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1 clear the way for smth.
(clear (open, pave или prepare) the way for smth.)устранить препятствия, расчистить путь, проложить путь для чего-л., подготовить почву для чего-л.These questions are complex ones which we cannot answer abruptly, and, even after paving the way for answers in the next chapters, it is clear that only future developments will provide real answers. (R. E. Lapp, ‘Atoms and People’, ch. X) — Все это сложные вопросы, на которые не сразу ответишь. И хотя последующие главы и проливают на них свет, нет никакого сомнения, что окончательные ответы даст лишь будущее.
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2 Blessing Way
Религия: (Central ritual of a complex system of ceremonies performed by the Navajo to restore equilibrium to the cosmos) путь благословения -
3 Blessing Way (Central ritual of a complex system of ceremonies performed by the Navajo to restore equilibrium to the cosmos)
Религия: путь благословенияУниверсальный англо-русский словарь > Blessing Way (Central ritual of a complex system of ceremonies performed by the Navajo to restore equilibrium to the cosmos)
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4 subtly
['sʌtlɪ]1) (imperceptibly) [ change] impercettibilmente; [ different] leggermente, vagamente2) (in a complex way) [ argue] sottilmente; [analyse, act] con sottigliezza3) (delicately) [flavoured, coloured] delicatamente* * *adverb sottilmente* * *subtly► subtle* * *['sʌtlɪ]1) (imperceptibly) [ change] impercettibilmente; [ different] leggermente, vagamente2) (in a complex way) [ argue] sottilmente; [analyse, act] con sottigliezza3) (delicately) [flavoured, coloured] delicatamente -
5 subtly
1 ( imperceptibly) [change, alter, shift, influence] imperceptiblement ; [different, humorous] légèrement ; -
6 Thinking
But what then am I? A thing which thinks. What is a thing which thinks? It is a thing which doubts, understands, [conceives], affirms, denies, wills, refuses, which also imagines and feels. (Descartes, 1951, p. 153)I have been trying in all this to remove the temptation to think that there "must be" a mental process of thinking, hoping, wishing, believing, etc., independent of the process of expressing a thought, a hope, a wish, etc.... If we scrutinize the usages which we make of "thinking," "meaning," "wishing," etc., going through this process rids us of the temptation to look for a peculiar act of thinking, independent of the act of expressing our thoughts, and stowed away in some particular medium. (Wittgenstein, 1958, pp. 41-43)Analyse the proofs employed by the subject. If they do not go beyond observation of empirical correspondences, they can be fully explained in terms of concrete operations, and nothing would warrant our assuming that more complex thought mechanisms are operating. If, on the other hand, the subject interprets a given correspondence as the result of any one of several possible combinations, and this leads him to verify his hypotheses by observing their consequences, we know that propositional operations are involved. (Inhelder & Piaget, 1958, p. 279)In every age, philosophical thinking exploits some dominant concepts and makes its greatest headway in solving problems conceived in terms of them. The seventeenth- and eighteenth-century philosophers construed knowledge, knower, and known in terms of sense data and their association. Descartes' self-examination gave classical psychology the mind and its contents as a starting point. Locke set up sensory immediacy as the new criterion of the real... Hobbes provided the genetic method of building up complex ideas from simple ones... and, in another quarter, still true to the Hobbesian method, Pavlov built intellect out of conditioned reflexes and Loeb built life out of tropisms. (S. Langer, 1962, p. 54)Experiments on deductive reasoning show that subjects are influenced sufficiently by their experience for their reasoning to differ from that described by a purely deductive system, whilst experiments on inductive reasoning lead to the view that an understanding of the strategies used by adult subjects in attaining concepts involves reference to higher-order concepts of a logical and deductive nature. (Bolton, 1972, p. 154)There are now machines in the world that think, that learn and create. Moreover, their ability to do these things is going to increase rapidly until-in the visible future-the range of problems they can handle will be coextensive with the range to which the human mind has been applied. (Newell & Simon, quoted in Weizenbaum, 1976, p. 138)But how does it happen that thinking is sometimes accompanied by action and sometimes not, sometimes by motion, and sometimes not? It looks as if almost the same thing happens as in the case of reasoning and making inferences about unchanging objects. But in that case the end is a speculative proposition... whereas here the conclusion which results from the two premises is an action.... I need covering; a cloak is a covering. I need a cloak. What I need, I have to make; I need a cloak. I have to make a cloak. And the conclusion, the "I have to make a cloak," is an action. (Nussbaum, 1978, p. 40)It is well to remember that when philosophy emerged in Greece in the sixth century, B.C., it did not burst suddenly out of the Mediterranean blue. The development of societies of reasoning creatures-what we call civilization-had been a process to be measured not in thousands but in millions of years. Human beings became civilized as they became reasonable, and for an animal to begin to reason and to learn how to improve its reasoning is a long, slow process. So thinking had been going on for ages before Greece-slowly improving itself, uncovering the pitfalls to be avoided by forethought, endeavoring to weigh alternative sets of consequences intellectually. What happened in the sixth century, B.C., is that thinking turned round on itself; people began to think about thinking, and the momentous event, the culmination of the long process to that point, was in fact the birth of philosophy. (Lipman, Sharp & Oscanyan, 1980, p. xi)The way to look at thought is not to assume that there is a parallel thread of correlated affects or internal experiences that go with it in some regular way. It's not of course that people don't have internal experiences, of course they do; but that when you ask what is the state of mind of someone, say while he or she is performing a ritual, it's hard to believe that such experiences are the same for all people involved.... The thinking, and indeed the feeling in an odd sort of way, is really going on in public. They are really saying what they're saying, doing what they're doing, meaning what they're meaning. Thought is, in great part anyway, a public activity. (Geertz, quoted in J. Miller, 1983, pp. 202-203)Everything should be made as simple as possible, but not simpler. (Einstein, quoted in Minsky, 1986, p. 17)What, in effect, are the conditions for the construction of formal thought? The child must not only apply operations to objects-in other words, mentally execute possible actions on them-he must also "reflect" those operations in the absence of the objects which are replaced by pure propositions. Thus, "reflection" is thought raised to the second power. Concrete thinking is the representation of a possible action, and formal thinking is the representation of a representation of possible action.... It is not surprising, therefore, that the system of concrete operations must be completed during the last years of childhood before it can be "reflected" by formal operations. In terms of their function, formal operations do not differ from concrete operations except that they are applied to hypotheses or propositions [whose logic is] an abstract translation of the system of "inference" that governs concrete operations. (Piaget, quoted in Minsky, 1986, p. 237)[E]ven a human being today (hence, a fortiori, a remote ancestor of contemporary human beings) cannot easily or ordinarily maintain uninterrupted attention on a single problem for more than a few tens of seconds. Yet we work on problems that require vastly more time. The way we do that (as we can observe by watching ourselves) requires periods of mulling to be followed by periods of recapitulation, describing to ourselves what seems to have gone on during the mulling, leading to whatever intermediate results we have reached. This has an obvious function: namely, by rehearsing these interim results... we commit them to memory, for the immediate contents of the stream of consciousness are very quickly lost unless rehearsed.... Given language, we can describe to ourselves what seemed to occur during the mulling that led to a judgment, produce a rehearsable version of the reaching-a-judgment process, and commit that to long-term memory by in fact rehearsing it. (Margolis, 1987, p. 60)Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Thinking
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7 space
