Перевод: со словенского на английский

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root

  • 21 blekъ

    blekъ Grammatical information: m. o
    Page in Trubačev: II 109
    Czech:
    blek `bleating' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    blek `henbane' [m o];
    blik `henbane' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blȇk `bleating' [m o]
    Slovene:
    blę́k `flock (of sheep)' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    blek (dial.) `henbane' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰlek-o-
    Page in Pokorny: 157
    Comments: The semantic connection between *blek(ot)ъ as the name of various poisonous plants and *blekotъ `chatter, chatterer' is the fact that particularly henbane may cause a delirium, cf. Ru. (dial.) belenít'sja `become infuriated', SCr. belèna `fool' from *belena `henbane', or the Polish expression brodzi, jakby się blekotu (`fool's parsley') objadɫ, which equals Cz. jako by se blínu napil. I am inclined to consider the verbs *blekati `chatter, mutter, bleat' and *blekotati derivatives of *blekъ and *blekotъ rather than vice versa (pace Trubačëv). The development of a meaning `bleat' may have been favoured by the onomatopoeic qualities of the root. Alternatively, we could distinguish a separate onomatopoeic root *blek- `bleat' or even separate *blek- `henbane' from *blek- `chatter, mutter'. Pokorny erroneously classifies Ru. blëkotъ `fool's parsley' under *bʰleiq- `shine'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > blekъ

  • 22 blęsti

    blęsti Grammatical information: v.
    Page in Trubačev: II 115
    Old Church Slavic:
    blęsti `chatter, talk nonsense' [verb], blędǫ [1sg]
    Church Slavic:
    blęsti (RuCS) `lose one's way, talk nonsense' [verb]
    Old Russian:
    bljasti `lose one's way, talk nonsense' [verb], bljadu [1sg]
    Old Czech:
    blésti `lose one's way, talk nonsense' [verb], bledu [1sg]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blesti (arch.) `talk nonsense, blaspheme' [verb]
    Slovene:
    blésti `rave, talk nonsense' [verb], blédem [1sg]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: blend-
    Lithuanian:
    blę̃sti `sleep, stir flour into soup, talk nonsense, become cloudy' [verb], bleñdžia [3sg]
    Latvian:
    bliêzt `talk nonsense' [verb], bliêž [3sg];
    blenst `btalk nonsense' [verb];
    blènst `be short-sighted' [verb] \{1\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: The root *bʰlend- seems to be limited to Balto-Slavic and Germanic.
    Page in Pokorny: 157
    Notes:
    \{1\} In ME, blenst `talk nonsense' is accented blènst2 (blènzt2) or blênst2 (blênzt2). Blenst `be short-sighted' occurs with the unambiguous accentuations blènst\ and bleñst (1x). In some dialects, the latter verb has also preserved the root-final d.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > blęsti

  • 23 blǫ̑dъ

    blǫ̑dъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `delusion'
    Page in Trubačev: II 126-127
    Old Church Slavic:
    blǫdъ `debauchery, depravity, adultery' [m o]
    Russian:
    blud `lechery, fornication, (dial.) evil spirit that leads the drunk astray' [m o]
    Czech:
    blud `mistake, delusion, insanity' [m o];
    bloud `fool' [m o] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    blud `mistake, delusion, insanity' [m o]
    Polish:
    bɫąd `mistake, delusion' [m o], bɫędu [Gens]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blȗd `mistake, delusion, lechery, adultery' [m o]
    Slovene:
    blǫ̑d `mistake, delusion, voluptuousness' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    blud `fornication, adultery, time of unrest' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: blondos
    Lithuanian:
    blañdas `cloudiness, obscuration of mind or eyesight, drowsiness' [m o];
    blandà `fog' [f ā] 4;
    blandùs `dim, cloudy, thick (soup)' [adj u]
    Latvian:
    bluods `evil spirit that leads one astray, wood-goblin' [m o]
    Page in Pokorny: 157
    Comments: Deverbative o-stem with o-grade in the root of *bʰlend-. Skt. bradhná- (RV+) `pale ruddy, yellowish, bay' [adj], which has been assumed to be cogtyy o- rather belongs together with * bronъ.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. blundr `slumber' [m o]
    Notes:
    \{1\} According to Verweij (1994: 52), the originally long root vowel of Cz. bloud may be a vestige of the accent paradigm to which *blǫdъ belonged prior to the operation of Illič-Svityč's law.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > blǫ̑dъ

