Перевод: со словенского на английский

с английского на словенский

we+consider

  • 1 imeti koga za kaj

    Slovenian-english dictionary > imeti koga za kaj

  • 2 pretehtati

    consider, debate

    Slovenian-english dictionary > pretehtati

  • 3 razmišljati

    consider, debate, think

    Slovenian-english dictionary > razmišljati

  • 4 upoštevati

    consider, follow, note, respect

    Slovenian-english dictionary > upoštevati

  • 5 bě̄dà

    bě̄dà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `need, poverty, misery'
    Page in Trubačev: II 54-56
    Old Church Slavic:
    běda `distress, need, necessity' [f ā]
    Russian:
    bedá `misfortune, trouble' [f ā]
    Czech:
    bída `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    běda `woe!' [interj]
    Slovak:
    bieda `poverty, calamity' [f ā]
    Polish:
    bieda `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    biada `woe!' [interj]
    Old Polish:
    biada `distress, necessity' [f ā] \{1\}
    Upper Sorbian:
    běda `grief, woe, misery' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    běda `grief, pain' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bijèda `grief, misfortune' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    bẹ́da `misery' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    bedá `misfortune, misery' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰoidʰ-eh₂ \{2\}
    IE meaning: force
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 117
    Comments: According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds.
    Other cognates:
    Alb. be `oath' [f] \{2\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} The vocalism of Modern Polish bieda `id.' is of Mazowian origin, cf. biada `woe!'. \{2\} According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds. \{3\} Demiraj prefers *bʰeidʰ-i-s to an ā-stem (1997: 94).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bě̄dà

  • 6 olbodà

    olbodà; elbedà Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `goosefoot'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 18; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lebedá `goosefoot' [f ā];
    lobodá `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Czech:
    lebeda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    loboda (dial.) `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    loboda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    lebeda (dial.) `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Polish:
    lebioda `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lobòda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    Čak. lobodȁ (Vrgada) `goosefoot (?)' [f ā];
    Čak. lobodȁ (Novi) `goosefoot (?)' [f ā], lȍbode [Nom p];
    Čak. lobodȁ (Orbanići) `unidentified plant (wild basil?)' [f ā], lobodȍ [Accs]
    Slovene:
    lóboda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    lobóda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    lebę́da `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    lóboda `goosefoot' [f ā]
    IE meaning: goosefoot
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: The anlaut of dialect forms such as Pl. ɫabądź or SCr. laboda must be analogous after the words for `swan'. The reconstruction *olboda is not without problems in view of the consistent reflex *lo- in South Slavic (but cf. SCr. rȍb `slave'?), which also doesn't match the *la- of the `swan' word. We must seriously consider the possibility that the proto-form was *h₂lob-oda (*h₂leb-eda) (for further discussion see s.v. *olbǫdь).
    Notes:
    The anlaut of dialect forms such as Pl. ɫabądź or SCr. laboda must be analogous after the words for `swan'. The reconstruction *olboda is not without problems in view of the consistent reflex *lo- in South Slavic (but cf. SCr. rȍb `slave'?), which also doesn't match the *la- of the `swan' word. We must seriously consider the possibility that the proto-form was *h₂lob-oda (*h₂leb-eda) (for further discussion see s.v. *olbǫdь).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olbodà

  • 7 elbedà

    olbodà; elbedà Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `goosefoot'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 18; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lebedá `goosefoot' [f ā];
    lobodá `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Czech:
    lebeda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    loboda (dial.) `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    loboda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    lebeda (dial.) `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Polish:
    lebioda `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lobòda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    Čak. lobodȁ (Vrgada) `goosefoot (?)' [f ā];
    Čak. lobodȁ (Novi) `goosefoot (?)' [f ā], lȍbode [Nom p];
    Čak. lobodȁ (Orbanići) `unidentified plant (wild basil?)' [f ā], lobodȍ [Accs]
    Slovene:
    lóboda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    lobóda `goosefoot' [f ā];
    lebę́da `goosefoot' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    lóboda `goosefoot' [f ā]
    IE meaning: goosefoot
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: The anlaut of dialect forms such as Pl. ɫabądź or SCr. laboda must be analogous after the words for `swan'. The reconstruction *olboda is not without problems in view of the consistent reflex *lo- in South Slavic (but cf. SCr. rȍb `slave'?), which also doesn't match the *la- of the `swan' word. We must seriously consider the possibility that the proto-form was *h₂lob-oda (*h₂leb-eda) (for further discussion see s.v. *olbǫdь).
    Notes:
    The anlaut of dialect forms such as Pl. ɫabądź or SCr. laboda must be analogous after the words for `swan'. The reconstruction *olboda is not without problems in view of the consistent reflex *lo- in South Slavic (but cf. SCr. rȍb `slave'?), which also doesn't match the *la- of the `swan' word. We must seriously consider the possibility that the proto-form was *h₂lob-oda (*h₂leb-eda) (for further discussion see s.v. *olbǫdь).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elbedà