1) интервал, промежуток2) пробел || оставлять пробелы3) область; площадь4) пространство || пространственный5) космос, космическое пространство6) полость7) расстояние•- absolutely compact space - absolutely embedded space - absolutely thick space - algebraically parallel space - almost complex space - almost expandable space - almost isomorphic space - almost metric space - almost nonsingular space - almost paracompact space - almost pretopological space - analytically ramified covering space - arcwise connected space - centrally harmonic space - compactly ordered space - completely continuous space - completely degenerate space - completely disconnected space - completely harmonic space - completely metric space - completely normal space - completely reducible space - completely regular space - completely reticulated space - completely separable space - completely separated space - completely symmetric space - completely uniformizable space - constant curvature space - continuous sample space - continuously ordered space - contractible in itself space - countably compactifiable space - countably dimensional space - countably generated space - countably infinite space - countably metacompact space - countably multinormed space - countably normed space - countably paracompact space - countably refinable space - countably subcompact space - finitely productive space - finitely sheeted space - finitely triangulated space - fully normal space - general metrizable space - general topological space - global analytic space - globally symmetric space - hereditarily normal space - hereditarily paracompact space - hereditarily separable space - hereditarily symmetric space - holomorphic tangent space - holomorphically complete space - holomorphically convex space - homotopy associative space - iterated loop space - linearly connected space - linearly ordered space - linearly topologized space - load space - locally bounded space - locally closed space - locally compact space - locally complete space - locally connected space - locally contractible space - locally convex space - locally directed space - locally fine space - locally holomorphic space - locally homogeneous space - locally hyperbolic space - locally linear space - locally metrizable space - locally ringed space - locally separable space - locally simply connected space - locally solid space - locally spherical space - locally star-shaped space - locally symmetric space - locally timelike space - locally triangulable space - monotonically normal space - naturally isomorphic space - naturally ordered space - naturally reductive space - nearly paracompact space - negative metric space - normally separated space - not simply connected space - nowhere connected space - null space of linear transformation - n-way projective space - perfectly normal space - perfectly regular space - perfectly screenable space - perfectly separable space - peripherically bicompact space - peripherically compact space - pointwise paracompact space - projectively metric space - quaternion hyperbolic space - quaternion projective space - quaternion vector space - regularly ordered space - relatively discrete space - relatively strong space - sequentially closed space - sequentially compact space - sequentially complete space - sequentially quasicomplete space - sequentially separable space - simply ordered space - simply partitionable space - space of affine connectedness - space of complex homomorphisms - space of continuous functions - space of finite measure - space of linear interpolation - space of right cosets - space of scalar curvature - strongly bounded space - strongly closed space - strongly compact space - strongly complete space - strongly irreducible space - strongly normal space - strongly normed space - strongly paracompact space - strongly pseudocompact space - strongly pseudometrizable space - strongly rigid space - strongly screenable space - structural space - structure space - topologically complete space - totally disconnected space - totally geodesic space - totally imperfect space - totally normal space - totally orderable space - totally ordered space - water jacket space - weakly closed space - weakly compact space - weakly complete space - weakly covering space - weakly dense space - weakly favorable space - weakly n-dimensional space - weakly paracompact space - weakly regular space - weakly separable space - weakly symmetric spaceto space out — полигр. набирать вразрядку
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8 Creativity
Put in this bald way, these aims sound utopian. How utopian they areor rather, how imminent their realization-depends on how broadly or narrowly we interpret the term "creative." If we are willing to regard all human complex problem solving as creative, then-as we will point out-successful programs for problem solving mechanisms that simulate human problem solvers already exist, and a number of their general characteristics are known. If we reserve the term "creative" for activities like discovery of the special theory of relativity or the composition of Beethoven's Seventh Symphony, then no example of a creative mechanism exists at the present time. (Simon, 1979, pp. 144-145)Among the questions that can now be given preliminary answers in computational terms are the following: how can ideas from very different sources be spontaneously thought of together? how can two ideas be merged to produce a new structure, which shows the influence of both ancestor ideas without being a mere "cut-and-paste" combination? how can the mind be "primed," so that one will more easily notice serendipitous ideas? why may someone notice-and remember-something fairly uninteresting, if it occurs in an interesting context? how can a brief phrase conjure up an entire melody from memory? and how can we accept two ideas as similar ("love" and "prove" as rhyming, for instance) in respect of a feature not identical in both? The features of connectionist AI models that suggest answers to these questions are their powers of pattern completion, graceful degradation, sensitization, multiple constraint satisfaction, and "best-fit" equilibration.... Here, the important point is that the unconscious, "insightful," associative aspects of creativity can be explained-in outline, at least-by AI methods. (Boden, 1996, p. 273)There thus appears to be an underlying similarity in the process involved in creative innovation and social independence, with common traits and postures required for expression of both behaviors. The difference is one of product-literary, musical, artistic, theoretical products on the one hand, opinions on the other-rather than one of process. In both instances the individual must believe that his perceptions are meaningful and valid and be willing to rely upon his own interpretations. He must trust himself sufficiently that even when persons express opinions counter to his own he can proceed on the basis of his own perceptions and convictions. (Coopersmith, 1967, p. 58)he average level of ego strength and emotional stability is noticeably higher among creative geniuses than among the general population, though it is possibly lower than among men of comparable intelligence and education who go into administrative and similar positions. High anxiety and excitability appear common (e.g. Priestley, Darwin, Kepler) but full-blown neurosis is quite rare. (Cattell & Butcher, 1970, p. 315)he insight that is supposed to be required for such work as discovery turns out to be synonymous with the familiar process of recognition; and other terms commonly used in the discussion of creative work-such terms as "judgment," "creativity," or even "genius"-appear to be wholly dispensable or to be definable, as insight is, in terms of mundane and well-understood concepts. (Simon, 1989, p. 376)From the sketch material still in existence, from the condition of the fragments, and from the autographs themselves we can draw definite conclusions about Mozart's creative process. To invent musical ideas he did not need any stimulation; they came to his mind "ready-made" and in polished form. In contrast to Beethoven, who made numerous attempts at shaping his musical ideas until he found the definitive formulation of a theme, Mozart's first inspiration has the stamp of finality. Any Mozart theme has completeness and unity; as a phenomenon it is a Gestalt. (Herzmann, 1964, p. 28)Great artists enlarge the limits of one's perception. Looking at the world through the eyes of Rembrandt or Tolstoy makes one able to perceive aspects of truth about the world which one could not have achieved without their aid. Freud believed that science was adaptive because it facilitated mastery of the external world; but was it not the case that many scientific theories, like works of art, also originated in phantasy? Certainly, reading accounts of scientific discovery by men of the calibre of Einstein compelled me to conclude that phantasy was not merely escapist, but a way of reaching new insights concerning the nature of reality. Scientific hypotheses require proof; works of art do not. Both are concerned with creating order, with making sense out of the world and our experience of it. (Storr, 1993, p. xii)The importance of self-esteem for creative expression appears to be almost beyond disproof. Without a high regard for himself the individual who is working in the frontiers of his field cannot trust himself to discriminate between the trivial and the significant. Without trust in his own powers the person seeking improved solutions or alternative theories has no basis for distinguishing the significant and profound innovation from the one that is merely different.... An essential component of the creative process, whether it be analysis, synthesis, or the development of a new perspective or more comprehensive theory, is the conviction that one's judgment in interpreting the events is to be trusted. (Coopersmith, 1967, p. 59)In the daily stream of thought these four different stages [preparation; incubation; illumination or inspiration; and verification] constantly overlap each other as we explore different problems. An economist reading a Blue Book, a physiologist watching an experiment, or a business man going through his morning's letters, may at the same time be "incubating" on a problem which he proposed to himself a few days ago, be accumulating knowledge in "preparation" for a second problem, and be "verifying" his conclusions to a third problem. Even in exploring the same problem, the mind may be unconsciously incubating on one aspect of it, while it is consciously employed in preparing for or verifying another aspect. (Wallas, 1926, p. 81)he basic, bisociative pattern of the creative synthesis [is] the sudden interlocking of two previously unrelated skills, or matrices of thought. (Koestler, 1964, p. 121)11) The Earliest Stages in the Creative Process Involve a Commerce with DisorderEven to the creator himself, the earliest effort may seem to involve a commerce with disorder. For the creative order, which is an extension of life, is not an elaboration of the established, but a movement beyond the established, or at least a reorganization of it and often of elements not included in it. The first need is therefore to transcend the old order. Before any new order can be defined, the absolute power