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21 měšъkъ
mě̑xъ; měšъkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `bag (made from skin)'Page in Trubačev: XVIII 156-159, 220-221Old Church Slavic:měxъ `wine-skin' [m o]Russian:mešók `bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]Czech:měch `bag, net' [m o];míšek `purse, small bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]Slovak:Polish:Slovincian:mjìex `bag, bellows' [m o]Upper Sorbian:měch `bag, bellows' [m o]Serbo-Croatian:mȉjeh `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȉjeha [Gens];Čak. mȋh (Vrgada) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȋha [Gens];Čak. mȋh (Novi) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o];Čak. miȇh (Vrgada) `bellows, bag-pipes' [m o], miȇhe [Locs]Slovene:mẹ̑h `fur, wine-skin, bellows, leather bag' [m o/u], mẹ̑ha [Gens], mẹhȗ [Gens];mẹ̑šǝk `small bellows' [m o]Bulgarian:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: moiṣósLithuanian:maĩšas `bag, sack' [m o] 4 \{2\}Latvian:màiss `bag' [m o]Old Prussian:moasis (EV) `bellows'Indo-European reconstruction: moiso-IE meaning: ramCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 747Comments: I feel that we should not attach too much importance to De Vries's observation that with respect to Germanic it is unwarranted to start from an original meaning `Tragkorb aus Fell' (1962: 382). In fact, the same would apply to the Baltic forms. I consider the semantic similarity between, for instance, Lith. maĩšas `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz' (note that the meaning `net' is also attested in Slavic), OIc. heymeiss `hay-sack' and Eng. (dial.) maiz `large, light hay-basket' sufficient evidence for the etymological identity of the Germanic and the Balto-Slavic forms. MoIr. moais `bag, hamper', moaiseog `wicker basket' is doubtless a borrowing from Germanic.Other cognates:Skt. meṣá- `ram';Notes:\{1\} The plural noun mexí means `fur bag, wine-skin'. \{2\} Friedrich Kurschat's dictionary (1883) mentions the more specific meaning `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz'. -
22 mělь
mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. oPage in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168Old Church Slavic:měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]Russian:Czech:měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]Old Czech:měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]Slovene:mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-Lithuanian:smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-Certainty: +Page in Pokorny: 717Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).Other cognates:Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank';Notes:\{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root. -
23 mělъ
mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. oPage in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168Old Church Slavic:měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]Russian:Czech:měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]Old Czech:měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]Slovene:mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-Lithuanian:smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-Certainty: +Page in Pokorny: 717Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).Other cognates:Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank';Notes:\{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root. -
24 morà
morà Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `nightly spirit, nightmare'Page in Trubačev: XIX 211-214Church Slavic:Russian:móra (dial.) `mythological female creature, ghost, darkness' [m/f ā] \{1\}Ukrainian:móra (dial.) `nightmare, house-spirit' [f ā]Czech:můra \{4\} `nightmare, mythological creature that suffocates people in their sleep, moth' [f ā]Slovak:Polish:mora (dial.) `nightly spirit that attacks people and horses in their sleep, nightly apparition, nightmare' [f ā]Slovincian:mùora (dial.) `nightmare, its female personification' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:mòra `nightmare' [f ā] \{2\};Čak. Morȁ (Orbanići) `[personified] nightmare, female phantom (appears early in the morning, walks with the sound of a cat tripping;makes a habit of sitting on people's throats and nearly suffocating them' [f ā]Slovene:móra `nightmare, owl' [f ā] \{3\}Bulgarian:morá `nightmare' [f ā]Indo-European reconstruction: mor-eh₂Certainty: +Page in Pokorny: 735-736Comments: The image of a (female) ghost who induces nightmares is