  • 24 bȏrvъ

    bȏrvъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c
    Page in Trubačev: II 214-215
    Church Slavic:
    bravъ `small live stock' [m o]
    Russian:
    bórov `hog, castrated boar, (dial.) boar, castrated bull' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    borovъ `small live stock, hog, castrated boar' [m o]
    Czech:
    brav `small live stock' [m o];
    brav (dial.) `hog, castrated boar' [m o]
    Slovak:
    brav `hog, castrated boar' [m o]
    Polish:
    browek (dial.) `porker' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    brȃv `sheep (pl.), (dial.) hog, castrated boar' [m o];
    Čak. brå̑v (Vrgada) `ram' [m o]
    Slovene:
    brȃv `sheep (pl.), pig, animal' [m o];
    brȃv `sheep (pl.)' [f i]
    Bulgarian:
    brav (dial.) `ram' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰor-u-o-
    Comments: It is unclear whether this root may be identified with the root *bʰrH- of *borti and *bъrtь, as is advocated by Pokorny (133-135).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. bǫrgr `hog, castrated boar'
    ;
    OHG barug `hog, castrated boar'
    ;
    OHG barh `hog, castrated boar'
    ;
    OE bearg `hog, castrated boar'
    ;
    OE bearh `hog, castrated boar'
    ;
    MoE barrow `hog, castrated boar'
    ;
    MoDu barg `hog, castrated boar'
    \{1\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Germanic cognates point to *bʰor-u-ko-.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bȏrvъ

  • 25 bòlna

    bòlna Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `membrane'
    Page in Trubačev: II 175-177
    Church Slavic:
    blana (RuCS) `placenta' [f ā]
    Russian:
    boloná `sickly outgrowth on trees, sap-wood, (dial.) lump' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    bolona `placenta' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    bolóna `membrane, window-pane' [f ā]
    Czech:
    blána `film, membrane, web (of water-fowl), sap-wood' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    blana `membrane, film' [f ā]
    Polish:
    bɫona `membrane, film' [f ā]
    Old Polish:
    bɫona `placenta, eyeweb, peritoneum, entrails' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    bɫona `membrane, film' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    blȃna `membrane, thin skin, parchment' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    blaná `manure (used as fuel), turf' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    bálnas `white, having a white back (cattle)' [adj] 3
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰolH-neh₂
    Page in Pokorny: 118
    Comments: Both Trubačëv and Sɫawski are inclined to derive bolna `membrane, sapwood' and bolna `turf, meadow' from a root meaning `white'. Though the relationship between `membrane' and `white' may not be obvious, the relationship between the usually light-coloured sapwood and `white' is unproblematic. In view of the semantic similarities between `sapwood' and `membrane', the etymology advocated by Trubačëv and Sɫawski may very well be correct. The connection between * bolna `turf, meadow' and * bolto `swamp', where an etymology involving the root for `white' is widely accepted, seems quite plausible.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bòlna

  • 26 bỳstrъ

    bỳstrъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `quick'
    Page in Trubačev: III 153-154
    Old Church Slavic:
    bystrъ `quick' [adj o]
    Russian:
    býstryj `quick' [adj o]
    Czech:
    bystrý `quick, sharp-witted' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    bystrý `quick, sharp-witted' [adj o]
    Polish:
    bystry `quick, sharp-witted' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bȉstar `clear, transparent, quick' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    bístǝr `quick, vivacious, transparent' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    bístăr `clear, transparent' [adj o]
    Page in Pokorny: 146
    Comments: Attempts have been made to connect *bỳstrъ with -> bъ̀drъ `cheerful, lively', which derives from PIE * bʰudʰ-. This etymology fails to provide an explanation for the acute *y, however. We could assume that the root is simply * by- `be', but in that case the origin of the the suffix would be unclear. In my opinion, it is not unattractive to assume a connection with Skt. bhū́ṣati `support, be active for assume, strengthen', the root of which is probably an s-enlargement of * bʰu- `be'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bỳstrъ

