-
1 esera
esera Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `fishbone, awn'Page in Trubačev: VI 29-30Polish:fishbone, fish scales' [Nompf ā]Slovincian:jìe̯zo_ră `fishbone' [f ā]Polabian:jeseråi `awn, beard (on ears of grain)' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: eś-er-aʔLithuanian:ešerỹs `perch (perca fluvialis), fin' [f ā] 3b;ašerỹs (dial.) `perch (perca fluvialis), fin' [f ā] 3bLatvian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eḱ-er-Certainty: +Page in Pokorny: 18Comments: It seems obvious that this Balto-Slavic etymon is cognate with Germanic *ah-s-/*ah-iz- `ear', cf. Go. ahs n., OIc. ax n., OHG ahir, ehir n., and with such forms as OHG ahil `Ährenspitze', MoE (arch.) ail `beard on wheat and barley' (Kluge s.v. Ähre). A nice parallel for the meaning `perch' is OIc. ǫgr `bass' < *agura- < h₂eḱ-. Since the root is probably *h₂eḱ- `sharp', the forms with *e- must be considered instances of Rozwadowski's change. Note that we find a- in the Latvian forms but also in Lith. ašakà `fishbone' and aš(t)rùs `sharp'.Notes:It seems obvious that this Balto-Slavic etymon is cognate with Germanic *ah-s-/*ah-iz- `ear', cf. Go. ahs n., OIc. ax n., OHG ahir, ehir n., and with such forms as OHG ahil `Ährenspitze', MoE (arch.) ail `beard on wheat and barley' (Kluge s.v. Ähre). A nice parallel for the meaning `perch' is OIc. ǫgr `bass' < *agura- < h₂eḱ-. Since the root is probably *h₂eḱ- `sharp', the forms with *e- must be considered instances of Rozwadowski's change. Note that we find a- in the Latvian forms but also in Lith. ašakà `fishbone' and aš(t)rùs `sharp'. -
2 màkъ
màkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `poppy'Page in Trubačev: XVII 149-151Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:mák `poppy' [m o]Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:mȁk `poppy' [m o], mȁka [Gens], màka [Gens];Čak. mȁk (Vrgada) `poppy' [m o], makȁ [Gens]Slovene:màk `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]Bulgarian:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ?Lithuanian:aguonà `poppy' [f ā] 2;mãguonė (dial.) `poppy' [f ē] 1 \{1\}Latvian:Old Prussian:IE meaning: poppyCertainty: -Page in Pokorny: 698Comments: The Germanic forms show grammatischer Wechsel as well as an alternation *ā: a. The vocalism, which could reflect PIE *eh₁: h₁, does not match the ā of the Greek and the Slavic forms, which leads us to assume that the vowel alternation arose when at a comparatively late stage the root māk- was borrowed into Germanic (cf. Kluge 1989, 484). The Lithuanian and Latvian forms are usually considered borrowings from Germanic, whereas OPr. moke may have been borrowed from Polish. The Estonian and Livonian forms must be borrowings from Baltic, probably Latvian. It is generally agreed upon that ultimately we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European (Mediterranean?) origin.Other cognates:Dor. μά̑κων `poppy' [f];Notes:\{1\} Besides, we find the variants maguona and magūna. The forms with m are restricted to the area around Klaipėda. \{2\} I have found the variants magùona2, magana, magane and magūne. \{3\} The initial m of the word for `poppy' was apparently lost in Lithuanian but not in Latvian. The Lithuanian dialect forms with m- may be due to the influence of the (Latvian) language of the fishermen of the Couronian Isthmus (cf. Būga RR III: 320). Sabaliauskas suggests dissimilatory loss of m, parallel to the loss of r in arotai: rarotai, akrūtas: rakrūtas, Latv. ruodere: uodere, ūk̨eris (1960, 71-72). \{4\} The first element means `sleep', cf. Nw. dial. vale `deep sleep', Sw. dial. valbjörn `Schlafdorn'. -
3 mělь
mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. oPage in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168Old Church Slavic:měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]Russian:Czech:měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]Old Czech:měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]Slovene:mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-Lithuanian:smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-Certainty: +Page in Pokorny: 717Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).Other cognates:Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank';Notes:\{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root. -
4 mělъ
mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. oPage in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168Old Church Slavic:měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]Russian:Czech:měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]Old Czech:měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]Slovene:mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-Lithuanian:smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-Certainty: +Page in Pokorny: 717Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).Other cognates:Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank';Notes:\{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root. -
5 žuriti
žuriti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `rage'Russian:žurít' (coll.) `reprove, scold' [verb], žurjú [1sg], žurít [3sg];žurít'sja (dial.) `grieve, quarrel' [verb], žurjús' [1sg], žurítsja [3sg]Czech:zuřiti `rage, be furious' [verb] \{1\}Slovak:zúrit' `rage, be furious' [verb] \{1\}Polish:żurzyć się (obs.) `be angry, rage' [verb]Lower Sorbian:zuriś `make sour, embitter' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:Slovene:žúriti se `hurry' [verb], žúrim se [1sg]Indo-European reconstruction: gʰeuro-Comments: According to Young (2002), the West Slavic forms continue a denominative verb based on an unattested adjective corresponding to Lith. žiaurùs `cruel, savage', which he assumes to have the same root as Lith. žvėrìs `wild animal' (*ǵʰeuh₁r-?). Like Vasmer and others, he connects the East and South Slavic forms with Skt. ghorá- `terrible, terrifying' [adj] and Go. gaurs `sad' [adj]. Since the meaning of the West Slavic forms may have been influenced by German sauer `sour, angry' (perhaps through association with West Slavic * žurъ `sour mass used for soup or bread', which is regarded as a borrowing), I wonder if it is necessary to assume a different origin for the West Slavic forms on the one hand and the East and South Slavic forms on the other.Other cognates:Skt. ghorá- (RV+) `terrible, terrifying' [adj];Notes:\{1\} With dissimilation of *žuř- to zuř- in Czech (Machek 1971: s.v.). The Slovak form may be a borrowing from Czech. -
6 esetь
esetь Grammatical information: f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `rack for drying grain'Page in Trubačev: -Russian:osét' `granary, rack for drying grain' [f i]Belorussian:(v)ósec' (W.), aséc' (W.) `granary, drying shed' [f i];osëtka (dial.) `granary', asëtka (dial.) `spot in granary for drying sheafs' [f ā]Ukrainian:ósit' (dial.) `granary' [f i]Polish:jesieć (dial.) `grain sieve' [f i];osieć (E. dial.) `granary' [f i];jesiótka (dial.) `grain sieve' [f ā];osiótka (W dial.) `granary' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: eś-et-i-Lithuanian:akė́čios `harrow' [Nompf ā] 1;ekė́čios (dial.) `harrow' [Nompf ā] 1 \{1\}Latvian:Old Prussian:aketes `harrow'Indo-European reconstruction: h₂oḱ-et-i-IE meaning: harrowPage in Pokorny: 18Comments: This is another case where we find Balto-Slavic evidence for *e- corresponding to *a- or *o- in other branches of Indo-European (Rozwadowski's change). Toporov regards the k of the Baltic forms as evidence for a western technological borrowing (I: 67). Since the Baltic and Germanic forms mean exactly the same, while the Slavic forms are semantically more remote, this is a serious option.Other cognates:Fi. äës `harrow'Notes:\{1\} The Standard Lithuanian form with a- may stem from the territory where the development e- > a- occurred. In any case, the attestations of the form with e- (see the LKŽ, s.v.) indicate that there are Lithuanian forms completely matching Latv. ecêšas. -
