magosāmo

mak `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]

mȁk `poppy' [m o], mȁka [Gens], màka [Gens];

Čak. mȁk (Vrgada) `poppy' [m o], makȁ [Gens]

màk `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]

aguonà `poppy' [f ā] 2;

mãguonė (dial.) `poppy' [f ē] 1 \{1\}

maguône `poppy' [f ē] \{2\} \{3\}

moke (EV) `poppy' [f]

IE meaning: poppy

Certainty: -

Comments: The Germanic forms show grammatischer Wechsel as well as an alternation *ā: a. The vocalism, which could reflect PIE *eh₁: h₁, does not match the ā of the Greek and the Slavic forms, which leads us to assume that the vowel alternation arose when at a comparatively late stage the root māk- was borrowed into Germanic (cf. Kluge 1989, 484). The Lithuanian and Latvian forms are usually considered borrowings from Germanic, whereas OPr. moke may have been borrowed from Polish. The Estonian and Livonian forms must be borrowings from Baltic, probably Latvian. It is generally agreed upon that ultimately we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European (Mediterranean?) origin.

Gk. μήκων `poppy' [f];

Dor. μά̑κων `poppy' [f];

OHG māho `poppy'

;

OHG mago `poppy'

;

OS magosāmo `poppyseed'

;

OS mēcopin (Königsberg) `poppy'

;

OSw. valmoghe `poppy'

\{4\};

Est. magun `poppy;

Liv. maggon `poppy'

\{1\} Besides, we find the variants maguona and magūna. The forms with m are restricted to the area around Klaipėda. \{2\} I have found the variants magùona², magana, magane and magūne. \{3\} The initial m of the word for `poppy' was apparently lost in Lithuanian but not in Latvian. The Lithuanian dialect forms with m- may be due to the influence of the (Latvian) language of the fishermen of the Couronian Isthmus (cf. Būga RR III: 320). Sabaliauskas suggests dissimilatory loss of m, parallel to the loss of r in arotai: rarotai, akrūtas: rakrūtas, Latv. ruodere: uodere, ūk̨eris (1960, 71-72). \{4\} The first element means `sleep', cf. Nw. dial. vale `deep sleep', Sw. dial. valbjörn `Schlafdorn'.