  • 8 berstъ

    berstъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: b/c Proto-Slavic meaning: `elm'
    Page in Trubačev: I 199-200
    Russian:
    bérest `elm' [m o], béresta [Gens] \{1\}
    Belorussian:
    bérast `elm' [m o], bérasta [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    bérest `elm' [m o], béresta [Gens]
    Czech:
    břest `elm' [m o]
    Slovak:
    brest `elm' [m o]
    Polish:
    brzost `elm' [m o];
    brzóst (dial.) `elm' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    brȉjest `elm' [m o], brijèsta [Gens];
    Čak. brĩst (Vrgada) `a herb similar to rosemary' [m o], brīstȁ [Gens];
    brést (Novi) `elm' [m o], brēstȁ [Gens];
    Čak. briȇs (Orbanići) `elm' [m o], brȅsta [Gens]
    Slovene:
    brẹ́st `elm' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    brjast `elm' [m o];
    brest `elm' [m o]
    Comments: If we assume that * berstъ is cognate with -> *bèrza, which has an acute root, we must explain the variant belonging AP (b). In my view, a form bʰerHǵ-tó- (admittedly with slightly unexpected end-stress) would remain oxytone in Balto-Slavic, in which case the root would be affected by the Proto-Slavic loss of pretonic laryngeals. As I consider it possible that the generalization of accentual mobility in masculine o-stems with a non-acute root vowel did not apply to the marginal class of Balto-Slavic oxytona, Illič-Svityč's reconstruction of a substantivized neuter adjective is not necessarily correct.
    Other cognates:
    Go. bairhts `bright, clear' [adj]
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč (1963: 52), mentions a Gsg. berestá (dial.).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > berstъ

  • 9 blekъ

    blekъ Grammatical information: m. o
    Page in Trubačev: II 109
    Czech:
    blek `bleating' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    blek `henbane' [m o];
    blik `henbane' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blȇk `bleating' [m o]
    Slovene:
    blę́k `flock (of sheep)' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    blek (dial.) `henbane' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰlek-o-
    Page in Pokorny: 157
    Comments: The semantic connection between *blek(ot)ъ as the name of various poisonous plants and *blekotъ `chatter, chatterer' is the fact that particularly henbane may cause a delirium, cf. Ru. (dial.) belenít'sja `become infuriated', SCr. belèna `fool' from *belena `henbane', or the Polish expression brodzi, jakby się blekotu (`fool's parsley') objadɫ, which equals Cz. jako by se blínu napil. I am inclined to consider the verbs *blekati `chatter, mutter, bleat' and *blekotati derivatives of *blekъ and *blekotъ rather than vice versa (pace Trubačëv). The development of a meaning `bleat' may have been favoured by the onomatopoeic qualities of the root. Alternatively, we could distinguish a separate onomatopoeic root *blek- `bleat' or even separate *blek- `henbane' from *blek- `chatter, mutter'. Pokorny erroneously classifies Ru. blëkotъ `fool's parsley' under *bʰleiq- `shine'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > blekъ