of the established, the hold upon us of what we know and are, must be broken. New life comes always from outside our world, as we commonly conceive that world. This is the reason why, in order to invent, one must yield to the indeterminate within him, or, more precisely, to certain illdefined impulses which seem to be of the very texture of the ungoverned fullness which John Livingston Lowes calls "the surging chaos of the unexpressed." (Ghiselin, 1985, p. 4)New life comes always from outside our world, as we commonly conceive our world. This is the reason why, in order to invent, one must yield to the indeterminate within him, or, more precisely, to certain illdefined impulses which seem to be of the very texture of the ungoverned fullness which John Livingston Lowes calls "the surging chaos of the unexpressed." Chaos and disorder are perhaps the wrong terms for that indeterminate fullness and activity of the inner life. For it is organic, dynamic, full of tension and tendency. What is absent from it, except in the decisive act of creation, is determination, fixity, and commitment to one resolution or another of the whole complex of its tensions. (Ghiselin, 1952, p. 13)[P]sychoanalysts have principally been concerned with the content of creative products, and with explaining content in terms of the artist's infantile past. They have paid less attention to examining why the artist chooses his particular activity to express, abreact or sublimate his emotions. In short, they have not made much distinction between art and neurosis; and, since the former is one of the blessings of mankind, whereas the latter is one of the curses, it seems a pity that they should not be better differentiated....Psychoanalysis, being fundamentally concerned with drive and motive, might have been expected to throw more light upon what impels the creative person that in fact it has. (Storr, 1993, pp. xvii, 3)A number of theoretical approaches were considered. Associative theory, as developed by Mednick (1962), gained some empirical support from the apparent validity of the Remote Associates Test, which was constructed on the basis of the theory.... Koestler's (1964) bisociative theory allows more complexity to mental organization than Mednick's associative theory, and postulates "associative contexts" or "frames of reference." He proposed that normal, non-creative, thought proceeds within particular contexts or frames and that the creative act involves linking together previously unconnected frames.... Simonton (1988) has developed associative notions further and explored the mathematical consequences of chance permutation of ideas....Like Koestler, Gruber (1980; Gruber and Davis, 1988) has based his analysis on case studies. He has focused especially on Darwin's development of the theory of evolution. Using piagetian notions, such as assimilation and accommodation, Gruber shows how Darwin's system of ideas changed very slowly over a period of many years. "Moments of insight," in Gruber's analysis, were the culminations of slow long-term processes.... Finally, the information-processing approach, as represented by Simon (1966) and Langley et al. (1987), was considered.... [Simon] points out the importance of good problem representations, both to ensure search is in an appropriate problem space and to aid in developing heuristic evaluations of possible research directions.... The work of Langley et al. (1987) demonstrates how such search processes, realized in computer programs, can indeed discover many basic laws of science from tables of raw data.... Boden (1990a, 1994) has stressed the importance of restructuring the problem space in creative work to develop new genres and paradigms in the arts and sciences. (Gilhooly, 1996, pp. 243-244; emphasis in original)Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Creativity
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9 Ideas
I never wrote or concluded that the mind required innate ideas which were in some sort different from its faculty of thinking; but when I observed the existence in me of certain thoughts which proceeded, not from extraneous objects nor from the determination of my will, but solely from the faculty of thinking which is within me, then... I termed [these] "innate." (Descartes, 1955, p. 442)[S]imple ideas are not fictions of our fancies, but the natural and regular productions of things without us really operating upon us.... Thus, the idea of whiteness or bitterness, as it is in the mind, exactly answering that power which is in any body to produce it there, has all the real conformity it can or ought to have with things without us.... [However], all our complex ideas except those of substances being archetypes of the mind's own making, not intended to be the copies of anything, as to their originals, cannot want any conformity necessary to real knowledge. For that which is not designed to represent anything but itself, can never be capable of a wrong representation, nor mislead us from the true apprehension of anything by its dislikeness to it; and such, excepting those of substances, are all our complex ideas: which... are combinations of ideas which the mind by its free choice puts together without considering any connection they have in nature. (Locke, 1956, B. IV, Chap. 4, Sec. 5)[O]ur moral ideas as well as mathematical, being archetypes themselves, and so adequate and complete ideas, all the agreement or disagreement which we shall find in them will produce real knowledge, as well as in mathematical figures. (Locke, 1956, B. IV, Chap. 4, Sec. 7)Ideas... are real things, or do really exist; this we do not deny, but we deny they can subsist without the minds which perceive them, or that they are resemblances of any archetypes existing without the mind; since the very being of a sensation or idea consists in being perceived, and an idea can be like nothing but an idea. (Berkeley, 1996, Pt. I, No. 90, pp. 63-64)The empiricists were right to believe that facts and ideas are significantly connected, but they inverted the relationship. Ideas create information, not the other way around. Every fact grows from an idea; it is the answer to a question we could not ask in the first place if an idea had not been invented which isolated some portion of the world, made it important, focused our attention, and stimulated inquiry. (Roszak, 1994, p. 105)Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Ideas
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10 Language
Philosophy is written in that great book, the universe, which is always open, right before our eyes. But one cannot understand this book without first learning to understand the language and to know the characters in which it is written. It is written in the language of mathematics, and the characters are triangles, circles, and other figures. Without these, one cannot understand a single word of it, and just wanders in a dark labyrinth. (Galileo, 1990, p. 232)It never happens that it [a nonhuman animal] arranges its speech in various ways in order to reply appropriately to everything that may be said in its presence, as even the lowest type of man can do. (Descartes, 1970a, p. 116)It is a very remarkable fact that there are none so depraved and stupid, without even excepting idiots, that they cannot arrange different words together, forming of them a statement by which they make known their thoughts; while, on the other hand, there is no other animal, however perfect and fortunately circumstanced it may be, which can do the same. (Descartes, 1967, p. 116)Human beings do not live in the object world alone, nor alone in the world of social activity as ordinarily understood, but are very much at the mercy of the particular language which has become the medium of expression for their society. It is quite an illusion to imagine that one adjusts to reality essentially without the use of language and that language is merely an incidental means of solving specific problems of communication or reflection. The fact of the matter is that the "real world" is to a large extent unconsciously built on the language habits of the group.... We see and hear and otherwise experience very largely as we do because the language habits of our community predispose certain choices of interpretation. (Sapir, 1921, p. 75)It powerfully conditions all our thinking about social problems and processes.... No two languages are ever sufficiently similar to be considered as representing the same social reality. The worlds in which different societies live are distinct worlds, not merely the same worlds with different labels attached. (Sapir, 1985, p. 162)[A list of language games, not meant to be exhaustive:]Giving orders, and obeying them- Describing the appearance of an object, or giving its measurements- Constructing an object from a description (a drawing)Reporting an eventSpeculating about an eventForming and testing a hypothesisPresenting the results of an experiment in tables and diagramsMaking up a story; and reading itPlay actingSinging catchesGuessing riddlesMaking a joke; and telling itSolving a problem in practical arithmeticTranslating from one language into anotherLANGUAGE Asking, thanking, cursing, greeting, and praying-. (Wittgenstein, 1953, Pt. I, No. 23, pp. 11 e-12 e)We dissect nature along lines laid down by our native languages.... The world is presented in a kaleidoscopic flux of impressions which has to be organized by our minds-and this means largely by the linguistic systems in our minds.... No individual is free to describe nature with absolute impartiality but is constrained to certain modes of interpretation even while he thinks himself most free. (Whorf, 1956, pp. 153, 213-214)We dissect nature along the lines laid down by our native languages.The categories and types that we isolate from the world of phenomena we do not find there because they stare every observer in the face; on the contrary, the world is presented in a kaleidoscopic flux of impressions which has to be organized by our minds-and this means largely by the linguistic systems in our minds.... We are thus introduced to a new principle of relativity, which holds that all observers are not led