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  • 1 dyra

    dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 205
    Russian:
    dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    dyrja `hole' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    dară `hole, prison' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-
    Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dyra

  • 2 dyr'a

    dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 205
    Russian:
    dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    dyrja `hole' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    dară `hole, prison' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-
    Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dyr'a

  • 3 mьglà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьglà

  • 4 mьgà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьgà

  • 5 miglъ

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > miglъ

  • 6 dužь

    dužь Grammatical information: adj. jo Proto-Slavic meaning: `strong'
    Page in Trubačev: V 167-168
    Russian:
    djúžij `sturdy, hefty, robust, healthy' [adj jo];
    dúžij (dial.) `strong, healthy' [adj jo]
    Old Russian:
    djúžij `strong' [adj jo]
    Belorussian:
    dúžy `strong, vigorous' [adj jo]
    Ukrainian:
    dúžyj `strong, healthy' [adj jo]
    Czech:
    duží (rare) `firm, strong' [adj jo]
    Slovak:
    dúži `strong, big, healthy' [adj jo]
    Polish:
    duży `big, (16th-18th c., dial. ) strong' [adj jo];
    dużo `much, many, (16th-18th c.) very' [adv] \{1\}
    Lithuanian:
    daũg `much, many' [adv];
    daugi (OLith.) `much, many' [adv] ;
    daũgia (dial.) `much, many' [adv]
    Latvian:
    daũdz(i) `much, many' [adv]
    Comments: If the Polish forms are "Ruthenianisms", there is no objection against positing a root containing a nasal, cf. dęga, dęglъ(jь)i, nedǫgъ. On the other hand, the parallellism between Pl. dużo and Lith. daũgia is suggestive. Possibly, the roots *dǫg- and *dug- were confused (cf. Shevelov 1964: 321-322, ESSJa 25: 126). The latter root may reflect *dʰougʰ-, cf. Go. daug `is useful'.
    Notes:
    \{1\} According to Bańkowski (II: 312), duży `strong' and dużo (duże) `very', which are attested since the 16th century, originate from Ukrainian. Duży `big' is recorded sporadically from 1600 onwards and more frequently since the 18th century, while dużo `much, many' occurs only since the 18th century.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dužь

  • 7 mamiti

    mamiti; maniti \{1\} Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `deceive'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 189-190, 197-199
    Church Slavic:
    mamiti `deceive' [verb];
    maniti `deceive' [verb]
    Russian:
    manít' `beckon, attract, lure;
    (dial.) `deceive, lie, linger, loiter' [verb], manjú [1sg], manít [3sg]
    Czech:
    mámiti `stun, deceive, seduce' [verb]
    Slovak:
    mamit' `stun, deceive' [verb]
    Polish:
    mamić `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb];
    manić (dial.) `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb]
    Slovincian:
    mańic `attract, lure, deceive' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    mamiś `deceive, enchant' [verb];
    maniś `deceive, enchant' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mámiti `attract, lure, seduce' [verb];
    Čak. m̊āmȉti (Vrgada) `attract, lure, seduce' [verb];
    mániti (dial.) `lure' [verb]
    Slovene:
    mámiti `stun, deceive, seduce, fool' [verb], mȃmim [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    mámja `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb];
    mánja (dial.) `deceive' [verb]
    Lithuanian:
    mõnyti `practise sorcery' [verb] \{1\}
    Latvian:
    mãnît `mislead, deceive
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂m-iH-
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: According to Van Wijk (1934: 73), *mamiti is the original denominative verb, while *maniti arose through dissimilation, which was probably favoured by the existence of *manǫti. Van Wijk's hypothesis is supported by the fact that there is more a less a geographical distribution. The form *mamiti occurs in West and South Slavic, whereas *maniti occurs in East Slavic and in certain West and South Slavic regions.
    Notes:
    \{1\} I consider both the Latvian and the Lithuanian forms to be borrowings from Slavic. Endzelīns is inclined to regard Latv. mãnît as an inherited word.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mamiti