  • 10 drozdъ

    drozdъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c (/b?) Proto-Slavic meaning: `thrush'
    Page in Trubačev: V 126-127
    Russian:
    drozd `thrush, (čërnyj d. ) blackbird' [m o], drozdá [Gens] \{1\}
    Ukrainian:
    drizd `thrush' [m o], drozdá [Gens]
    Czech:
    drozd `thrush' [m o]
    Slovak:
    drozd `thrush' [m o]
    Polish:
    drozd `thrush' [m o]
    Slovincian:
    drȯ́u̯zd `thrush' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    drȏzd `thrush' [m o];
    drȏzak `thrush' [m o], drȏzga [Gens];
    drȏzak `thrush' [m o], drȍzga [Gens];
    Čak. drȍzak `thrush' [m o], drȍzga [Accs]
    Slovene:
    drǫ̑zd `thrush' [m o];
    drǫ̑zg `thrush, (črni d. ) blackbird' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    drozd `thrush, (coll.) blackbird' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: trozdós
    Lithuanian:
    strãzdas `thrush, (juodasis s.) blackbird, (dial.) starling' [m o] 4
    Latvian:
    strazds `thrush, (melnais s.) blackbird, (mājas s. ) starling' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    tresde `thrush'
    Indo-European reconstruction: trozd-o-
    Comments: In order to explain why * drozdъ was not, or rather only partly affected by the generalization of accentual mobilty in masculine o-stems, Illič-Svityč (1963: 45) reconstructs an u -stem, referring to OIc. ʮrǫstr < *-uz. I am inclined to consider the possibility that owing to the cluster - zd-, which prevented the Balto-Slavic retraction called Ebeling's law, *drozdъ belonged to a marginal oxytone type that in principle merged with AP (b). In that case it is no longer necessary to posit a u-stem. It must be said, by the way, that the evidence for AP (c) seems to outweigh the evidence for (c).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. turdus `thrush'
    ;
    OIr. truit `thrush' [f] \{2\};
    OIc. ʮrǫstr `thrush'
    Notes:
    \{1\} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 137). \{2\} OIr. also truid, druid.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > drozdъ

  • 11 drǫgъ

    drǫ́gъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bar, pole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 129-130
    Old Church Slavic:
    drǫgy (Euch.) `sticks' [Inspm o]
    Czech:
    drouh (obs., dial.) `bar, club' [m o]
    Slovak:
    drúh (dial.) `bar, club' [m o]
    Polish:
    drąg `bar' [m o], drąga [Gens]
    Slovincian:
    drȯ́ųg `bar, pole' [m o], drȯ́ųga [Gens]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    drȗg `rail' [m o]
    Slovene:
    drǫ̑g `bar, latticed side of a cart' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: drongos
    Lithuanian:
    drañgas `pole (used as a lever)' [m o];
    dránga `pole (used as a lever), edge (of a cart)' [f ā]
    Comments: On the basis of the Balto-Slavic and Germanic evidence, we may reconstruct * dʰrongʰ-. The limited distribution of the etymon and the fact that we find variants without a nasal or with root-final *k leads us to consider non-Indo-European origin.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. drangr `detached pillar of rock'
    ;
    OIc. drengr `heavy stick, pillar'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > drǫgъ

  • 12 drȗgъ

    I. drȗgъ I Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `companion, friend'
    Page in Trubačev: V 131-132
    Old Church Slavic:
    drugъ `friend' [m o]
    Russian:
    drug `friend' [m o]
    Czech:
    druh `friend' [m o]
    Slovak:
    druh `friend' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    drug `companion, comrade' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    drȗg `friend' [m o]
    Slovene:
    drȗg `companion, best man' [m o]
    Lithuanian:
    draũgas `friend' [m o] 4
    Latvian:
    dràugs `friend' [m o] 4
    Comments: Only Balto-Slavic and Germanic, cf. also Go. driugan `be up in arms'. I consider the connection with * dʰreugʰ- `deceive' dubious.
    Other cognates:
    Go. gadraúhts `warrior'
    ;
    OIc. dróttinn `prince, lord'
    ;
    OHG truhtīn `lord'
    II. drȗgъ II Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `other'
    Page in Trubačev: V 131-132
    Old Church Slavic:
    drugъ `other' [adj o]
    Russian:
    drugój `other' [adj o]
    Czech:
    druhý `second, other' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    druhý `second, other' [adj o]
    Polish:
    drugi `second, other' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    drȗg `second, other' [adj o];
    Čak. drȕgī (Vrgada) `second, other' [adj o];
    Čak. drȕgi (Orbanići) `other, second' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    drȗg `other' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    drug `other' [adj o]
    Comments: Etymologically identical with -> *drȗg I.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > drȗgъ