7 olьxa
olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82Russian:ol'xá `alder' [f ā];ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:Bulgarian:elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-Lithuanian:al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1Latvian:àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂IE meaning: alderCertainty: -Page in Pokorny: 302-303Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).Other cognates:OIc. ǫlr `alder', jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}Notes:\{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively. -
8 elьxa
olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82Russian:ol'xá `alder' [f ā];ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:Bulgarian:elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-Lithuanian:al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1Latvian:àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂IE meaning: alderCertainty: -Page in Pokorny: 302-303Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).Other cognates:OIc. ǫlr `alder', jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}Notes:\{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively. -
9 ȅsenь
ȅsenь Grammatical information: f. i Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `autumn'Page in Trubačev: VI 28-29Church Slavic:Russian:ósen' `autumn' [f i];jésen' (Rjaz.) `autumn' [f i]Ukrainian:ósin' `autumn' [f i]Slovak:jeseň `autumn' [f i]Polish:jesień `autumn' [f i]Serbo-Croatian:jȅsēn `autumn' [f i];Čak. jȅsēn (Vrgada) `autumn' [f i];Čak. jȅsēn (Novi) `autumn' [f i];Čak. jȅsen (Orbanići) `autumn' [nd]Slovene:jesę́n `autumn' [f i]Bulgarian:jésen `autumn' [f i]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: es-eni-Old Prussian:assanis `autumn'IE meaning: summer, autumnCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 340Comments: If the root is indeed PIE *h₁s `to be', which would lead to a reconstruction *h₁os-en-, the e- of the Slavic forms as opposed to the *o- elsewhere (Old Prussian being inconclusive) may be an instance of ablaut or a result of "Rozwadowski's change".Other cognates:Notes:The e- of the Slavic forms as opposed to the *o- elsewhere (Old Prussian being unclear) may be an instance of ablaut or a result of "Rozwadowski's change", but it must be said that the etymology is unclear. The Greek forms may reflect *οσαρᾱ, which would point to an r/n-stem. -
10 ešče
ešče Grammatical information: adv. Proto-Slavic meaning: `still, yet'Page in Trubačev: VI 32-33Old Church Slavic:Russian:eščë `still, yet' [adv];Czech:ještě `still, yet' [adv]Old Czech:Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:jȍšt(e) `still, yet' [adv];Čak. jošćȅ (Vrgada) `still, yet' [adv];Čak. jȍš (Orbanići) `still, yet' [adv]Slovene:šè `still, yet' [adv];ščè `still, yet' [adv];íšče `still, yet' [adv]Bulgarian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₁eske(h₁)Other cognates:Skt. áchā `to' [prep., pvb.];Arm. c` `to, till' [prep.] \{2\}Notes:\{1\} In Russian dialects forms with e- occur alongside forms with o-. This variation is already found in Old Russian. \{2\} Forms such as SCr. jȍšte, Bulg. (dial.) jóšte and Sln. (dial.) išče result from the accretion of *i `and'. The *o-variants in this word are attested in a remarkably large area. The alternative etymologies contain a deictic element *edʰ- or *et- (see ESSJa s.v.). -
11 ȁsenь