apparently common to Slavic, Germanic and, possibly, Celtic. The root of this creature's name is unclear. Pokorny assumes a connection with *mer- `aufreiben, reiben; packen, rauben', which is not entirely convincing. For a discussion of the relationship between *mora and *mara, see s.v. *mara.Other cognates:OIr. mor-rígain `goddess of the battlefield, female demon' [f] \{5\}Notes:\{1\} The noun also occurs in Ru. kikímora m/f `house-sprite that spins at night'. \{2\} The folkloristic belief that the mora is an evil female creature (witch, sorceress) is mentioned in Karadžić's dictionary (cf. the form from Orbanići). \{3\} There is a variant mȏra `nightmare, house-spirit, creature that at night suffocates people in their sleep and harms animals' ( Slovar slovenskega jezika II: 238. \{4\} In dialects, we find a variant mora. -
25 ògn'ь
ògn'ь Grammatical information: m. i / m. jo Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `fire'Page in Trubačev: XXXII 30-33Old Church Slavic:Russian:ogón' `fire' [m jo], ognjá [Gens];Ukrainian:ohón' (dial.) `fire' [m jo], ohnjú [Gens];ohén' (dial.) `fire' [m i], ohný [Gens]Czech:oheň `fire' [m jo]Slovak:oheň `fire' [m jo]Polish:ogień `fire' [m jo]Slovincian:vùo̯gȯu̯n `fire' [m jo]Upper Sorbian:woheń `fire' [m jo]Lower Sorbian:wogeń `fire' [m jo]Serbo-Croatian:òganj `fire' [m jo], ògnja [Gens];Čak. ȍgań (Vrgada) `fire, hearth' [m jo], ȍgńa [Gens];Čak. ogáń (Novi) `fire' [m jo], ogńȁ [Gens];Čak. ugãnj (Orbanići) `fire' [m jo], ugnjȁ [Gens]Slovene:ógǝnj `fire' [m jo], ógnja [Gens]Bulgarian:ógăn `fire' [m jo]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ungnisLithuanian:ugnìs `fire' [f i] 4Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₁ngw-ni-Comments: According to Kortlandt (1979: 60-61), * ogn'ь reflects a Balto-Slavic noun * ungnis, where *- ngn- blocked the operation of Winter's law. The sequence *un was lowered to *on before a tautosyllabic stop, with subsequent loss of the nasal as a result of dissimilation (cf. -> *vodà). Apparently, the latter development occurred in Baltic as well. The expected reflex of Winter's law is found in -> *vỳgъn̨ь, vỳgъn̨a.Other cognates:Skt. agní- (RV+) `fire, Agni'; -
26 òrdlo
òrdlo Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `plough'Page in Trubačev: XXXII 141-145Old Church Slavic:Russian:rálo `plough' [n o]Czech:rádlo `plough' [n o]Slovak:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Lower Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:rȁlo `plough' [n o]Slovene:rálọ `small plough' [n o]Bulgarian:rálo `plough' [n o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: árʔdlo; árʔtloLithuanian:árklas `plough' [m o] 3Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₂rh₃-dʰlomIE meaning: ploughPage in Pokorny: 62Comments: In Balto-Slavic (or in Baltic and Slavic independently), zero grade of the root (cf. Lith. ìrklas `oar') was apparently replaced by full grade after the verb `to plough'. The fixed stress on the root must result from Hirt's law.Other cognates:Notes: -
27 otrokъ
otrokъ Grammatical information: m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `child, servant'Old Church Slavic:Russian:ótrok `boy, lad, adolescent' [m o], ótroka [Gens]Czech:Slovak:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:Čak. otrȍk (Orbanići) `child, boy' [m o], otrokȁ [Gens]Slovene:otròk `child, boy' [m o], otróka [Gens]Bulgarian:otrók `serf, (obs.) child' [m o] -
28 pȍjāsъ
pȍjāsъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `girdle'Old Church Slavic:Russian:pójas `girdle' [m o]Old Russian:Czech:pás `girdle' [m o]Slovak:pás `girdle' [m o]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:pȍjās `girdle' [m o];pȃs `girdle' [m o], pȃsa [Gens];Čak. på̄s (Vrgada) `girdle' [m o], på̄sa [Gens];Čak. pȃs (Vrgada) `belt, waist, stripe' [m o], pȃsa [Gens]Slovene:pȃs `girdle' [m o/u], pȃsa [Gens], pasȗ [Gens];pojȃs `girdle' [m o]Bulgarian:pójas `girdle' [m o]Lithuanian:júosta `girdle' [f ā]Comments: Prefixed noun consisting of -> * po- and * jasъ < *ie/oh₃s-o- from a PIE verbal root meaning `to gird'.Other cognates:Av. yāstá- `girdled' [ppp]Notes: -
29 sъdòrvъ
sъdòrvъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `healthy'Old Church Slavic:Russian:zdoróvyj `healthy' [adj o];zdoróv `healthy' [adj o], zdorová [Nomsf], zdorovó [Nomsn] \{1\}Old Russian:Czech:zdravý `healthy' [adj o]Slovak:zdravý `healthy' [adj o]Polish:Old Polish:Upper Sorbian:Lower Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:zdrȁv `healthy' [adj o];Čak. zdrå̃v `healthy' [adj o], zdrȁva [Nomsf], zdravȁ [Nomsf];Čak. zdrãf `healthy' [adj o], zdrȁva [Nomsf], zdrȁvo [Nomsn]Slovene:zdràv `healthy' [adj o], zdráva [Nomsf]Bulgarian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₁su-dʰor-uo-Comments: A reconstruction *h₁su-dor(H)uo- - with the root of * dervo - would leave us with the problem why Winter's law did not affect the first member of the compound, cf. Lith. sū́drus `thick, dense'. It seems to me that Meillet's etymology (1902-1905: 364), according to which * sъdravъ is cognate with Skt. dhruvá- `firm, solid' and Av. druua- `in good health' is preferable. To explain the prosodic characteristics of the noun one could posit a seṭ variant *dʰorH- (cf. Le Feuvre 2006: 240-241), but this is not necessary, as *sъdòrvъ may originate from *sъ̀dorvъ as a result of Dybo's law, cf. Ru. ogoród `kitchen-garden'.Other cognates:Skt. dhruvá- `fixed, firm' [adj];Notes:\{1\} AP (a) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 133). -
30 vědrò
vědrò Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bucket'Old Church Slavic:vědro (Euch., Supr.) `barrel' [n o]Russian:vedró `bucket' [n o]Czech:vědro `bucket' [n o]Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:vjèdro `bucket' [n o];vijèdro (Montenegro) `bucket' [n o];Čak. vȉdro (Vrgada) `bucket' [n o]Slovene:vẹ́drọ `bucket' [n o]Bulgarian:vedró `bucket' [n o]Lithuanian:vė́daras `sausage, (dial.) belly, intestines' [m o] 3aLatvian:vę̂dars `belly' [m o]Old Prussian:weders (EV) `belly, stomach'Indo-European reconstruction: ued-rómComments: There are basically two etymologies for this noun. According to, among others, Meillet (1902-1905: 407-408) and Vasmer, *vědrò derives from the root of *uod-r/n- `water', cf. Gk. ὑδρία `water-pot, pitcher, vessel'. The other option is to connect the word for `bucket' with forms meaning `belly'. I prefer the latter etymology. In both cases the long vowel of the root can be attributed to Winter's law, which at first sight is incompatible with AP (b). In my framework, however, it is possible to assume that in Proto-Slavic the reflex of the laryngeal was lost in pretonic position (the sequence - dr- prevented the Balto-Slavic retraction of the stress from final open syllables). The remaining problem is the fact that the evidence points almost exclusively to a short root vowel, as words of the aforementioned type as a rule appear to have escaped the pretonic shortening that took place before Dybo's law.Other cognates:Skt. udára- `belly, womb' [n];Notes:\{1\} With unclear -t-. -
31 xorniti
xorniti Grammatical information: v.Page in Trubačev: VIII 78-79Old Church Slavic:Russian:xoronít' `bury, hide' [verb], xoronjú [1sg], xorónit [3sg];xranít' `keep, preserve' [verb], xranjú [1sg], xranít [3sg]Czech:chrániti `defend, guard' [verb]Polish:chronić `defend, guard' [verb]Polabian:xornĕ `feed' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:hrániti `feed, keep, preserve, save' [verb], hrȃnīm [1sg];Čak. hrā̊nȉti (Vrgada) `feed, save' [verb], hrãnīš [2sg];Čak. hrānȉt (Orbanići) `feed, nourish' [verb], hrãnin [1sg]Slovene:hrániti `keep, guard' [verb], hránim [1sg]Bulgarian:xránja `feed' [verb]Comments: The noun from which this verb derives may be a borrowing from Iranian.Other cognates:Av. xvarǝna- -
32 zeml̨à
zeml̨à Grammatical information: f. jā Accent paradigm: b/c Proto-Slavic meaning: `earth, land'Old Church Slavic:Russian:zemljá `earth, land' [f jā], zémlju [Accs] \{1\}Ukrainian:zemljá `earth, land' [f jā], zémlju [Accs]Czech:země `earth, land' [f jā];Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:zèmlja `earth, land' [f jā], zȅmlju [Accs];Čak. zeml̨ȁ (Vrgada) `earth, land' [f jā], zȅml̨u [Accs];Čak. zemljȁ (Novi) `earth, land' [f jā], zȅmlju [Accs];Čak. zemljȁ (Orbanići) `earth, soil, ground, country' [f jā], zȅmlju [Accs];Kajk. zāmljȍ (Bednja) `earth, land' [f jā], zāmljȕ [Accs]Slovene:zémlja `earth, land' [f jā]Bulgarian:zemjá `earth, land' [f jā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: źem-Lithuanian:žẽmė `earth, land' [f ē] 2Latvian:Old Prussian:semmē `earth, land'Indo-European reconstruction: dʰǵʰ-em-ieh₂Comments: The Balto-Slavic forms are based on the Asg. stem of the PIE root noun. Illič-Svityč (1963: 41) suggests that in the larger part of the Slavic territory the original AP (b) was ousted under the influence of an i-stem *zemь, cf. Kortlandt 1975b: 410, where it is argued that the Freising Fragments also offer evidence for AP (b).Other cognates:Skt. kṣám- (RV+) `earth' [f];Notes:\{1\} In Old Russian, both AP (b) and (c) are attested (Zaliznjak 1985: 138).
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