  • 8 maniti

    mamiti; maniti \{1\} Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `deceive'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 189-190, 197-199
    Church Slavic:
    mamiti `deceive' [verb];
    maniti `deceive' [verb]
    Russian:
    manít' `beckon, attract, lure;
    (dial.) `deceive, lie, linger, loiter' [verb], manjú [1sg], manít [3sg]
    Czech:
    mámiti `stun, deceive, seduce' [verb]
    Slovak:
    mamit' `stun, deceive' [verb]
    Polish:
    mamić `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb];
    manić (dial.) `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb]
    Slovincian:
    mańic `attract, lure, deceive' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    mamiś `deceive, enchant' [verb];
    maniś `deceive, enchant' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mámiti `attract, lure, seduce' [verb];
    Čak. m̊āmȉti (Vrgada) `attract, lure, seduce' [verb];
    mániti (dial.) `lure' [verb]
    Slovene:
    mámiti `stun, deceive, seduce, fool' [verb], mȃmim [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    mámja `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb];
    mánja (dial.) `deceive' [verb]
    Lithuanian:
    mõnyti `practise sorcery' [verb] \{1\}
    Latvian:
    mãnît `mislead, deceive
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂m-iH-
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: According to Van Wijk (1934: 73), *mamiti is the original denominative verb, while *maniti arose through dissimilation, which was probably favoured by the existence of *manǫti. Van Wijk's hypothesis is supported by the fact that there is more a less a geographical distribution. The form *mamiti occurs in West and South Slavic, whereas *maniti occurs in East Slavic and in certain West and South Slavic regions.
    Notes:
    \{1\} I consider both the Latvian and the Lithuanian forms to be borrowings from Slavic. Endzelīns is inclined to regard Latv. mãnît as an inherited word.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > maniti

  • 9 borzdà

    borzdà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `furrow'
    Page in Trubačev: II 220
    Old Church Slavic:
    brazda `furrow' [f ā]
    Russian:
    borozdá `furrow, (dial.) harrow, canal' [f ā]
    Czech:
    brázda `furrow' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    brázda `furrow' [f ā]
    Polish:
    bruzda `furrow' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    bḁ́řḍă `furrow' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    brózda `furrow' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    brozda `furrow' [f ā];
    brůzda (dial.) `furrow' [f ā];
    brou̯zda (dial.) `furrow' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    brázda `furrow, (dial.) canal' [f ā];
    Čak. bråzdȁ (Vrgada) `furrow' [f ā];
    Čak. brāzdȁ (Orbanići) `furrow, row (of potatoes etc., planted in one furrow)' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovene:
    brázda `furrow, wrinkle' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    brazdá `furrow' [f ā];
    brezdá `furrow' [f ā]
    Macedonian:
    brazdá `furrow, irrigation canal, wrinkle' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    bir̃žė `sign (out of straws or twigs) that marks the boundary of the sowed land, furrow' [f ē] 2 \{2\}
    Latvian:
    bìrze `furrow' [f ē]
    Comments: The reconstruction * bʰrs-d(ʰ)-, which would enable a connection with Skt. bhr̥ṣṭí- f. (RV) `point, top, spike, tooth', cannot account for the Baltic forms.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. bhr̥ṣṭí-
    Notes:
    \{1\} More common is the i-stem brȃs, Gsg. brāzdȉ. \{2\} The original accentuation of this word cannot be established. In Lithuanian, we find biržė 1/2/4 and biržis 1/2/3/4. In Latvian, bìrze, bir̃ze and biȓze are attested.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > borzdà

  • 10 medojědъ

    medojědъ Grammatical information: adj. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 55
    Russian:
    medoéd (dial.) `honey-lover' [m o]
    Czech:
    medojed (Jungmann) `honey-lover' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȅdojēd (dial.) `death's head moth' [m o]
    Slovene:
    medojẹ̀d `honey-eater, honey-lover' [m o], medojẹ́da [Gens]
    Page in Pokorny: 288, 707
    Comments: For morphological as well as semantic reasons the noun *medojedъ must be a more recent formation than *medvědь.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. madh(u)vád- `honey-eater'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Psalter of Dimitri belongs to the corpus which was discovered at St. Catherine's monastery in 1975. Strictly speaking it might be classified as a Middle Bulgarian text (Birnbaum and Schaeken 1997: 143). \{2\} The attestations occur in a Croatian MS. from the 14th century and a Serbian MS. from the 15th century, respectively. \{3\} In West Slavic, we find secondary forms with n-, e.g. (O)Pl. niedźwiedź, OCz. nedvěd.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > medojědъ