ȁsenь; ȁsenъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `ash-tree'Page in Trubačev: I 79-80Russian:jásen' `ash-tree' [m jo]Czech:jasaň (dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo];jeseň (dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo]Slovak:jaseň `ash-tree' [m jo]Polish:jasień (arch., S. dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo];jesień (arch.) `ash-tree' [m jo];Old Polish:jasień `ash-tree' [m jo]Slovincian:jȧ̃sȯu̯n `ash-tree' [m o]Upper Sorbian:jaseń `ash-tree' [m jo]Serbo-Croatian:jȁsēn `ash-tree' [m o], jȁsena [Gens];Čak. jȁsen (Vrgada) `ash-tree' [m o], jȁsena [Gens];Čak. jȅsēn (Novi) `ash-tree' [m o];Čak. jȅsen (Orbanići) `(European) ash (tree)' [m o], jȅsena [Gens]Slovene:jásen `ash-tree' [m o], jasẹ́na [Gens];jésen `ash-tree' [m o], jesẹ́na [Gens]Bulgarian:jásen `ash-tree' [m o];ósen (N.) `ash-tree' [m o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: oʔs-en-; oʔs-i-o-Lithuanian:úosis `ash-tree' [m io] 1Latvian:Old Prussian:woasis (EV) `ash-tree'Indo-European reconstruction: Heh₃-s-IE meaning: ash-treeComments: In view of the Baltic forms as well as Ru. ja- ( je- > ja- is common in West Slavic and western South Slavic but not in East Slavic), we must reconstruct *oʔs- < *Heh₃-s- for Balto-Slavic. Unless the West and South Slavic forms with je-/o- continue ja- (cf. Sɫawski SP I: 159), Slavic also offers evidence for the elsewhere in Indo-European widely attested stem shape *Hh₃es. The e-vocalism could be considered an example of Rozwadowski's change (see Andersen 1996).Other cognates:Alb. ah `beech'Notes:\{1\} The Standard Polish form jesion originates from the Mazowian dialect area (Bańkowski 2000: 588). -
12 ȁsenъ
ȁsenь; ȁsenъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `ash-tree'Page in Trubačev: I 79-80Russian:jásen' `ash-tree' [m jo]Czech:jasaň (dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo];jeseň (dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo]Slovak:jaseň `ash-tree' [m jo]Polish:jasień (arch., S. dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo];jesień (arch.) `ash-tree' [m jo];Old Polish:jasień `ash-tree' [m jo]Slovincian:jȧ̃sȯu̯n `ash-tree' [m o]Upper Sorbian:jaseń `ash-tree' [m jo]Serbo-Croatian:jȁsēn `ash-tree' [m o], jȁsena [Gens];Čak. jȁsen (Vrgada) `ash-tree' [m o], jȁsena [Gens];Čak. jȅsēn (Novi) `ash-tree' [m o];Čak. jȅsen (Orbanići) `(European) ash (tree)' [m o], jȅsena [Gens]Slovene:jásen `ash-tree' [m o], jasẹ́na [Gens];jésen `ash-tree' [m o], jesẹ́na [Gens]Bulgarian:jásen `ash-tree' [m o];ósen (N.) `ash-tree' [m o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: oʔs-en-; oʔs-i-o-Lithuanian:úosis `ash-tree' [m io] 1Latvian:Old Prussian:woasis (EV) `ash-tree'Indo-European reconstruction: Heh₃-s-IE meaning: ash-treeComments: In view of the Baltic forms as well as Ru. ja- ( je- > ja- is common in West Slavic and western South Slavic but not in East Slavic), we must reconstruct *oʔs- < *Heh₃-s- for Balto-Slavic. Unless the West and South Slavic forms with je-/o- continue ja- (cf. Sɫawski SP I: 159), Slavic also offers evidence for the elsewhere in Indo-European widely attested stem shape *Hh₃es. The e-vocalism could be considered an example of Rozwadowski's change (see Andersen 1996).Other cognates:Alb. ah `beech'Notes:\{1\} The Standard Polish form jesion originates from the Mazowian dialect area (Bańkowski 2000: 588). -
13 bě̄dà
bě̄dà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `need, poverty, misery'Page in Trubačev: II 54-56Old Church Slavic:běda `distress, need, necessity' [f ā]Russian:bedá `misfortune, trouble' [f ā]Czech:bída `poverty, misery' [f ā];běda `woe!' [interj]Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:Upper Sorbian:běda `grief, woe, misery' [f ā]Lower Sorbian:běda `grief, pain' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:bijèda `grief, misfortune' [f ā]Slovene:bẹ́da `misery' [f ā]Bulgarian:bedá `misfortune, misery' [f ā]IE meaning: forceCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 117Comments: According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds.Other cognates:Alb. be `oath' [f] \{2\}Notes:\{1\} The vocalism of Modern Polish bieda `id.' is of Mazowian origin, cf. biada `woe!'. \{2\} According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds. \{3\} Demiraj prefers *bʰeidʰ-i-s to an ā-stem (1997: 94). -
14 bòlto
