dȁbar `beaver' [m o]
    Slovene:
    bóbǝr `beaver' [m o];
    bébǝr `beaver' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    bóbăr `beaver' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bebros
    Lithuanian:
    bẽbras `beaver' [m o] 2;
    bebrùs `beaver' [m u] 4
    Latvian:
    bębrs `beaver' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    bebrus (EV) `beaver' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰebʰrH-u- (bʰebʰrH-o-)
    Comments: Possibly a derivative of the word for `brown', cf. Lith. bė́ras, with reduplication of the root. The fact that this etymon was not affected by the generalization of accentual mobility in the masculine o-stems points may be be accounted for by positing a u-stem.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. babhrú- `reddish brown' [adj];
    Lat. fiber `beaver'
    ;
    OHG bibar `beaver'
    ;
    OE beofor `beaver'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bebrъ

  • 11 bobrъ

    bebrъ; bobrъ; bьbrъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `beaver'
    Page in Trubačev: I 174-175; II 145-146; III 159
    Church Slavic:
    bebrъ `beaver' [m o];
    bobrъ `beaver' [m o]
    Russian:
    bobr `beaver' [m o], bobrá [Gens];
    bobër `beaver (fur)' [m o], bobrá [Gens]
    Old Russian:
    bebrъ `beaver' [m o];
    bobrъ `beaver' [m o];
    bьbrъ `beaver' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    bibr `beaver' [m o], bobrá [Gens]
    Czech:
    bobr `beaver' [m o]
    Polish:
    bóbr `beaver' [m o], bobra [Gens]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dȁbar `beaver' [m o]
    Slovene:
    bóbǝr `beaver' [m o];
    bébǝr `beaver' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    bóbăr `beaver' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bebros
    Lithuanian:
    bẽbras `beaver' [m o] 2;
    bebrùs `beaver' [m u] 4
    Latvian:
    bębrs `beaver' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    bebrus (EV) `beaver' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰebʰrH-u- (bʰebʰrH-o-)
    Comments: Possibly a derivative of the word for `brown', cf. Lith. bė́ras, with reduplication of the root. The fact that this etymon was not affected by the generalization of accentual mobility in the masculine o-stems points may be be accounted for by positing a u-stem.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. babhrú- `reddish brown' [adj];
    Lat. fiber `beaver'
    ;
    OHG bibar `beaver'
    ;
    OE beofor `beaver'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bobrъ

  • 12 bьbrъ

    bebrъ; bobrъ; bьbrъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `beaver'
    Page in Trubačev: I 174-175; II 145-146; III 159
    Church Slavic:
    bebrъ `beaver' [m o];
    bobrъ `beaver' [m o]
    Russian:
    bobr `beaver' [m o], bobrá [Gens];
    bobër `beaver (fur)' [m o], bobrá [Gens]
    Old Russian:
    bebrъ `beaver' [m o];
    bobrъ `beaver' [m o];
    bьbrъ `beaver' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    bibr `beaver' [m o], bobrá [Gens]
    Czech:
    bobr `beaver' [m o]
    Polish:
    bóbr `beaver' [m o], bobra [Gens]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dȁbar `beaver' [m o]
    Slovene:
    bóbǝr `beaver' [m o];
    bébǝr `beaver' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    bóbăr `beaver' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bebros
    Lithuanian:
    bẽbras `beaver' [m o] 2;
    bebrùs `beaver' [m u] 4
    Latvian:
    bębrs `beaver' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    bebrus (EV) `beaver' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰebʰrH-u- (bʰebʰrH-o-)
    Comments: Possibly a derivative of the word for `brown', cf. Lith. bė́ras, with reduplication of the root. The fact that this etymon was not affected by the generalization of accentual mobility in the masculine o-stems points may be be accounted for by positing a u-stem.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. babhrú- `reddish brown' [adj];
    Lat. fiber `beaver'
    ;
    OHG bibar `beaver'
    ;
    OE beofor `beaver'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bьbrъ

  • 13 čèznǫti

    čèznǫti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `disappear'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 100-101
    Russian:
    čéznut' (dial.) `disappear, vanish, perish' [verb]
    Ukrainian:
    čéznuty `disappear, (dial.) perish' [verb]
    Polish:
    czeznąć (obs.) `wither, disappear, vanish' [verb] \{1\}
    Serbo-Croatian:
    čȅznuti `thirst for, long for, yearn' [verb], čȅznēm [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    čézna `disappear, vanish' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} According to Bańkowski (2000: 229), this word was originally limited to the eastern dialects and must be considered a ruthenism.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čèznǫti