by the same physical evidence to the same picture of the universe, unless their linguistic backgrounds are similar or can in some way be calibrated. (Whorf, 1956, pp. 213-214)9) The Forms of a Person's Thoughts Are Controlled by Unperceived Patterns of His Own LanguageThe forms of a person's thoughts are controlled by inexorable laws of pattern of which he is unconscious. These patterns are the unperceived intricate systematizations of his own language-shown readily enough by a candid comparison and contrast with other languages, especially those of a different linguistic family. (Whorf, 1956, p. 252)It has come to be commonly held that many utterances which look like statements are either not intended at all, or only intended in part, to record or impart straightforward information about the facts.... Many traditional philosophical perplexities have arisen through a mistake-the mistake of taking as straightforward statements of fact utterances which are either (in interesting non-grammatical ways) nonsensical or else intended as something quite different. (Austin, 1962, pp. 2-3)In general, one might define a complex of semantic components connected by logical constants as a concept. The dictionary of a language is then a system of concepts in which a phonological form and certain syntactic and morphological characteristics are assigned to each concept. This system of concepts is structured by several types of relations. It is supplemented, furthermore, by redundancy or implicational rules..., representing general properties of the whole system of concepts.... At least a relevant part of these general rules is not bound to particular languages, but represents presumably universal structures of natural languages. They are not learned, but are rather a part of the human ability to acquire an arbitrary natural language. (Bierwisch, 1970, pp. 171-172)In studying the evolution of mind, we cannot guess to what extent there are physically possible alternatives to, say, transformational generative grammar, for an organism meeting certain other physical conditions characteristic of humans. Conceivably, there are none-or very few-in which case talk about evolution of the language capacity is beside the point. (Chomsky, 1972, p. 98)[It is] truth value rather than syntactic well-formedness that chiefly governs explicit verbal reinforcement by parents-which renders mildly paradoxical the fact that the usual product of such a training schedule is an adult whose speech is highly grammatical but not notably truthful. (R. O. Brown, 1973, p. 330)he conceptual base is responsible for formally representing the concepts underlying an utterance.... A given word in a language may or may not have one or more concepts underlying it.... On the sentential level, the utterances of a given language are encoded within a syntactic structure of that language. The basic construction of the sentential level is the sentence.The next highest level... is the conceptual level. We call the basic construction of this level the conceptualization. A conceptualization consists of concepts and certain relations among those concepts. We can consider that both levels exist at the same point in time and that for any unit on one level, some corresponding realizate exists on the other level. This realizate may be null or extremely complex.... Conceptualizations may relate to other conceptualizations by nesting or other specified relationships. (Schank, 1973, pp. 191-192)The mathematics of multi-dimensional interactive spaces and lattices, the projection of "computer behavior" on to possible models of cerebral functions, the theoretical and mechanical investigation of artificial intelligence, are producing a stream of sophisticated, often suggestive ideas.But it is, I believe, fair to say that nothing put forward until now in either theoretic design or mechanical mimicry comes even remotely in reach of the most rudimentary linguistic realities. (Steiner, 1975, p. 284)The step from the simple tool to the master tool, a tool to make tools (what we would now call a machine tool), seems to me indeed to parallel the final step to human language, which I call reconstitution. It expresses in a practical and social context the same understanding of hierarchy, and shows the same analysis by function as a basis for synthesis. (Bronowski, 1977, pp. 127-128)t is the language donn eґ in which we conduct our lives.... We have no other. And the danger is that formal linguistic models, in their loosely argued analogy with the axiomatic structure of the mathematical sciences, may block perception.... It is quite conceivable that, in language, continuous induction from simple, elemental units to more complex, realistic forms is not justified. The extent and formal "undecidability" of context-and every linguistic particle above the level of the phoneme is context-bound-may make it impossible, except in the most abstract, meta-linguistic sense, to pass from "pro-verbs," "kernals," or "deep deep structures" to actual speech. (Steiner, 1975, pp. 111-113)A higher-level formal language is an abstract machine. (Weizenbaum, 1976, p. 113)Jakobson sees metaphor and metonymy as the characteristic modes of binarily opposed polarities which between them underpin the two-fold process of selection and combination by which linguistic signs are formed.... Thus messages are constructed, as Saussure said, by a combination of a "horizontal" movement, which combines words together, and a "vertical" movement, which selects the particular words from the available inventory or "inner storehouse" of the language. The combinative (or syntagmatic) process manifests itself in contiguity (one word being placed next to another) and its mode is metonymic. The selective (or associative) process manifests itself in similarity (one word or concept being "like" another) and its mode is metaphoric. The "opposition" of metaphor and metonymy therefore may be said to represent in effect the essence of the total opposition between the synchronic mode of language (its immediate, coexistent, "vertical" relationships) and its diachronic mode (its sequential, successive, lineal progressive relationships). (Hawkes, 1977, pp. 77-78)It is striking that the layered structure that man has given to language constantly reappears in his analyses of nature. (Bronowski, 1977, p. 121)First, [an ideal intertheoretic reduction] provides us with a set of rules"correspondence rules" or "bridge laws," as the standard vernacular has it-which effect a mapping of the terms of the old theory (T o) onto a subset of the expressions of the new or reducing theory (T n). These rules guide the application of those selected expressions of T n in the following way: we are free to make singular applications of their correspondencerule doppelgangers in T o....Second, and equally important, a successful reduction ideally has the outcome that, under the term mapping effected by the correspondence rules, the central principles of T o (those of semantic and systematic importance) are mapped onto general sentences of T n that are theorems of Tn. (P. Churchland, 1979, p. 81)If non-linguistic factors must be included in grammar: beliefs, attitudes, etc. [this would] amount to a rejection of the initial idealization of language as an object of study. A priori such a move cannot be ruled out, but it must be empirically motivated. If it proves to be correct, I would conclude that language is a chaos that is not worth studying.... Note that the question is not whether beliefs or attitudes, and so on, play a role in linguistic behavior and linguistic judgments... [but rather] whether distinct cognitive structures can be identified, which interact in the real use of language and linguistic judgments, the grammatical system being one of these. (Chomsky, 1979, pp. 140, 152-153)23) Language Is Inevitably Influenced by Specific Contexts of Human InteractionLanguage cannot be studied in isolation from the investigation of "rationality." It cannot afford to neglect our everyday assumptions concerning the total behavior of a reasonable person.... An integrational linguistics must recognize that human beings inhabit a communicational space which is not neatly compartmentalized into language and nonlanguage.... It renounces in advance the possibility of setting up systems of forms and meanings which will "account for" a central core of linguistic behavior irrespective of the situation and communicational purposes involved. (Harris, 1981, p. 165)By innate [linguistic knowledge], Chomsky simply means "genetically programmed." He does not literally think that children are born with language in their heads ready to be spoken. He merely claims that a "blueprint is there, which is brought into use when the child reaches a certain point in her general development. With the help of this blueprint, she analyzes the language she hears around her more readily than she would if she were totally unprepared for the strange gabbling sounds which emerge from human mouths. (Aitchison, 1987, p. 31)Looking at ourselves from the computer viewpoint, we cannot avoid seeing that natural language is our most important "programming language." This means that a vast portion of our knowledge and activity is, for us, best communicated and understood in our natural language.... One could say that natural language was our first great original artifact and, since, as we increasingly realize, languages are machines, so natural language, with our brains to run it, was our primal invention of the universal computer. One could say this except for the sneaking suspicion that language isn't something we invented but something we became, not something we constructed but something in which we created, and recreated, ourselves. (Leiber, 1991, p. 8)Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Language
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11 Historical Portugal
Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims inPortugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and theChurch (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict untilUN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU. -
12 circuit
ˈsə:kɪt
1. сущ.