  • 27 bъrna

    bъrna Grammatical information: f. ā
    Page in Trubačev: III 130
    Slovene:
    bŕna (Steiermark) `carnival mask depicting an animal' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    bắrna `lip' [f ā]
    Macedonian:
    brna `nose-ring (of animals)' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    burnà `mouth, face' [f ā] 3
    Latvian:
    puȓns `snout' [m o]
    Comments: The root can be reconstructed as a zero grade * bʰrH-, wich may be identical with the root of Lat. forāre, OHG borōn `perforate'. For the initial p of the Latvian form, see Kiparsky 1968.
    Other cognates:
    Arm. beran `mouth'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bъrna

  • 28 cě̄và

    cě̄và Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `shin-bone, tube, bobbin, spool'
    Page in Trubačev: III 190-191
    Russian:
    cévka `bobbin, spool, (esp. hollow) bone, (dial.) shin-bone' [f ā];
    kévka (Arx., Psk.) `bobbin, spool, (esp. hollow) bone, (dial.) shin-bone' [f ā] \{1\}
    Czech:
    céva `vein' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    cěva `tube, spool' [f ā];
    cieva `tube, spool' [f ā];
    cievka `small tube' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    cieva `tube, vein' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    cywa `spool, reed' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    Čak. cȋva (Vrgada) `bobbin, spool' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    cẹ̑vka `bobbin, spool' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: koi-u-aʔ; ḱoi-u-aʔ
    Lithuanian:
    šaivà `spool' [f ā] 4;
    šeivà `spool, forearm, shin(-bone)' [f ā] 2/4
    Latvian:
    saĩva `bobbin' [f ā];
    saĩve `bobbin' [f ē] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: koi-u-
    Page in Pokorny: 919-920
    Comments: Apparently, the Baltic evidence points to *ḱ-, while Slavic hapoints to *k, while *c- < *k- as a result of the second palatalization. The plain velar must have originated in root variants with an s mobile.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. aṣṭhīvá(nt)- `shin'
    \{3\};
    Est. kääv `spool';
    OHG scina `shin' [f];
    OE scīa `shin'
    Notes:
    \{1\} North Russian attestations of this root showing initial k- are presented in Nikolaev 1988: 142-143. \{2\} Much better attested are sàiva2, saîva2, sàive2 and saîve2. \{3\} This may be a compound containing ast- and cīu̯a- (see Lubotsky 2002).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > cě̄và

  • 29 čàsъ

    čàsъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `time'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 27-30
    Old Church Slavic:
    časъ `time, moment, hour' [m o]
    Russian:
    čas `hour, moment' [m o], čása [Gens], časý [Nom p] \{1\}
    Czech:
    čas `time, weather' [m o]
    Slovak:
    čas `time, weather' [m o]
    Polish:
    czas `time' [m o]
    Slovincian:
    čȧ̃s `time' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    čȁs `moment' [m o];
    Čak. čȁs (Vrgada, Novi) `moment' [m o], čȁsa [Gens]
    Slovene:
    čàs `time' [m o], čása [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    čas `hour' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    kīsman `time' [Accs]
    Comments: The root may be reconstructed as * k(ʷ)eh₁s-, but it has been suggested that the *s belongs to the suffix, the root *kē (i.e. * keh₁) being a variant of * kē(i), cf. Skt. cā́yati. For the latter verb I have reconstructed *kweh₁i-e/o- (-> *čàjati).
    Other cognates:
    Alb. kohë `time, weather' [f]
    Notes:
    \{1\} AP (a) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 134).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čàsъ

  • 30 čekati

    čekati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `wait, await, expect'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 36-37
    Church Slavic:
    čekati (Venc.) `wait, await' [verb]
    Russian:
    čekát' (S., W. dial.) `wait, await' [verb]
    Ukrainian:
    čekáty `wait, await' [verb]
    Czech:
    čekati `wait, await' [verb]
    Old Czech:
    čekati `wait, await' [verb];
    čkáti `wait, await' [verb]
    Polish:
    czekać `wait, await' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    čȅkati `wait, await, expect' [verb], čȅkām [1sg];
    Čak. čȅkati (Vrgada) `wait, await, expect' [verb], čȅkå̄š [2sg];
    Čak. čȅkat (Orbanići) `wait' [verb], čȅkan [1sg]
    Macedonian:
    čéka `wait, await' [verb]
    Comments: Stang (1961: 68-69) has suggested that čekati is cognate with OPr. kackint `attain', Lith. kàkti `be sufficient' (cf. Toporov PJ 1980: 162-163 for the semantic development). In Slavic, we may originally have had * čekti alongside the intensive *čěkati. According to an older etymology (cf. Vasmer s.v. čekát'), * čeka- is a reduplicated variant of the root * keh₂- that we find in Lat. cārus `dear', MHG huore `whore' (note, however, that according to Schrijver (1996: 98, 112), the -r- belongs to the root here). It seems to me that Stang's scenario is preferable because it offers a solutio for the variation *ček-/čak-.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čekati