  • 11 mě̑xъ

    mě̑xъ; měšъkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `bag (made from skin)'
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 156-159, 220-221
    Old Church Slavic:
    měxъ `wine-skin' [m o]
    Russian:
    mex `fur, (dial.) bag' [m o], méxa [Gens], mexá [Nom p] \{1\};
    mešók `bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]
    Czech:
    měch `bag, net' [m o];
    míšek `purse, small bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]
    Slovak:
    mech `bag' [m o]
    Polish:
    miech `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Slovincian:
    mjìex `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    měch `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȉjeh `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȉjeha [Gens];
    Čak. mȋh (Vrgada) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȋha [Gens];
    Čak. mȋh (Novi) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o];
    Čak. miȇh (Vrgada) `bellows, bag-pipes' [m o], miȇhe [Locs]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑h `fur, wine-skin, bellows, leather bag' [m o/u], mẹ̑ha [Gens], mẹhȗ [Gens];
    mẹ̑šǝk `small bellows' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    mjax `bellows, bag made from skin' [m o];
    mex `bellows, bag made from skin' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: moiṣós
    Lithuanian:
    maĩšas `bag, sack' [m o] 4 \{2\}
    Latvian:
    màiss `bag' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    moasis (EV) `bellows'
    Indo-European reconstruction: moiso-
    IE meaning: ram
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 747
    Comments: I feel that we should not attach too much importance to De Vries's observation that with respect to Germanic it is unwarranted to start from an original meaning `Tragkorb aus Fell' (1962: 382). In fact, the same would apply to the Baltic forms. I consider the semantic similarity between, for instance, Lith. maĩšas `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz' (note that the meaning `net' is also attested in Slavic), OIc. heymeiss `hay-sack' and Eng. (dial.) maiz `large, light hay-basket' sufficient evidence for the etymological identity of the Germanic and the Balto-Slavic forms. MoIr. moais `bag, hamper', moaiseog `wicker basket' is doubtless a borrowing from Germanic.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meṣá- `ram'
    ;
    OIc. meiss `basket'
    ;
    OHG meisa `pannier'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The plural noun mexí means `fur bag, wine-skin'. \{2\} Friedrich Kurschat's dictionary (1883) mentions the more specific meaning `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mě̑xъ

  • 12 měšъkъ

    mě̑xъ; měšъkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `bag (made from skin)'
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 156-159, 220-221
    Old Church Slavic:
    měxъ `wine-skin' [m o]
    Russian:
    mex `fur, (dial.) bag' [m o], méxa [Gens], mexá [Nom p] \{1\};
    mešók `bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]
    Czech:
    měch `bag, net' [m o];
    míšek `purse, small bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]
    Slovak:
    mech `bag' [m o]
    Polish:
    miech `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Slovincian:
    mjìex `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    měch `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȉjeh `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȉjeha [Gens];
    Čak. mȋh (Vrgada) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȋha [Gens];
    Čak. mȋh (Novi) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o];
    Čak. miȇh (Vrgada) `bellows, bag-pipes' [m o], miȇhe [Locs]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑h `fur, wine-skin, bellows, leather bag' [m o/u], mẹ̑ha [Gens], mẹhȗ [Gens];
    mẹ̑šǝk `small bellows' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    mjax `bellows, bag made from skin' [m o];
    mex `bellows, bag made from skin' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: moiṣós
    Lithuanian:
    maĩšas `bag, sack' [m o] 4 \{2\}
    Latvian:
    màiss `bag' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    moasis (EV) `bellows'
    Indo-European reconstruction: moiso-
    IE meaning: ram
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 747
    Comments: I feel that we should not attach too much importance to De Vries's observation that with respect to Germanic it is unwarranted to start from an original meaning `Tragkorb aus Fell' (1962: 382). In fact, the same would apply to the Baltic forms. I consider the semantic similarity between, for instance, Lith. maĩšas `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz' (note that the meaning `net' is also attested in Slavic), OIc. heymeiss `hay-sack' and Eng. (dial.) maiz `large, light hay-basket' sufficient evidence for the etymological identity of the Germanic and the Balto-Slavic forms. MoIr. moais `bag, hamper', moaiseog `wicker basket' is doubtless a borrowing from Germanic.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meṣá- `ram'
    ;
    OIc. meiss `basket'
    ;
    OHG meisa `pannier'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The plural noun mexí means `fur bag, wine-skin'. \{2\} Friedrich Kurschat's dictionary (1883) mentions the more specific meaning `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > měšъkъ

  • 13 bodàti

    bodàti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `stab, sting'
    Page in Trubačev: II 122-122
    Russian:
    bodát' `butt' [verb], bodáju [1sg]
    Czech:
    bodati `stab, pierce' [verb]
    Slovak:
    bodat' `stab' [verb]
    Slovene:
    bọ̑dati `sting, stitch' [verb], bọ̑dam [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    bodá `stab, feel a sharp pain' [verb]
    Lithuanian:
    badýti `butt, prick' [verb], bãdo [3ps]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰodʰ-
    IE meaning: stab
    Page in Pokorny: 113
    Comments: The ESSJa mentions forms reflecting * bodati under * badati because the o-vocalism is assumed to be analogical. Since in general *bodàti is also semantically closer to bostì (the meaning `investigate' is limited to bādàti) and in some languages occurs alongside *bādàti, it is perhaps more accurate to say that it is a recent formation.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. fodiō `dig' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bodàti