  • 13 dьlbiti

    dьlbiti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `hollow, chisel'
    Page in Trubačev: V 206
    Russian:
    dolbíti `hollow, chisel' [verb], dolbljú [1sg], dolbít [3sg]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dúbiti `hollow, chisel' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dʰlbʰ -
    Page in Pokorny: 246
    Comments: Verb in *- iti containing the zero grade of * dʰelbʰ- `dig'. Like Adams (1999: 738), I consider the etymological relationship with Toch. B tsälp- `free (from)' doubtful.
    Other cognates:
    OE delfan `dig' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dьlbiti

  • 14 golvà

    golvà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `head'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 221-222
    Old Church Slavic:
    glava `head, chapter' [f ā]
    Russian:
    golová `head' [f ā], gólovu [Accs]
    Czech:
    hlava `head' [f ā]
    Polish:
    gɫowa `head' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    hɫowa `head' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    gláva `head' [f ā], glȃvu [Accs];
    Čak. glå̄vȁ (Vrgada) `head' [f ā], glå̑vu [Accs];
    Čak. glāvȁ (Orbanići) `head (also head of cattle, head of cabbage)' [f ā], glȃvo [Accs]
    Slovene:
    gláva `head' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    glavá `head' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: golʔu̯áʔ
    Lithuanian:
    galvà `head' [f ā] 3
    Latvian:
    gal̂va `head' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    gallū `head' [f ā];
    galwo (EV) `head' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: golH-u-eh₂
    Comments: I consider it plausible that *golvà is cognate with -> *gòlъ `bald', where the *g- seems to have replaced *k-.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. calva `skull' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > golvà

  • 15 màlъ

    màlъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `small, little'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 173-178
    Old Church Slavic:
    malъ `small, little' [adj o]
    Russian:
    mályj `small, little' [adj o]
    Czech:
    malý `small, little' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    malý `small, little' [adj o]
    Polish:
    maɫy `small, little' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁo `small, little' [adj o];
    Čak. må̃lī (Vrgada) `small, little' [adj o];
    Čak. mȃli (Orbanići) `small, little' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    mȃli `small, little' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    mal (BTR) `small, little' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: moh₁-lo-
    Page in Pokorny: 724
    Comments: The question is whether *màlъ can be linked to PIE *melH-, as has been advocated by Varbot, for instance (1972: 63). In view of the acute root vowel, I consider this unlikely: we would have to posit a lengthened grade root of which the acute intonation is analogical after forms with full or zero grade. Thus, I prefer to reconstruct a root *mH₁-, which in the etymon under discussion is followed by an l-suffix (cf. Vaillant IV, 545, where the root is assumed to be identical with the root of Ru. majat', which I reconstruct as *meH₂-). The Germanic forms would have s mobile and zero grade of the root. Notice that Pokorny classifies CS mělъkъ under 1. mel-, melǝ- `zermalmen, schlagen, mahlen etc.', while OCS malъ can be found under mēlo-, smēlo- `kleines Tier'.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. μη̃λον `small cattle, goat, sheep' [n] \{1\};
    OIr. míl `(small) `animal';
    Go. smals `small, insignificant'
    ;
    OIc. smali `small (live) `stock, sheep'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Doric form also has η.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > màlъ