  • 31 dě̀verь

    dě̀verь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: a (c) Proto-Slavic meaning: `husband's brother'
    Page in Trubačev: V 19
    Russian:
    déver' `husband's brother' [m jo], dever'já [Nom p] \{1\}
    Old Czech:
    deveř `husband's brother' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    dziewierz `husband's brother' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    djȅvēr `husband's brother, best man' [m o];
    Čak. dȉver (Vrgada) `husband's brother, best man' [m o];
    Čak. dȅver (Orbanići) `marriage witness' [m o]
    Slovene:
    dẹvę̑r `husband's brother' [m jo], dẹvȇrja [Gens];
    dẹ́ver `husband's brother, best man' [m o], dẹ́vera [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    déver `husband's brother, best man' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: dáʔiuer-
    Lithuanian:
    díeveris `husband's brother' [m i] 1;
    dieverìs `husband's brother' [m i] 3a
    Latvian:
    diẽveris `husband's brother' [m io]
    Indo-European reconstruction: deh₂i-uer-
    IE meaning: husband's brother
    Certainty: +
    Comments: In case-forms with original stress on the suffix one expects root stress as a result of Hirt's law. This accounts for the many indications for root stress in both Baltic and Slavic.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. devár- `husband's brother'
    ;
    Gk. δα̑ήρ `husband's brother'
    Notes:
    \{1\} AP (a) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 138).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dě̀verь

  • 32 drebà

    drobà II; drobìna II; drebà Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sediment, brewer's yeast, dregs, entrails'
    Page in Trubačev: V 105, 117, 118-119
    Russian:
    drobá (dial.) `sediment, brewer's yeast, dregs' [f ā];
    drobína (dial.) `sediment, brewer's yeast, dregs' [f ā];
    drebá (dial.) `sediment, brewer's yeast, dregs' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dróba (RSA) `entrails' [f ā];
    dròbina (Vuk) `entrails, tripe' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    drabnà (dial.) `sleet, dough, mud' [f ā] 4
    Latvian:
    drabenes `sediment of malt after brewing process' [f ē]
    Comments: Unlike the ESSJa, I have separated *drobà II `sediment, dregs, entrails' from *drobà I `crumb, small fry, small livestock', etc. It can be argued that the meanings `dregs' and `crumbs' may be covered by the designation `remnants', but for the root of drobà I the notion `small, fine' seems essential, while drobà II is about thick, weak masses. We may reconstruct a European root * dʰrabʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. draf `lees, yeast' [n];
    Nw. drav `sediment of malt after brewing process' [n];
    OHG trebir `pig's swill' [Nompm];
    MoDu. draf `pig's swill'
    ;
    MoIr. draoib `mud, mire' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > drebà

  • 33 drъgati

    drъgati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `tremble, shake'
    Page in Trubačev: V 144
    Russian:
    drógat' (Voron.) `shake' [verb]
    Czech:
    drhati (rare) `tremble, shiver' [verb]
    Slovak:
    drgat' `shake' [verb]
    Polish:
    drgać `tremble, shiver' [verb]
    Slovene:
    dŕgati `tremble' [verb], dȓgam [1sg]
    Comments: There are Baltic forms pointing to a Balto-Slavic root * drug- `tremble' (-> * drъžь). Alongside * drъgati we find forms with a secondarily lengthened root vowel. e.g. ORu., RuCS drygatisja `tremble', Ru. dial. drýgat', drygát' `tremble, shake, writhe'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > drъgati