1) нечто кругообразное а) окружность, круг A rude circuit of stones, of unknown origin. ≈ Неровный круг неизвестного происхождения, выложенный из камней. circuit of the globe б) объезд (своих владений и т.п.), круговая поездка;
"крюк" to make, take a circuit ≈ пойти обходным путем в) трасса для автогонок;
автодром The renovated circuit of Hungaroring didn't that much please the drivers. ≈ Обновленная трасса автодрома Хунгароринг не особенно понравилась пилотам. г) электр. цепь, контур;
схема to break a circuit ≈ разобрать цепь to close a circuit ≈ замкнуть цепь broken circuit detector circuit open circuit circuit closer
2) нечто, заключенное в границах а) область действий;
сфера компетенции If you give me leave to meddle in your circuit. ≈ Если ты позволишь мне вторгнуться в сферу твоей деятельности б) область, округа, ареал, местность Syn: area, extent в) округ (элемент административного деления) ;
район, участок rodeo circuit ≈ родео (поле, где проходят соревнования ковбоев) circuit rider амер.;
ист. ≈ разъездной священник( объезжающий свою паству) circuit of action
3) череда а) цикл, совокупность операций;
комплекс упражнений (для развития какого-л. навыка) lecture circuit ≈ цикл лекций talk-show circuit ≈ цикл программ б) программа выступления в) сеть кинотеатров или других увеселительных заведений, принадлежащая единому владельцу г) кругооборот, круговорот The circuit of changes is completed in the course of a year. ≈ Круговорот изменений завершается за год.
4) правовые термины а) юр. выездная сессия суда (тж. circuit court) ;
б) юр. поездка судьи за присяжными в) юр. судебный округ
5) мед. протекание болезни
2. гл.
1) объезжать, совершать объезд (своих владений и т.п.) ;
оборачиваться The Phenicians circuited the greatest part of the habitable world. ≈ Финикийцы побывали практически во всех местах, пригодных для заселения в этом мире. This comet circuits the sun in about eleven years. ≈ Эта комета совершает свой оборот вокруг солнца примерно за одиннадцать лет.
2) объезжать (препятствие) ;
делать крюк, "давать кругаля"
3) ходить кругами
4) электр. замыкать кругооборот;
кругообращение;
круговращение;
обращение (вокруг чего-л) - the Moon's * of the Earth обращение Луны вокруг Земли виток( орбиты) ;
оборот (спутника) (специальное) круговое обращение, циркуляция окружность;
длина окружности - * of the globe окружность земного шара - the * of the city walls общая длина городских стен объезд;
обход;
круговая поездка;
турне;
маршрут обхода - the commanding officer made a * of the camp командир сделал обход лагеря - a postman's * постоянный маршрут почтальона - he devoted many hours to the * of Paris он посвятил много часов осмотру Парижа - theatre companies travel over regular *s театральные труппы выезжают в обычные турне - a cocktail * регулярные дневные приемы (в разных посольствах) (юридическое) выездная сессия суда - judges go on * for part of the year часть года судьи проводят на выездных сессиях округ (судебный, церковный) - * court( шотландское) выезной суд присяжных( в крупных городах) ;
(американизм) выездная сессия окружного суда - * rider (американизм) разъездной священник (объезжающий свою паству) участок, район - * of action район действия область, сфера;
круг, пределы( деятельности) цикл;
совокупность операций (американизм) ассоциация спортивных команд - the best club in the * лучший клуб (во) всей ассоциации замкнутое пространство - the * of the world весь мир( техническое) схема;
сеть;
система сеть, система - theatre * сеть театров (контролируемых одним лицом или одной компанией) (электротехника) (радиотехника) цепь, контур - short * короткое замыкание - dead * разомкнутый контур;
нерадиоактивный контур - open * незамкнутый контур - closed * television телевидение по замкнутому каналу схема линия связи;
сеть - to allocate *s выделять линии связи (авиация) круговой полет петля( дорожная) объезд - to fetch * сделать объезд;
дать крюку, пойти кружным путем (математика) замкнутая кривая;
контур (компьютерное) (двусторонний) канал связи - switched * коммутируемая линия;
коммутируемый канал (электронная) схема обходить( вокруг) ;
объезжать - to * the globe объехать вокруг земного шара совершать круг;
вращаться, вертеться - comets *ing the Sun кометы, враащающиеся вокруг Солнца active ~ вчт. активная цепь add ~ вчт. схема сложения addressing ~ вчт. схема выборки адреса alarm ~ вчт. цепь аварийной сигнализации anticoincide ~ вчт. схема несовпадения both-way ~ вчт. дуплексный канал ~ эл. цепь, контур;
схема;
broken( или open) circuit разомкнутая цепь;
detector circuit детекторная схема carry ~ вчт. цепь переноса cascade trigger ~ каскадная триггерная схема character selection ~ вчт. схема выборки знака check ~ вчт. цепь контроля checking ~ вчт. цепь контроля checking ~ вчт. цепь проверки circuit барристеры ~ юр. выездная сессия суда (тж. circuit court) ~ выездная сессия суда ~ выездная судебная сессия ~ длина окружности;
circuit of the globe окружность земного шара ~ канал связи ~ контур ~ вчт. контур ~ круг ~ кругооборот ~ линия связи ~ область ~ обходить вокруг;
совершать круг;
вращаться ~ объезд, круговая поездка;
to make (или to take) a circuit пойти обходным путем ~ округ (судебный, церковный и т. п.) ;
участок, район;
circuit of action район действия ~ окружность ~ пределы деятельности ~ ряд зрелищных предприятий под одним управлением ~ судебный округ ~ сфера ~ схема ~ вчт. схема ~ эл. цепь, контур;
схема;
broken (или open) circuit разомкнутая цепь;
detector circuit детекторная схема ~ цепь ~ вчт. цепь ~ цикл, совокупность операций ~ вчт. цикл ~ attr.: ~ rider амер. ист. священник ~ округ (судебный, церковный и т. п.) ;
участок, район;
circuit of action район действия ~ длина окружности;
circuit of the globe окружность земного шара ~ attr.: ~ rider амер. ист. священник clocked ~ вчт. тактируемая схема commutation ~ вчт. цепь связи comparator ~ вчт. схема сравнения complex fuction ~ сложная функциональная схема computer ~ вчт. схема вычислительной машины computer test ~ схема контроля вычислительной машины control ~ вчт. схема управления correcting ~ вчт. корректирующая схема counter ~ вчт. счетная схема coupling ~ вчт. цепь связи cycle ~ вчт. схема пробуксовки data ~ канал передачи данных dedicated ~ вчт. закрепленный канал deenergizing ~ вчт. цепь отключения deflection ~ вчт. схема отклонения ~ эл. цепь, контур;
схема;
broken (или open) circuit разомкнутая цепь;
detector circuit детекторная схема direct-current ~ вчт. потенциальная схема discrete wired ~ схема с навесным монтажом display ~ вчт. схема индикации dividing ~ вчт. схема деления doubling ~ вчт. схема удвоения duplex ~ вчт. дуплексный канал eccles-jordan ~ вчт. триггер either-way ~ вчт. полудуплексный канал equality ~ вчт. схема равенства etched ~ вчт. печатная схема except ~ вчт. схема запрета fault-free ~ вчт. исправная схема faulty ~ вчт. неисправная схема feedback ~ вчт. схема обратной связи film integrated ~ вчт. пленочная ИС flexible ~ вчт. гибкая схема frame-grounding ~ вчт. цепь заземления корпуса full-duplex ~ вчт. дуплексный канал grounded base ~ схема с общей базой grounded collector ~ схема с общим коллектором grounded emmitter ~ схема с общим эмиттером half-duplex ~ вчт. полудуплексный канал hardware ~ вчт. жестко смонтированная схема holding ~ вчт. схема блокировки imbedded ~ вчт. внутренняя схема inhibit ~ вчт. схема запрета integrated ~ вчт. интегральная схема lag-lead ~ вчт. стабилизирующая схема laminar ~ вчт. ламинарная схема large-scale integration ~ большая интегральная схема latch ~ вчт. схема типа защелка lead-lag ~ вчт. стабилизирующая схема leased ~ вчт. арендованный канал leased ~ вчт. арендованный канал связи leased ~ вчт. арендуемая цепь level ~ вчт. потенциальная схема linearity ~ вчт. линеаризующая схема locked pair ~ схема на спаренных элементах lumped ~ вчт. схема с сосредоточенным параметром ~ объезд, круговая поездка;