bòlto Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `swamp'Page in Trubačev: II 179-182Old Church Slavic:Russian:bolóto `swamp' [n o]Czech:bláto `mud' [n o]Polish:Slovincian:blùo̯to `swamp' [n o]Upper Sorbian:bɫóto `mud' [n o]Serbo-Croatian:blȁto `mud, swampy terrain' [n o];Čak. blȁto (Vrgada) `mud, swampy terrain' [n o];Čak. blȁto (Orbanići) `mud, dirt' [n o]Slovene:blátọ `mud, swamp' [n o]Bulgarian:bláto `mud, swamp' [n o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bolʔtoLithuanian:báltas `white' [adj o] 3;balà `swamp' [f ā] 3Latvian:bal̃ts `white' [adj o]Old Prussian:Page in Pokorny: 118Comments: Both formally and semantically, *bòlto may derive from PIE *bʰelH- `white', cf. Pl. dial. biel, bielaw, Bel. bel' `swampy meadow' (ESSJa II: 180). PSl. *bolto is sometimes considered an "Illyrian" substratum word. In this connection not only the above-mentioned forms from the Balkan peninsula are adduced, but also Romance forms such as Lomb. palta, Piém. pauta.Other cognates:Alb. baltë `mud, swamp' [f];Rum. baltă `mud, swamp' [f] \{2\}Notes:\{1\} Cf. also the Rythabalt meadow and the placename Peusebalten. Namuynbalt is the equivalent of Namoyumpelk ( pelk `swamp'). -
15 bolzìna
bolzìna Grammatical information: f. āPage in Trubačev: II 183-184Serbo-Croatian:blàzina `pillow, bolster' [f ā]Slovene:blazína `roof-beam, cross-beam, pillow, mattress, bolster' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bolźeiʔnaʔ; bolźeiʔnosLithuanian:balžíenas `cross-beam (harrow,waggon, sledge)' [m o] 1/3;balžíena `cross-beam (harrow,waggon, sledge)' [f ā] 1/3Latvian:bàlziêns `cross-beam (sledge, plough)' [m o]Old Prussian:balsinis `cushion';pobalso `bolster'Indo-European reconstruction: bʰolǵʰ-Comments: It seems plausible that we are dealing with two, formally indistinguishable roots (cf. IEW: 122-123, 125-126). The meaning `pillow, bolster' belongs to the same root that underlies Lith. bal̃nas, OHG balg etc. Stang (1972, 14) attempts to separate `beam' from `pillow, bellows' on formal grounds (*ǵ vs. ǵʰ, respectively), but this does not seem to work, as the Balto-Slavic forms that would *ǵ do not show the effects of Winter's law. It is more likely that the Germanic forms with *k contain * k(k) < *ǵʰ-n- (Kluge's law).Other cognates: -
16 brestì
brestì Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: c? Proto-Slavic meaning: `wade'Page in Trubačev: III 14-15Old Church Slavic:\{1\}Church Slavic:Russian:brestí `drag oneself along, stroll pensively' [verb], bredú [1sg], bredët [3sg]Ukrainian:brestý `drag oneself along, wade' [verb], bredú [1sg], bredët [3sg]Old Czech:Slovak:Slovincian:brȧ̃sc `wade' [verb], brȧ̃dą [1sg]Polabian:bradĕ `wade' [1sg]Slovene:brésti `wade' [verb], brédem `wade' [1sg]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bred-Lithuanian:brìsti `wade' [verb], breñda [3sg], brìdo [3sgprt] \{2\}Latvian:IE meaning: wadePage in Pokorny: 164Comments: The root must be reconstructed as * bʰredʰ-.Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} The forms neprěbredomъ and neprěbredimъ `infinite', which are mentioned in the SSJ, do not occur in texts belonging to the canon. \{2\} Proto-East Baltic *bristi must have ousted *birsti < *bʰrdʰ-ti on the analogy of forms with full grade. -
17 brьdnǫti
brьdnǫti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `wade'Page in Trubačev: III 67Czech:břednouti `melt, (obs.) wade' [verb]Slovak:bŕdnut' `wade, roam' [verb]Polish:brnąć `wade' [verb]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bird-Lithuanian:brìsti `wade' [verb], breñda [3sg], brìdo [3sgprt]Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: bʰrdʰ-IE meaning: wadePage in Pokorny: 164Comments: One would have suspected *bьrdnǫti, but Cz. břednouti points to *brьd. Apparently the zero grade of the root was influenced by the full grade of other forms. Likewise, Proto-East Baltic *bristi must have ousted *birsti < *bʰrdʰ-ti on the analogy of forms with full grade. How old the metathesis actually is, cannot be determined. -