  • 34 dužь

    dužь Grammatical information: adj. jo Proto-Slavic meaning: `strong'
    Page in Trubačev: V 167-168
    Russian:
    djúžij `sturdy, hefty, robust, healthy' [adj jo];
    dúžij (dial.) `strong, healthy' [adj jo]
    Old Russian:
    djúžij `strong' [adj jo]
    Belorussian:
    dúžy `strong, vigorous' [adj jo]
    Ukrainian:
    dúžyj `strong, healthy' [adj jo]
    Czech:
    duží (rare) `firm, strong' [adj jo]
    Slovak:
    dúži `strong, big, healthy' [adj jo]
    Polish:
    duży `big, (16th-18th c., dial. ) strong' [adj jo];
    dużo `much, many, (16th-18th c.) very' [adv] \{1\}
    Lithuanian:
    daũg `much, many' [adv];
    daugi (OLith.) `much, many' [adv] ;
    daũgia (dial.) `much, many' [adv]
    Latvian:
    daũdz(i) `much, many' [adv]
    Comments: If the Polish forms are "Ruthenianisms", there is no objection against positing a root containing a nasal, cf. dęga, dęglъ(jь)i, nedǫgъ. On the other hand, the parallellism between Pl. dużo and Lith. daũgia is suggestive. Possibly, the roots *dǫg- and *dug- were confused (cf. Shevelov 1964: 321-322, ESSJa 25: 126). The latter root may reflect *dʰougʰ-, cf. Go. daug `is useful'.
    Notes:
    \{1\} According to Bańkowski (II: 312), duży `strong' and dużo (duże) `very', which are attested since the 16th century, originate from Ukrainian. Duży `big' is recorded sporadically from 1600 onwards and more frequently since the 18th century, while dużo `much, many' occurs only since the 18th century.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dužь

  • 35 dъnò

    dъnò Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bottom'
    Page in Trubačev: V 174-175
    Old Church Slavic:
    dъno `bottom' [n o]
    Russian:
    dno `bottom' [n o]
    Czech:
    dno `bottom' [n o]
    Polish:
    dno `bottom' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dnȍ `bottom' [n o];
    Čak. dnȍ (Vrgada, Orbanići) `bottom' [n o]
    Slovene:
    dnọ̀ `bottom' [n o]
    Bulgarian:
    dắno `bottom, floor' [n o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: dubno
    Lithuanian:
    dùgnas `bottom' [m o] 4
    Indo-European reconstruction: dʰubʰ-no-
    Certainty: -
    Comments: The Slavic vacillation between root-final *b and *p does not have a Baltic counterpart. In East Baltic, however, the full grade * daub- occurs both with acute and circumflex tone, e.g. Latv. duôbjš `deep'. The acute variant could be attributed to Winter's law, which would be in accordance with PGm. * deupa- `deep'< * dʰeub-, but this would leave us without an explanation for the other forms. The many formal problems connected with this root have made it a prime example of a borrowing from a substratum language (cf. Kuiper 1995).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dъnò

  • 36 ernь

    ernь Grammatical information: f. i
    Page in Trubačev: -
    Old Russian:
    renь `hatred, malice, spite' [f i]
    Lithuanian:
    er̃nis `wolverine' [m io] 2
    Comments: Young (2001: 163-164) links Lith. er̃nis `wolverine' to ORu. renь `hatred, malice, spite' and derives these words from Pokorny's root * er- `sich in Bewegung setzen, erregen (auch seelisch, ärgern, reizen' (IEW 326-327). LIV (238, 303) distinguishes between * h₁er- `wohin gelangen, geraten' and * h₃er- (299) `sich in (Fort-)bewegung setzen'. Formally * ertь may only belong to the former root, which is semantically less attractive, but it should be noted that the distinction between the roots is not always clear.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ernь

  • 37 esera

    esera Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `fishbone, awn'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 29-30
    Polish:
    jesiory (OPl., dial.) `fishbone' [Nompf ā];
    osiory (NE. dial.) `awn, beard (on ears of grain), hulls;
    fishbone, fish scales' [Nompf ā]
    Slovincian:
    jìe̯zo_ră `fishbone' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    jeseråi `awn, beard (on ears of grain)' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: eś-er-aʔ
    Lithuanian:
    ešerỹs `perch (perca fluvialis), fin' [f ā] 3b;
    ašerỹs (dial.) `perch (perca fluvialis), fin' [f ā] 3b
    Latvian:
    asaris `perch (perca fluvialis)' [m jo];
    aseris `perch (perca fluvialis)' [m jo]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eḱ-er-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: It seems obvious that this Balto-Slavic etymon is cognate with Germanic *ah-s-/*ah-iz- `ear', cf. Go. ahs n., OIc. ax n., OHG ahir, ehir n., and with such forms as OHG ahil `Ährenspitze', MoE (arch.) ail `beard on wheat and barley' (Kluge s.v. Ähre). A nice parallel for the meaning `perch' is OIc. ǫgr `bass' < *agura- < h₂eḱ-. Since the root is probably *h₂eḱ- `sharp', the forms with *e- must be considered instances of Rozwadowski's change. Note that we find a- in the Latvian forms but also in Lith. ašakà `fishbone' and aš(t)rùs `sharp'.
    Notes:
    It seems obvious that this Balto-Slavic etymon is cognate with Germanic *ah-s-/*ah-iz- `ear', cf. Go. ahs n., OIc. ax n., OHG ahir, ehir n., and with such forms as OHG ahil `Ährenspitze', MoE (arch.) ail `beard on wheat and barley' (Kluge s.v. Ähre). A nice parallel for the meaning `perch' is OIc. ǫgr `bass' < *agura- < h₂eḱ-. Since the root is probably *h₂eḱ- `sharp', the forms with *e- must be considered instances of Rozwadowski's change. Note that we find a- in the Latvian forms but also in Lith. ašakà `fishbone' and aš(t)rùs `sharp'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > esera