to make (или to take) a circuit пойти обходным путем measuring ~ вчт. измерительная схема mixing ~ вчт. сместительная схема multichip integrated ~ многокристаллическая ИС multiple output ~ схема с несколькими выходами multistage ~ вчт. многокаскадная схема network ~ вчт. сложный контур non-self checking ~ вчт. схема без самоконтроля optoelectronic ~ вчт. оптоэлектронная схема passive ~ вчт. пассивная схема phase-comparison ~ вчт. схема сравнения power ~ вчт. силовая цепь power ~ эл. энергетическая сеть power-fail ~ вчт. схема защиты от исчезновения питания printed ~ вчт. печатная схема printed ~ вчт. печатный монтаж priority ~ вчт. схема приоритета propagation ~ вчт. схема продвижения protection ~ вчт. схема защиты redundant ~ вчт. избыточная схема send-request ~ вчт. схема запроса на передачу short ~ эл. короткое замыкание short ~ короткое замыкание shunt-peaking ~ вчт. схема параллельной коррекции simplex ~ вчт. симплексный канал single-level ~ вчт. одноступенчатая схема single-phase ~ вчт. однотактная схема solid-state ~ вчт. полупроводниковая схема stamped ~ вчт. штампованная схема start-stop ~ вчт. стартстопная схема steering ~ вчт. управляющая схема storage ~ вчт. запоминающая схема switched ~ вчт. коммутируемая линия symbolic ~ вчт. мнемосхема telephone ~ телефонный канал time-base ~ вчт. схема развертки toll ~ вчт. магистральная линия trasmitting ~ вчт. передающая схема trunk ~ междугородный канал two-level ~ вчт. двухступенчатая схема two-way ~ вчт. дуплексный канал very-large-scale integration ~ сврхбольшая интегральная схема virtual ~ вчт. виртуальный канал -
13 texture
noun* * *['tekstjuə]1) (the way something feels when touched, eaten etc: the texture of wood, stone, skin etc.) die Beschaffenheit2) (the way that a piece of cloth looks or feels, caused by the way in which it is woven: the loose texture of this material.) das Gewerbe* * *tex·ture[ˈtekstʃəʳ, AM -ɚ]ncoarse/soft \texture grobe/feine Strukturskin \texture Teint mthe play has a rich and complex dramatic \texture das Schauspiel verfügt über eine ausgeprägte und komplexe dramatische Struktur* * *['tekstʃə(r)]n(stoffliche) Beschaffenheit, Textur f; (of dough also) Konsistenz f; (of food) Substanz f, Textur f; (of material, paper) Griff m und Struktur, Textur f; (fig, of music, poetry etc) Gestalt fthe smooth texture of silk makes it pleasant to wear — es ist angenehm, Seide zu tragen, weil sie so anschmiegsam ist
a sculptor interested in texture — ein Bildhauer, der an der Materialgestalt or -beschaffenheit interessiert ist
the texture of one's life — seine Lebensqualität
* * *texture [ˈtekstʃə(r)] s1. Gewebe n3. Struktur f, Beschaffenheit f4. BIOL Textur f (Gewebezustand)5. Maserung f (des Holzes)* * *noun1) Beschaffenheit, die; (of fabric, material) Struktur, die; (of food) Konsistenz, die* * *(in wood) n.Maserung -en f. n.Beschaffenheit f.Gefüge -n n.Struktur -en f.Textur -en f. -
14 hard
A adj1 [consistency, object, surface, skin, muscle, snow, butter, bread, ground, bed, pencil lead] dur ; [paint, wax, mud, glue] dur, durci ; to go ou grow ou become hard durcir ; to set hard [concrete, plaster etc] durcir complètement ; a hard frost une forte gelée ; frozen hard complètement gelé ; ⇒ hard lens ;2 (difficult, complex) [problem, question, puzzle] dur, difficile ; [choice] difficile, dur à faire ; [decision] difficile, dur à prendre ; (arduous, demanding) [task, study, training, climb] dur, difficile ; [bargaining, negotiations, fight] dur, serré ; I've had a hard day j'ai eu une dure journée ; a hard day's work/filming une dure journée de travail/de tournage ; to be hard to open/cut/find/read être dur or difficile à ouvrir/couper/trouver/lire ; it's a hard poem to translate c'est un poème difficile à traduire ; to be hard to please être exigeant ; it's hard to do c'est dur or difficile à faire ; it was hard not to laugh il était dur or difficile de ne pas rire ; his decision was hard for us to understand il était dur or difficile de comprendre sa décision, nous avions du mal à comprendre sa décision ; it is hard for sb to do sth il est difficile à or pour qn de faire qch ; it was hard for us to understand his decision il nous était difficile de comprendre sa décision, nous avions du mal à comprendre sa décision ; it's hard for old people to change their ways il est difficile pour les personnes âgées de changer leurs habitudes ; to find it hard to do sth avoir du mal à faire qch, trouver dur or difficile de faire qch ; to find sth hard to do trouver qch dur or difficile à faire ; it's hard to accept/believe on a du mal à accepter/croire (that que) ; I'm not afraid of hard work le travail ne me fait pas peur ; it was hard work ou going ça a été dur or difficile ; it's hard work doing sth c'est difficile or dur de faire qch ; it was hard work persuading her to sell c'était difficile or dur de la persuader de vendre ; I found the article rather hard going j'ai trouvé l'article plutôt ardu or difficile ; he made hard work of moving the table il a fait tout un plat ○ pour déplacer la table ; hard work never hurt ou killed anybody! le travail n'a jamais fait de mal à personne! ; it's too much like hard work c'est trop fatigant ; to be a hard worker [student, pupil, employee] être travailleur/-euse ; [manual worker] être dur à la tâche ; to do things the hard way se compliquer la tâche ; he got the job the hard way il a beaucoup travaillé pour en arriver là ; to find sth out ou learn sth the hard way apprendre qch à ses dépens ;3 (harsh, unpleasant) [life, childhood, year] difficile ; [blow, knock] fig dur, terrible ; [climate, winter] rude ; he has to learn to take the hard knocks il faut qu'il apprenne à encaisser ○ ; this is a hard world nous vivons dans un monde cruel or sans pitié ; to be hard on sb [person, court] être dur envers qn ; don't be so hard on yourself! ne sois pas si dur avec toi-même! ; this tax is very hard on the unemployed cet impôt frappe durement les chômeurs ; this print is hard on the eyes ces caractères ne ménagent pas la vue ; hard luck ou lines ○ GB! ( sympathetic) pas de chance! ; hard luck ou lines ○ GB ou cheese ○ GB! ( unsympathetic) tant pis pour toi!, manque de pot ○ ! ; to take a hard line adopter une attitude ferme (on sth à propos de qch ; with sb envers qn) ; it's a hard life gen, hum, iron la vie est dure ; it's a hard life being a millionaire iron c'est dur d'être (un) millionnaire ; no hard feelings! sans rancune! ; I bear her no hard feelings je ne lui en veux pas, je ne lui en tiens pas rancune ; these are hard times les temps sont durs ; to fall on hard times connaître des revers de fortune ; he's having a hard time (of it) il traverse une période difficile ; to have a hard time (of it) doing sth avoir du mal à faire qch ; to give sb a hard time ○ ( make things difficult) rendre la vie impossible à qn ; ( tell off) passer un savon ○ à qn ;4 (stern, cold) [person, voice, look, words] dur, sévère ; their hearts are hard ils ont le cœur dur ;5 ( forceful) [shove, push, knock] bon/bonne (before n) ; I gave the door a hard push j'ai poussé fortement la porte ;6 ( concrete) [evidence, proof] solide ; [facts] concret/-ète, solide ; [news] sérieux/-ieuse ; the paper that brings you the hard news le journal qui vous donne des nouvelles sérieuses ; the hard facts about sth la vérité sur qch ;8 ( strong) [drink, liquor] fort ; [drug] dur ; [pornography] hard ; to be a hard drinker boire des alcools forts ; a drop of the hard stuff ○ une goutte d'alcool (fort) ;9 Pol the hard left/right la gauche/droite (pure et) dure ;10 Chem [water] dur, calcaire ;11 Ling [consonant] dur ;B adv1 (strongly, energetically) [push, pull, punch, laugh, cry] fort ; [work] dur ; [study, think] sérieusement ; [rain] fort, à verse ; [snow] abondamment ; [look, listen] attentivement ; to hit sb/sth hard lit frapper qn/qch fort ; fig frapper qn/qch durement ; to be hard hit fig être durement frappé (by par) ; think hard! réfléchissez bien or sérieusement! ; to try hard ( intellectually) faire beaucoup d'efforts ; ( physically) essayer de toutes ses forces ; as hard as one can [run, try, push, pull, work] de toutes ses forces ; no matter how hard I try/work, I… j'ai beau essayer/travailler, je… ; to be hard at it ○ ou at work être en plein boulot ○ or travail ; she works ou drives her students very hard elle fait travailler très dur ses étudiants ; to take sth (very) hard prendre (très) mal qch ;2 ( with directions) turn hard left at the traffic lights aux feux tournez tout de suite à gauche ; go hard astern Naut machine arrière toute ; hard a-port/a-starboard Naut à babord/à tribord toute ;3 ( indicating proximity) hard behind juste derrière ; hard by† sth tout près de qch ; hard (up)on sth juste sur qch ; ⇒ heel.to play hard to get se faire désirer ; to be hard put to do avoir du mal à faire ; to be/feel hard done by être/se sentir brimé. -
15 circuit
[ˈsə:kɪt]active circuit вчт. активная цепь add circuit вчт. схема сложения addressing circuit вчт. схема выборки адреса alarm circuit вчт. цепь аварийной сигнализации anticoincide circuit вчт. схема несовпадения both-way circuit вчт. дуплексный канал circuit эл. цепь, контур; схема; broken (или open) circuit разомкнутая цепь; detector circuit детекторная схема carry circuit вчт. цепь переноса cascade trigger circuit каскадная триггерная схема character selection circuit вчт. схема выборки знака check circuit вчт. цепь контроля checking circuit вчт. цепь контроля checking circuit вчт. цепь проверки circuit барристеры circuit юр. выездная сессия суда (тж. circuit court) circuit выездная сессия суда circuit выездная судебная сессия circuit длина окружности; circuit of the globe окружность земного шара circuit канал связи circuit контур circuit вчт. контур circuit круг circuit кругооборот circuit линия связи circuit область circuit обходить вокруг; совершать круг; вращаться circuit объезд, круговая поездка; to make (или to take) a circuit пойти обходным путем circuit округ (судебный, церковный и т. п.); участок, район; circuit of action район действия circuit окружность circuit пределы деятельности circuit ряд зрелищных предприятий под одним управлением circuit судебный округ circuit сфера circuit схема circuit вчт. схема circuit эл. цепь, контур; схема; broken (или open) circuit разомкнутая цепь; detector circuit детекторная схема circuit цепь circuit вчт. цепь circuit цикл, совокупность операций circuit вчт. цикл circuit attr.: circuit rider амер. ист. священник circuit округ (судебный, церковный и т. п.); участок, район; circuit of action район действия circuit длина окружности; circuit of the globe окружность земного шара circuit attr.: circuit rider амер. ист. священник clocked circuit вчт. тактируемая схема commutation circuit вчт. цепь связи comparator circuit вчт. схема сравнения complex fuction circuit сложная функциональная схема computer circuit вчт. схема вычислительной машины computer test circuit схема контроля вычислительной машины control circuit вчт. схема управления correcting circuit вчт. корректирующая схема counter circuit вчт. счетная схема coupling circuit вчт. цепь связи cycle circuit вчт. схема пробуксовки data circuit канал передачи данных dedicated circuit вчт. закрепленный канал deenergizing circuit вчт. цепь отключения deflection circuit вчт. схема отклонения circuit эл. цепь, контур; схема; broken (или open) circuit разомкнутая цепь; detector circuit детекторная схема direct-current circuit вчт. потенциальная схема discrete wired circuit схема с навесным монтажом display circuit вчт. схема индикации dividing circuit вчт. схема деления doubling circuit вчт. схема удвоения duplex circuit вчт. дуплексный канал eccles-jordan circuit вчт. триггер either-way circuit вчт. полудуплексный канал equality circuit вчт. схема равенства etched circuit вчт. печатная схема except circuit вчт. схема запрета fault-free circuit вчт. исправная схема faulty circuit вчт. неисправная схема feedback circuit вчт. схема обратной связи film integrated circuit вчт. пленочная ИС flexible circuit вчт. гибкая схема frame-grounding circuit вчт. цепь заземления корпуса full-duplex circuit вчт. дуплексный канал grounded base circuit схема с общей базой grounded collector circuit схема с общим коллектором grounded emmitter circuit схема с общим эмиттером half-duplex circuit вчт. полудуплексный канал hardware circuit вчт. жестко смонтированная схема holding circuit вчт. схема блокировки imbedded circuit вчт. внутренняя схема inhibit circuit вчт. схема запрета integrated circuit вчт. интегральная схема lag-lead circuit вчт. стабилизирующая схема laminar circuit вчт. ламинарная схема large-scale integration circuit большая интегральная схема latch circuit вчт. схема типа защелка lead-lag circuit вчт. стабилизирующая схема leased circuit вчт. арендованный канал leased circuit вчт. арендованный канал связи leased circuit вчт. арендуемая цепь level circuit вчт. потенциальная схема linearity circuit вчт. линеаризующая схема locked pair circuit схема на спаренных элементах lumped circuit вчт. схема с сосредоточенным параметром circuit объезд, круговая поездка; to make (или to take) a circuit пойти обходным путем measuring circuit вчт. измерительная схема mixing circuit вчт. сместительная схема multichip integrated circuit многокристаллическая ИС multiple output circuit схема с несколькими выходами multistage circuit вчт. многокаскадная схема network circuit вчт. сложный контур non-self checking circuit вчт. схема без самоконтроля optoelectronic circuit вчт. оптоэлектронная схема passive circuit вчт. пассивная схема phase-comparison circuit вчт. схема сравнения power circuit вчт. силовая цепь power circuit эл. энергетическая сеть power-fail circuit вчт. схема защиты от исчезновения питания printed circuit вчт. печатная схема printed circuit вчт. печатный монтаж priority circuit вчт. схема приоритета propagation circuit вчт. схема продвижения protection circuit вчт. схема защиты redundant circuit вчт. избыточная схема send-request circuit вчт. схема запроса на передачу short circuit эл. короткое замыкание short circuit короткое замыкание shunt-peaking circuit вчт. схема параллельной коррекции simplex circuit вчт. симплексный канал single-level circuit вчт. одноступенчатая схема single-phase circuit вчт. однотактная схема solid-state circuit вчт. полупроводниковая схема stamped circuit вчт. штампованная схема start-stop circuit вчт. стартстопная схема steering circuit вчт. управляющая схема storage circuit вчт. запоминающая схема switched circuit вчт. коммутируемая линия symbolic circuit вчт. мнемосхема telephone circuit телефонный канал time-base circuit вчт. схема развертки toll circuit вчт. магистральная линия trasmitting circuit вчт. передающая схема trunk circuit междугородный канал two-level circuit вчт. двухступенчатая схема two-way circuit вчт. дуплексный канал very-large-scale integration circuit сврхбольшая интегральная схема virtual circuit вчт. виртуальный канал -