  • 16 mamiti

    mamiti; maniti \{1\} Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `deceive'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 189-190, 197-199
    Church Slavic:
    mamiti `deceive' [verb];
    maniti `deceive' [verb]
    Russian:
    manít' `beckon, attract, lure;
    (dial.) `deceive, lie, linger, loiter' [verb], manjú [1sg], manít [3sg]
    Czech:
    mámiti `stun, deceive, seduce' [verb]
    Slovak:
    mamit' `stun, deceive' [verb]
    Polish:
    mamić `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb];
    manić (dial.) `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb]
    Slovincian:
    mańic `attract, lure, deceive' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    mamiś `deceive, enchant' [verb];
    maniś `deceive, enchant' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mámiti `attract, lure, seduce' [verb];
    Čak. m̊āmȉti (Vrgada) `attract, lure, seduce' [verb];
    mániti (dial.) `lure' [verb]
    Slovene:
    mámiti `stun, deceive, seduce, fool' [verb], mȃmim [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    mámja `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb];
    mánja (dial.) `deceive' [verb]
    Lithuanian:
    mõnyti `practise sorcery' [verb] \{1\}
    Latvian:
    mãnît `mislead, deceive
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂m-iH-
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: According to Van Wijk (1934: 73), *mamiti is the original denominative verb, while *maniti arose through dissimilation, which was probably favoured by the existence of *manǫti. Van Wijk's hypothesis is supported by the fact that there is more a less a geographical distribution. The form *mamiti occurs in West and South Slavic, whereas *maniti occurs in East Slavic and in certain West and South Slavic regions.
    Notes:
    \{1\} I consider both the Latvian and the Lithuanian forms to be borrowings from Slavic. Endzelīns is inclined to regard Latv. mãnît as an inherited word.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mamiti

  • 17 maniti

    mamiti; maniti \{1\} Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `deceive'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 189-190, 197-199
    Church Slavic:
    mamiti `deceive' [verb];
    maniti `deceive' [verb]
    Russian:
    manít' `beckon, attract, lure;
    (dial.) `deceive, lie, linger, loiter' [verb], manjú [1sg], manít [3sg]
    Czech:
    mámiti `stun, deceive, seduce' [verb]
    Slovak:
    mamit' `stun, deceive' [verb]
    Polish:
    mamić `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb];
    manić (dial.) `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb]
    Slovincian:
    mańic `attract, lure, deceive' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    mamiś `deceive, enchant' [verb];
    maniś `deceive, enchant' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mámiti `attract, lure, seduce' [verb];
    Čak. m̊āmȉti (Vrgada) `attract, lure, seduce' [verb];
    mániti (dial.) `lure' [verb]
    Slovene:
    mámiti `stun, deceive, seduce, fool' [verb], mȃmim [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    mámja `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb];
    mánja (dial.) `deceive' [verb]
    Lithuanian:
    mõnyti `practise sorcery' [verb] \{1\}
    Latvian:
    mãnît `mislead, deceive
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂m-iH-
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: According to Van Wijk (1934: 73), *mamiti is the original denominative verb, while *maniti arose through dissimilation, which was probably favoured by the existence of *manǫti. Van Wijk's hypothesis is supported by the fact that there is more a less a geographical distribution. The form *mamiti occurs in West and South Slavic, whereas *maniti occurs in East Slavic and in certain West and South Slavic regions.
    Notes:
    \{1\} I consider both the Latvian and the Lithuanian forms to be borrowings from Slavic. Endzelīns is inclined to regard Latv. mãnît as an inherited word.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > maniti

  • 18 mě̑xъ

    mě̑xъ; měšъkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `bag (made from skin)'
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 156-159, 220-221
    Old Church Slavic:
    měxъ `wine-skin' [m o]
    Russian:
    mex `fur, (dial.) bag' [m o], méxa [Gens], mexá [Nom p] \{1\};
    mešók `bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]
    Czech:
    měch `bag, net' [m o];
    míšek `purse, small bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]
    Slovak:
    mech `bag' [m o]
    Polish:
    miech `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Slovincian:
    mjìex `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    měch `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȉjeh `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȉjeha [Gens];
    Čak. mȋh (Vrgada) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȋha [Gens];
    Čak. mȋh (Novi) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o];
    Čak. miȇh (Vrgada) `bellows, bag-pipes' [m o], miȇhe [Locs]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑h `fur, wine-skin, bellows, leather bag' [m o/u], mẹ̑ha [Gens], mẹhȗ [Gens];
    mẹ̑šǝk `small bellows' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    mjax `bellows, bag made from skin' [m o];
    mex `bellows, bag made from skin' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: moiṣós
    Lithuanian:
    maĩšas `bag, sack' [m o] 4 \{2\}
    Latvian:
    màiss `bag' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    moasis (EV) `bellows'
    Indo-European reconstruction: moiso-
    IE meaning: ram
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 747
    Comments: I feel that we should not attach too much importance to De Vries's observation that with respect to Germanic it is unwarranted to start from an original meaning `Tragkorb aus Fell' (1962: 382). In fact, the same would apply to the Baltic forms. I consider the semantic similarity between, for instance, Lith. maĩšas `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz' (note that the meaning `net' is also attested in Slavic), OIc. heymeiss `hay-sack' and Eng. (dial.) maiz `large, light hay-basket' sufficient evidence for the etymological identity of the Germanic and the Balto-Slavic forms. MoIr. moais `bag, hamper', moaiseog `wicker basket' is doubtless a borrowing from Germanic.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meṣá- `ram'
    ;
    OIc. meiss `basket'
    ;
    OHG meisa `pannier'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The plural noun mexí means `fur bag, wine-skin'. \{2\} Friedrich Kurschat's dictionary (1883) mentions the more specific meaning `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mě̑xъ