  • 38 glistъ

    glístъ; glīstà Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `worm'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 128-129
    Russian:
    glist `intestinal worm' [m o], glistá [Gens]
    Belorussian:
    hlist `intestinal worm' [m o], hlistá [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    hlyst `intestinal worm' [m o], hlystá [Gens]
    Czech:
    hlíst `intestinal worm' [m o];
    hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]
    Polish:
    glista `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā];
    Čak. glȋsta (Orbanići) `worm' [f ā];
    Čak. glȋs (Orbanići) `worm' [f i], glȋsti [f i]
    Slovene:
    glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    glist `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [m o]
    Lithuanian:
    glaĩstas `layer of clay, plaster' [m o] 2/4
    Indo-European reconstruction: glH₁it-to-??
    Comments: Though masculine o-stems belonging to AP (b) in principle continue old neuters, I am uncertain of this holds for original oxytona, i.e. words that were already oxytone before Dybo's law. Here the reconstruction of an old oxytonon may account for the unexpected absence of a laryngeal in the root, which can now be attributed to the Early Slavic loss of laryngeals in pretonic position. In view of Hirt's law, which would have generated root stress, a reconstruction with a zero grade (*glh1it-tó) is preferable. The semantically different Lith. glaĩstas probably contains a old neuter.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > glistъ

  • 39 glīstà

    glístъ; glīstà Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `worm'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 128-129
    Russian:
    glist `intestinal worm' [m o], glistá [Gens]
    Belorussian:
    hlist `intestinal worm' [m o], hlistá [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    hlyst `intestinal worm' [m o], hlystá [Gens]
    Czech:
    hlíst `intestinal worm' [m o];
    hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]
    Polish:
    glista `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā];
    Čak. glȋsta (Orbanići) `worm' [f ā];
    Čak. glȋs (Orbanići) `worm' [f i], glȋsti [f i]
    Slovene:
    glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    glist `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [m o]
    Lithuanian:
    glaĩstas `layer of clay, plaster' [m o] 2/4
    Indo-European reconstruction: glH₁it-to-??
    Comments: Though masculine o-stems belonging to AP (b) in principle continue old neuters, I am uncertain of this holds for original oxytona, i.e. words that were already oxytone before Dybo's law. Here the reconstruction of an old oxytonon may account for the unexpected absence of a laryngeal in the root, which can now be attributed to the Early Slavic loss of laryngeals in pretonic position. In view of Hirt's law, which would have generated root stress, a reconstruction with a zero grade (*glh1it-tó) is preferable. The semantically different Lith. glaĩstas probably contains a old neuter.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > glīstà

  • 40 golěmъ

    golěmъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `big'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 202-204
    Church Slavic:
    golěmo `much' [adv];
    golěmyi (RuCS) `big, high' [adj o]
    Russian:
    goljámyj `tall and thin' [adj o]
    Old Russian:
    golěmyi `big, high' [adj o]
    Old Czech:
    holemý `big' [adj o]
    Polish:
    golemy `huge' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    gòlem `big, huge' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    goljám `big, strong' [adj o]
    Macedonian:
    golem `big' [adj o]
    Comments: The root of this adjective may be identified with the root of Lith. galė́ti `be able' and W gallu `id.', which is best reconstructed as * gal(H), with an "European" a.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > golěmъ

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