  • 14 degъtь

    degъtь Grammatical information: m. jo Proto-Slavic meaning: `tar'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 204-205
    Russian:
    dëgot' `tar' [m jo]
    Ukrainian:
    díhot' `tar' [m jo];
    déhot' `tar' [m jo]
    Czech:
    dehet `tar' [m o]
    Slovak:
    decht `tar' [m o]
    Polish:
    dziegieć `tar' [m jo]
    Slovene:
    dēgǝt `tar' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: degut(i)os
    Lithuanian:
    degùtas `tar' [m o] 2
    Latvian:
    dęguts `tar' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dʰegʷʰ-
    Comments: In view of the presumed connection between *žegti `burn' and Lith. dègti `id.', *degъtь is sometimes regarded as a borrowing from Baltic. I find it more likely that it is a relic of the original root *deg- < dʰegʷʰ- (cf. Sɫawski SP III: 34-35), cf. Sln. dę́gniti `radiate', OCz. dehna `devil'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > degъtь

  • 15 drě̄màti

    drě̄màti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `doze, slumber'
    Page in Trubačev: V 108-109
    Old Church Slavic:
    \{1\}
    Church Slavic:
    drěmati `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Russian:
    dremát' `doze, slumber' [verb], dremljú [1sg], drémljet [3sg]
    Czech:
    dřímati `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Slovak:
    driemat' `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Polish:
    drzemać `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Slovincian:
    dřìe̯măc `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    drijèmati `doze, slumber' [verb], drȉjemām [1sg], drȉjemljēm [1sg];
    Čak. drīmȁti (Vrgada) `doze, slumber' [verb], drĩml̨eš [2sg]
    Slovene:
    drẹ́mati `doze, slumber' [verb], drẹ́mam [1sg], drẹ́mljem [3sg]
    Bulgarian:
    drémja `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Comments: It has been suggested that the Slavic root *drěm- is a contamination of * dreh₁-, cf. Skt. ni-drāyā́t (Br) 3sg. opt. `may sleep, slumber', and * dremß-, cf. Lat. dormīre `sleep'. A reconstruction * dreh₁m is in conflict with the accentual evidence, however. It is therefore more likely that *drěmati has a secondary lengthened grade vowel, which is not uncommon in intensives (cf. Klingenschmitt 1989: 81).
    Other cognates:
    Skt. ni-drāyā́t (Br) `sleep, slumber' [3sopa];
    Lat. dormīre `sleep'
    Notes:
    \{1\} In OCS, we only find drěmanie (Ps. Sin.) Asg. `slumber'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > drě̄màti

  • 16 dьly

    dьly Grammatical information: f. ū Proto-Slavic meaning: `cask'
    Page in Trubačev: V 210
    Church Slavic:
    dьly (MBulg.) `clay cask' [f ū], dьlъve [Gens] \{1\};
    dьly (RuCS) `cask' [f ū];
    dъly (RuCS) `cask' [f ū];
    delva (RuCS) `cask' [f ā];
    delьvь (RuCS) `cask' [f i]
    Bulgarian:
    délva `big jug with handles' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: The closest cognate of this etymon seems to be Lat. dōlium. OIr. delb f. `form, image' and W delw f. `form, image, idol' [f] are semantically more abstract.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. dōlium `pot, drinking vessel (of stone)' [n]
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Nsg. is attested as dlъvi.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dьly