  • 19 měšъkъ

    mě̑xъ; měšъkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `bag (made from skin)'
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 156-159, 220-221
    Old Church Slavic:
    měxъ `wine-skin' [m o]
    Russian:
    mex `fur, (dial.) bag' [m o], méxa [Gens], mexá [Nom p] \{1\};
    mešók `bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]
    Czech:
    měch `bag, net' [m o];
    míšek `purse, small bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]
    Slovak:
    mech `bag' [m o]
    Polish:
    miech `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Slovincian:
    mjìex `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    měch `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȉjeh `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȉjeha [Gens];
    Čak. mȋh (Vrgada) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȋha [Gens];
    Čak. mȋh (Novi) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o];
    Čak. miȇh (Vrgada) `bellows, bag-pipes' [m o], miȇhe [Locs]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑h `fur, wine-skin, bellows, leather bag' [m o/u], mẹ̑ha [Gens], mẹhȗ [Gens];
    mẹ̑šǝk `small bellows' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    mjax `bellows, bag made from skin' [m o];
    mex `bellows, bag made from skin' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: moiṣós
    Lithuanian:
    maĩšas `bag, sack' [m o] 4 \{2\}
    Latvian:
    màiss `bag' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    moasis (EV) `bellows'
    Indo-European reconstruction: moiso-
    IE meaning: ram
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 747
    Comments: I feel that we should not attach too much importance to De Vries's observation that with respect to Germanic it is unwarranted to start from an original meaning `Tragkorb aus Fell' (1962: 382). In fact, the same would apply to the Baltic forms. I consider the semantic similarity between, for instance, Lith. maĩšas `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz' (note that the meaning `net' is also attested in Slavic), OIc. heymeiss `hay-sack' and Eng. (dial.) maiz `large, light hay-basket' sufficient evidence for the etymological identity of the Germanic and the Balto-Slavic forms. MoIr. moais `bag, hamper', moaiseog `wicker basket' is doubtless a borrowing from Germanic.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meṣá- `ram'
    ;
    OIc. meiss `basket'
    ;
    OHG meisa `pannier'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The plural noun mexí means `fur bag, wine-skin'. \{2\} Friedrich Kurschat's dictionary (1883) mentions the more specific meaning `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > měšъkъ

  • 20 mьstь

    mьstь; mьsta Grammatical information: f. i; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `vengeance, revenge'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 172-174
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьstь `vengeance, revenge, punishment, defence' [f i]
    Russian:
    mestь `vengeance, revenge' [f i];
    msta (dial.) `vengeance, revenge' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    msta (poet.) `vengeance, revenge' [f ā]
    Czech:
    msta `vengeance, revenge' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    mstva `vengeance, revenge' [f ā]
    Polish:
    msta (16th-17th. c.) `vengeance, revenge' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    măst `vengeance, revenge' [f i]
    Page in Pokorny: 715
    Comments: I consider a reconstruction * mith₂-ti- more likely than the assumption that * mьstь has the same origin as -> * mьzda.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. missa `loss, damage' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьstь

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