16 dense
adjective1) dicht; massiv [Körper]3) (stupid) dummhe's pretty dense — er ist ziemlich schwer von Begriff
* * *[dens]1) (thick and close: We made our way through dense forest; The fog was so dense that we could not see anything.) dicht2) (very stupid: He's so dense I have to tell him everything twice.) schwer von Begriff•- academic.ru/86082/densely">densely- density* * *<-r, -st>[den(t)s]\dense crowd dichte Zuschauermenge\dense fog dichter Nebel\dense print enge Schrift2. (complex) anspruchsvoll, schwierig\dense book anspruchsvolles Buch* * *[dens]adj (+er)3) (inf) person (= of low intellect) beschränkt (inf); (= slow) begriffsstutzig (inf), schwer von Begriff (inf)* * *dense [dens] adj (adv densely)densely populated dicht bevölkert;dense print enger Druck2. fig beschränkt, schwerfällig, begriffsstutzig:too dense überbelichtet* * *adjective1) dicht; massiv [Körper]2) (crowded together) dicht gedrängt; eng [Schrift]3) (stupid) dumm* * *adj.dicht (Mathematik) adj.dicht adj. -
17 difficult
['dɪfɪkəlt]1) (hard to do) [task, question] difficile2) (complex) [author, concept] difficile, complesso3) (awkward) [age, position, personality] difficile* * *['difikəlt]1) (hard to do or understand; not easy: difficult sums; a difficult task; It is difficult to know what to do for the best.) difficile2) (hard to deal with or needing to be treated etc in a special way: a difficult child.) difficile•* * *['dɪfɪkəlt]1) (hard to do) [task, question] difficile2) (complex) [author, concept] difficile, complesso3) (awkward) [age, position, personality] difficile -
18 structure
1. noun1) Struktur, die; Aufbau, der; (Mus.) Kompositionsweise, die; (manner of construction) Bauweise, die; Struktur, die2) (something constructed) Konstruktion, die; (building) Bauwerk, das; (complex whole; also Biol.) Struktur, die2. transitive verbstrukturieren; regeln [Leben]; aufbauen [literarisches Werk]; (construct) konstruieren; bauen* * *1) (the way in which something is arranged or organized: A flower has quite a complicated structure; the structure of a human body.) die Struktur2) (a building, or something that is built or constructed: The Eiffel Tower is one of the most famous structures in the world.) das Bauwerk•- academic.ru/71388/structural">structural- structurally* * *struc·ture[ˈstrʌktʃəʳ, AM -ɚ]I. n\structure of a cell Zellaufbau mcourse \structure Kursaufbau m, Kursstruktur f\structure of society Gesellschaftsstruktur fsocial \structure Sozialstruktur f, soziales Gefügemanagement \structure Leitungsstruktur fII. vtwe must carefully \structure and rehearse each scene wir müssen jede Szene sorgfältig aufbauen und probenwell-\structured argument gut aufgebaute [o gegliederte] Argumentation* * *['strʌktʃə(r)]1. n2) (= thing constructed) Konstruktion f2. vtstrukturieren; essay, argument aufbauen, gliedern; layout, life gestalten* * *structure [ˈstrʌktʃə(r)]A s1. BIOL, CHEM etc Struktur f, fig auch (Auf)Bau m, Gefüge n, Gliederung f:structure of power Machtstruktur;structure of a sentence Satzbau;structure of society Gesellschaftsstruktur2. ARCH, TECH Bau(art) m(f), Konstruktion f3. Bau(werk) m(n), Gebäude n (auch fig), pl Bauten pl4. fig Gebilde nB v/t strukturieren, einen Aufsatz etc auch aufbauen* * *1. noun1) Struktur, die; Aufbau, der; (Mus.) Kompositionsweise, die; (manner of construction) Bauweise, die; Struktur, die2) (something constructed) Konstruktion, die; (building) Bauwerk, das; (complex whole; also Biol.) Struktur, die2. transitive verbstrukturieren; regeln [Leben]; aufbauen [literarisches Werk]; (construct) konstruieren; bauen* * *n.Aufbau -ten m.Bauweise -n f.Beschaffenheit f.Gebilde - n.Gefüge -n n.Gliederung f.Struktur -en f. -
19 feel
[fiːl]v1) чувствовать, ощущать, испытыватьYou will soon feel the effect of the medicine. — Вы скоро почувствуете действие лекарства.
He made his power felt. — Он дал почувствовать свою власть/силу.
- feel well- feel hungry
- feel sleepy
- feel pity for smb
- feel the draught
- feel pain
- feel smb's touch
- room feels warm
- shoes feel comfortable2) пощупать, потрогать, пробовать на ощупьFeel if the water is warm enough. — Попробуй, достаточно ли нагрелась вода.
Feel how cold my hands are. — Пощупай, какие у меня холодные руки.
It feels like silk. — На ощупь это похоже на шелк.
- feel smth- feel the pulse
- feel in one's bag
- feel for the switch
- feel one's way4) считать, сознаватьI feel the force of your arguments. — Я понимаю/сознаю силу ваших аргументов.
I felt that he was speaking the truth. — Я чувствовал, что он говорит правду.
- feel it one's duty to help them- feel it wrong to say so5) быть настроенным, быть расположеннымI didn't feel like discussing the problem. — Мне не хотелось обсуждать этот вопрос.
It feels like rain. — Похоже, будет дождь.
- feel like smth- feeel like doing smth•USAGE:(1.) Словосочетания типа чувствовать, как кто-то что-либо делает в английском языке передаются конструкцией Complex Object с глаголом to feel: I felt him touch my shoulder lightly я почувствовал, как он слегка коснулся моего плеча. В этой конструкции употребляются также глаголы to care, to hear, to notice, to see, to watch. Инфинитив с этими глаголами в конструкции Complex Object употребляется без частицы to. (2.) В отличие от русского сочетания чувствовать себя (хорошо, счастливо, молодо) английский глагол to feel 2. с последующим прилагательным употребляется без возвратного местоимения: he felt well (happy, young). (3.) Русское словосочетание "чувствовать себя хорошо" соответствует в английском языке сочетанию глагола to feel 2. с прилагательным well (а не good!): to feel well (unwell) чувствовать себя хорошо (плохо). (4.) В предложениях с глаголом to feel 3. в качестве подлежащего обычно выступают названия неодушевленных предметов: the wall felt cold стена на ощупь была холодной. (5.) See watch, v (6.) See hate, v; USAGE (1.). -
20 system
1. n система; способ; метод2. n тк. система, систематичность3. n строй, устройство4. n классификация, система5. n филос. система; комплекс идей, образующих целоеa system of philosophy — философская система; философское учение
testbed system — макетная система; экспериментальная система
sweating system — усиленная эксплуатация, потогонная система
6. n филос. вселенная, мир7. n филос. сеть8. n филос. организм9. n филос. геол. система, формацияstand-alone system — независимая система; автономная система
10. n филос. спорт. судействоСинонимический ряд:1. complex (noun) assemblage; combination; complex; correlation2. cosmos (noun) cosmos; universe; world3. method (noun) arrangement; fashion; manner; method; mode; modus; modus operandi; orderliness; pattern; plan; policy; practice; procedure; process; program; routine; scheme; strategy; style; tactics; technique; way; wise4. order (noun) conformity; order; organization; regularity; rule; setup; structure5. whole (noun) entity; integral; integrate; sum; totality; wholeАнтонимический ряд:chaos; confusion; derangement; disarray; disorder; fortuity; haphazard; incongruity; jumble; medley
См. также в других словарях:
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