18 bьčelà
bьčelà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bee'Page in Trubačev: III 104-105Old Church Slavic:Russian:pčeĺa `bee' [f ā];bčelá (dial.) `bee' [f ā];bželá (dial.) `bee' [f ā]Ukrainian:bdžolá `bee' [f ā];pčolá `bee' [f ā]Czech:Slovak:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Lower Sorbian:Polabian:celă `bee' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:pčèla `bee' [f ā];čèla `bee' [f ā];Čak. čȅla (Vrgada) `bee' [f ā];Čak. čelȁ (Novi) `bee' [f ā];Čak. čȅlica (Orbanići) `bee' [f jā]Slovene:bǝčę̑la `bee' [f ā];bčę̑la `bee' [f ā];čǝbę̑la `bee' [f ā];čǝbę̑la `bee' [f ā];čę̑la `bee' [f ā];čmę̑la `bee' [f ā]Bulgarian:pčelá `bee' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bi-t-; bi-kel-eh₂Lithuanian:bìtė `bee' [f ē] 2Latvian:Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: bʰi-IE meaning: beePage in Pokorny: 116Comments: The North European root bʰi occurs with various suffixes. The *-k- of the Slavic forms is also found in OIr. bech < *bi-ko-. The main alternative etymology departs from PSl. *bъčela and advocates a connection with bučati `make a loud noise, roar'. This is the eymology preferred by Sɫawski (SP I: 456-457).Other cognates:OIc. bý `bee' [n];OE béo `bee' [f];Notes: -
19 čerdà
čerdà; čérdъ Grammatical information: f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `file, herd'Page in Trubačev: IV 60-63Old Church Slavic:črěda `order, herd' [f ā]Russian:čeredá (dial.) `sequence, turn' [f ā], čéredu [Accs];čerëd `turn, (coll.) queue' [m o]Ukrainian:čéred `turn' [m o]Czech:třída `row, turn, street' [f ā]Slovak:čřieda `herd' [f ā]Polish:Old Polish:Slovincian:střȯ́u̯dă `herd' [f ā]Upper Sorbian:črjóda `multitude' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:čréda `turn, sequence' [f ā];Čak. črīdȁ (Vrgada: obs.) `herd (of sheep)' [f ā];Čak. črēdȁ (Novi) `herd (of sheep)' [f ā], črȇdu [Accs]Slovene:črẹ́da `flock, herd, row' [f ā]Bulgarian:čerdá `herd (of cattle)' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)kerdaʔLithuanian:(s)ker̃džius `herdsman, shepherd' [m ju]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: On the basis of Balto-Slavic and Gothic we may reconstruct *(s)ḱerdʰ-eh₂. The connection with the Indo-Aryan forms mentioned below is dubious (Mayrhofer EWAia II: 619-620).Page in Pokorny: 579Other cognates:Skt. śárdha- `host (of Maruts)';Skt. śárdhas- `troop, host (of Maruts)' [n];Go. haírda [f ā].Notes:\{1\} The connection with the Indo-Aryan forms is dubious, however (Mayrhofer EWAia II: 619-620). -
20 čerdъ
čerdà; čérdъ Grammatical information: f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `file, herd'Page in Trubačev: IV 60-63Old Church Slavic:črěda `order, herd' [f ā]Russian:čeredá (dial.) `sequence, turn' [f ā], čéredu [Accs];čerëd `turn, (coll.) queue' [m o]Ukrainian:čéred `turn' [m o]Czech:třída `row, turn, street' [f ā]Slovak:čřieda `herd' [f ā]Polish:Old Polish:Slovincian:střȯ́u̯dă `herd' [f ā]Upper Sorbian:črjóda `multitude' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:čréda `turn, sequence' [f ā];Čak. črīdȁ (Vrgada: obs.) `herd (of sheep)' [f ā];Čak. črēdȁ (Novi) `herd (of sheep)' [f ā], črȇdu [Accs]Slovene:črẹ́da `flock, herd, row' [f ā]Bulgarian:čerdá `herd (of cattle)' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)kerdaʔLithuanian:(s)ker̃džius `herdsman, shepherd' [m ju]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: On the basis of Balto-Slavic and Gothic we may reconstruct *(s)ḱerdʰ-eh₂. The connection with the Indo-Aryan forms mentioned below is dubious (Mayrhofer EWAia II: 619-620).Page in Pokorny: 579Other cognates:Skt. śárdha- `host (of Maruts)';Skt. śárdhas- `troop, host (of Maruts)' [n];Go. haírda [f ā].Notes:\{1\} The connection with the Indo-Aryan forms is dubious, however (Mayrhofer EWAia II: 619-620).
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