  • 14 mьglà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьglà

  • 15 mьgà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьgà

  • 16 miglъ

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > miglъ

  • 17 vědrò

    vědrò Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bucket'
    Old Church Slavic:
    vědro (Euch., Supr.) `barrel' [n o]
    Russian:
    vedró `bucket' [n o]
    Czech:
    vědro `bucket' [n o]
    Slovak:
    vedro `bucket' [n o]
    Polish:
    wiadro `bucket' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    vjèdro `bucket' [n o];
    vijèdro (Montenegro) `bucket' [n o];
    Čak. vȉdro (Vrgada) `bucket' [n o]
    Slovene:
    vẹ́drọ `bucket' [n o]
    Bulgarian:
    vedró `bucket' [n o]
    Lithuanian:
    vė́daras `sausage, (dial.) belly, intestines' [m o] 3a
    Latvian:
    vę̂dars `belly' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    weders (EV) `belly, stomach'
    Indo-European reconstruction: ued-róm
    Comments: There are basically two etymologies for this noun. According to, among others, Meillet (1902-1905: 407-408) and Vasmer, *vědrò derives from the root of *uod-r/n- `water', cf. Gk. ὑδρία `water-pot, pitcher, vessel'. The other option is to connect the word for `bucket' with forms meaning `belly'. I prefer the latter etymology. In both cases the long vowel of the root can be attributed to Winter's law, which at first sight is incompatible with AP (b). In my framework, however, it is possible to assume that in Proto-Slavic the reflex of the laryngeal was lost in pretonic position (the sequence - dr- prevented the Balto-Slavic retraction of the stress from final open syllables). The remaining problem is the fact that the evidence points almost exclusively to a short root vowel, as words of the aforementioned type as a rule appear to have escaped the pretonic shortening that took place before Dybo's law.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. udára- `belly, womb' [n];
    Gk. ὕδερος
    `dropsy' [m];
    Lat. uterus `lower abdomen, belly, womb'
    Notes:
    \{1\} With unclear -t-.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > vědrò

  • 18 àgnę

    àgnę Grammatical information: n. nt Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `lamb'
    Page in Trubačev: I 54-55
    Old Church Slavic:
    agnę (Zogr., Supr.) `lamb' [n nt]
    Old Russian:
    jagnja `lamb' [n nt]
    Czech:
    jehně `lamb' [n nt]
    Slovak:
    jahňa `lamb' [n nt]
    Polish:
    jagnię `lamb' [n nt]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȁgne `lamb' [n nt];
    Čak. jȁńe (Vrgada) `lamb' [n nt], jå̃ńci [Nom p]
    Slovene:
    jágnje `lamb' [n nt];
    ágnje `lamb' [n nt]
    Bulgarian:
    ágne `lamb' [n nt];
    jágne `lamb' [n nt]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂egʷ-n-
    IE meaning: lamb
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 9
    Comments: PSl. * agn- < * h₂egʷ-n- (N.B. Winter's law) with the diminutive suffix *-ę < *- ent-, which is common in designations of young animals. Slavic forms without a secondary suffix do not exist.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ἀμνός `lamb' [f/m];
    Lat. agnus `lamb'
    \{1\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Slavic *agnędъ `black poplar', which Trubačev derives from the word for `lamb', may be related to Greek ἄμνος `chaste-tree'. I tentatively posit a root *h₂eǵ-.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > àgnę

  • 19 borzdà

    borzdà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `furrow'
    Page in Trubačev: II 220
    Old Church Slavic:
    brazda `furrow' [f ā]
    Russian:
    borozdá `furrow, (dial.) harrow, canal' [f ā]
    Czech:
    brázda `furrow' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    brázda `furrow' [f ā]
    Polish:
    bruzda `furrow' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    bḁ́řḍă `furrow' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    brózda `furrow' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    brozda `furrow' [f ā];
    brůzda (dial.) `furrow' [f ā];
    brou̯zda (dial.) `furrow' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    brázda `furrow, (dial.) canal' [f ā];
    Čak. bråzdȁ (Vrgada) `furrow' [f ā];
    Čak. brāzdȁ (Orbanići) `furrow, row (of potatoes etc., planted in one furrow)' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovene:
    brázda `furrow, wrinkle' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    brazdá `furrow' [f ā];
    brezdá `furrow' [f ā]
    Macedonian:
    brazdá `furrow, irrigation canal, wrinkle' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    bir̃žė `sign (out of straws or twigs) that marks the boundary of the sowed land, furrow' [f ē] 2 \{2\}
    Latvian:
    bìrze `furrow' [f ē]
    Comments: The reconstruction * bʰrs-d(ʰ)-, which would enable a connection with Skt. bhr̥ṣṭí- f. (RV) `point, top, spike, tooth', cannot account for the Baltic forms.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. bhr̥ṣṭí-
    Notes:
    \{1\} More common is the i-stem brȃs, Gsg. brāzdȉ. \{2\} The original accentuation of this word cannot be established. In Lithuanian, we find biržė 1/2/4 and biržis 1/2/3/4. In Latvian, bìrze, bir̃ze and biȓze are attested.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > borzdà

  • 20 čarъ

    čarъ Grammatical information: m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `magic, sorcery'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 26
    Old Church Slavic:
    čary (Euch.) `magic, sorcery' [Accpm o]
    Russian:
    čáry `magic, enchantment' [Nompm o]
    Czech:
    čáry `magic, sorcery' [Nompm o] \{1\}
    Old Czech:
    čáry `magic, sorcery' [Nompm o] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    čar (poet.) `charm, enchantment' [m o], čary `magic, sorcery' [Nomp o]
    Polish:
    czar `charm, enchantment' [m o], czary `magic, sorcery' [Nomp o]
    Slovene:
    čȃr `sorcery, magic' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    čar `charm, magic' [m o]
    Lithuanian:
    keraĩ `sorcery' [Nplm o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: kwēr-o-
    Page in Pokorny: 641
    Comments: Unlike Baltic, Slavic has a lengthened grade vowel in the word for `sorcery'. It is possible that čarъ and čara continue a root noun.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. karóti `make' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} The singular čár is uncommon. The SSJČ also mentions čár or čar (poet.) `unusual beauty, magical appeal'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čarъ

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