  • 17 esetь

    esetь Grammatical information: f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `rack for drying grain'
    Page in Trubačev: -
    Russian:
    osét' `granary, rack for drying grain' [f i]
    Belorussian:
    (v)ósec' (W.), aséc' (W.) `granary, drying shed' [f i];
    osëtka (dial.) `granary', asëtka (dial.) `spot in granary for drying sheafs' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    ósit' (dial.) `granary' [f i]
    Polish:
    jesieć (dial.) `grain sieve' [f i];
    osieć (E. dial.) `granary' [f i];
    jesiótka (dial.) `grain sieve' [f ā];
    osiótka (W dial.) `granary' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: eś-et-i-
    Lithuanian:
    akė́čios `harrow' [Nompf ā] 1;
    ekė́čios (dial.) `harrow' [Nompf ā] 1 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    ecê(k)šas `harrow' [Nompf ā]
    Old Prussian:
    aketes `harrow'
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂oḱ-et-i-
    IE meaning: harrow
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: This is another case where we find Balto-Slavic evidence for *e- corresponding to *a- or *o- in other branches of Indo-European (Rozwadowski's change). Toporov regards the k of the Baltic forms as evidence for a western technological borrowing (I: 67). Since the Baltic and Germanic forms mean exactly the same, while the Slavic forms are semantically more remote, this is a serious option.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ὀξίνα (Hes.) `an agricultural implement with iron teeth, drawn by oxen' [f];
    Lat. occa `harrow' [f];
    OHG egida `harrow' [f];
    OE eg(e)ʮe `harrow' [f];
    OW ocet `harrow' [f];
    Fi. äës `harrow'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Standard Lithuanian form with a- may stem from the territory where the development e- > a- occurred. In any case, the attestations of the form with e- (see the LKŽ, s.v.) indicate that there are Lithuanian forms completely matching Latv. ecêšas.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > esetь

  • 18 ȍlovo

    ȍlovo Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `lead'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 76-77
    Old Church Slavic:
    ólovo (Supr.) `lead' [n o]
    Russian:
    ólovo `tin' [n o]
    Old Russian:
    olovь `tin' [f i]
    Czech:
    olovo `lead' [n o]
    Slovak:
    olovo `lead' [n o]
    Polish:
    oɫów `lead' [m jo];
    oɫów (obs.) `lead' [m o];
    oɫowo (dial.) `lead' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    ȍlovo lead' [n o];
    Čak. ȍlovo (Vrgada) lead' [n o]
    Slovene:
    olǫ́v `lead' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    élavo (dial.) `lead' [n o] \{1\}
    Lithuanian:
    álvas (DK, Bretk.) `tin' [m o] \{2\}
    Latvian:
    al̂va `tin' [f ā];
    al̂vas `tin' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    alwis (EV) `lead'
    IE meaning: tin, lead
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: -
    Comments: Pokorny derives the Balto-Slavic word for `tin, lead' from *al(ǝ)- `white'. This more or less presupposes that the original meaning was `tin' (plumbum album) rather than `lead' (plumbum nigrum). In view of both the formal problems and the sphere to which this word belong it seems preferable to regard it as a borrowing from an unknown language.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Forms with *(j)e- are limited to Bulgarian, e.g. MBulg. jelovo, Bulg. (dial.) élavo. In Russian dialects, we find a form lov' (Voronež), which may reflect *olvь. The fact that we do not have *lavь < *olHvi-, as we might have expected on the basis of the Baltic forms, can be explained by assuming that the laryngeal was eliminated according to Meillet's law before the metathesis of liquids. \{2\} It's unclear to me on what grounds the LKŽ assigns AP 1 to this word. To my knowledge, the only accented form is áɫwu Isg. (DK), which points to AP 1 or 3. The Modern Lithuanian form ãlavas is a borrowing from Slavic.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȍlovo

  • 19 pìtja

    pìtja Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `food'
    Old Church Slavic:
    pišta `food, bliss' [f jā]
    Russian:
    píšča `food' [f jā]
    Czech:
    píce `fodder' [f jā]
    Old Polish:
    pica `fodder, victuals' [f jā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    pȉća `fodder' [f jā]
    Slovene:
    píča `food, fodder' [f jā]
    Lithuanian:
    piẽtūs `dinner' [Nompm u]
    Comments: The root of Skt. pitú- and related forms is sometimes reconstructed as * pei- (cf. * peiH in Skt. pī́van- `fat', etc.), but * peit- seems more plausible. In view of the accentuation of * pitja, however, one may wonder whether the root * peiH may have influenced * peit-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. pitú- `nourishment'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > pìtja

  • 20 ūslò(?)

    ūslò(?) Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `woven fabric on a loom'
    Russian:
    usló (Kostrom.) `woven fabric on a loom' [n o] \{1\}
    Comments: The most plausible etymology for this obscure form involves a connection with Lith. áusti (1sg. áudžiu) `weave'. Vasmer (s.v.) reconstructs the suffix as *-slo, but I find *- tlo more attractive. In this case, the correspondence between AP (b) in Slavic and an acute root in Baltic would not pose a problem because the glottal stop originating from Winter's law would be lost in pretonic position (see Derksen 1996: 105-111).
    Notes:
    \{1\} As far as I know, this form has only been recorded by Dal', who adds a question mark. The word is illustrated by the sentence Сколъ велико усло? `Много ли наткала'?'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ūslò(?)

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