Перевод: со словенского на английский

с английского на словенский

does

  • 1 mělь

    mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168
    Old Church Slavic:
    měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]
    Russian:
    mel' `sand-bank, shoal' [f i];
    mel `chalk' [m o]
    Czech:
    měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];
    měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];
    měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]
    Old Czech:
    měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]
    Polish:
    miaɫ, mieɫ (dial.) `dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    miel `sand-bank' [f i];
    miaɫ `finely ground substance' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];
    mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-
    Lithuanian:
    smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    smēlis `fine sand' [m io] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 717
    Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. melr (dial.) `sand-bank'
    ;
    Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank'
    ;
    Sw. smula `chunk'
    ;
    Nw. smola (dial.) `smash' [verb];
    Nw. smol (dial.) `dust'
    \{3\} \{4\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mělь

  • 2 mělъ

    mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168
    Old Church Slavic:
    měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]
    Russian:
    mel' `sand-bank, shoal' [f i];
    mel `chalk' [m o]
    Czech:
    měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];
    měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];
    měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]
    Old Czech:
    měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]
    Polish:
    miaɫ, mieɫ (dial.) `dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    miel `sand-bank' [f i];
    miaɫ `finely ground substance' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];
    mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-
    Lithuanian:
    smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    smēlis `fine sand' [m io] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 717
    Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. melr (dial.) `sand-bank'
    ;
    Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank'
    ;
    Sw. smula `chunk'
    ;
    Nw. smola (dial.) `smash' [verb];
    Nw. smol (dial.) `dust'
    \{3\} \{4\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mělъ

  • 3 òlni

    òlni Grammatical information: f. ī Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `doe'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 70-71
    Old Church Slavic:
    alъnii (Supr.) `does' [Genpf iā] \{1\}
    Russian:
    lan' `fallow deer, doe' [f i]
    Czech:
    laň `doe' [f i/jā]
    Old Czech:
    laní `doe' [f iā]
    Slovak:
    laň `doe' [f i/jā]
    Old Polish:
    ɫani `doe' [f iā];
    ɫania `doe' [f jā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    làne `doe' [f jā]
    Bulgarian:
    álne (dial.) `young chamois' [f jā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ol-Hn-
    Lithuanian:
    élnis (arch.) `deer' [m io];
    álnis (dial.) `deer' [m io] 1;
    élnias `deer' [m jo] 1/3;
    élnė `doe' [f ē] 1;
    álnė (dial.) `doe' [f ē] 1
    Latvian:
    al̂nis `elk' [m io]
    Old Prussian:
    alne (EV) `?deer'
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁ol-Hn-iH-
    IE meaning: deer
    Page in Pokorny: 303-304
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ἐλλός (Hom.) `young of the deer, fawn'
    ;
    ἔλαφος `deer'
    \{2\};
    Arm. eɫn `deer'
    ;
    MIr. ailit `doe, hind' [f], ailte [Gens];
    MIr. elit `doe, hind' [f], eilte [Gens] \{3\};
    MW elein `young deer, doe, hind-calf' [f/m], alanet [Nom p] `young deer, doe, hind-calf' \{4\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Provided that this is the correct reading of mьnii. \{2\} Probably < *h₁el-n-bʰo-. Like the Armenian word mentioned below, this form does not contain the "Hoffmann-suffix". \{3\} According to Schrijver (1995: 79) < PIE *el-(H)n + t-iH or *el-en + t-iH. \{4\} MW elein, MoW elain may reflect PIE *(h₁)el-Hn- or *(h₁)el-n̥-i̯ (Schrijver 1995: 79).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > òlni

  • 4 bàviti

    bàviti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `be, linger'
    Page in Trubačev: I 168-170
    Russian:
    bávit' (dial.) `linger' [verb]
    Ukrainian:
    baviti (OUkr.) `remain, linger, delay' [verb]
    Czech:
    baviti `amuse, take time' [verb]
    Polish:
    bawić `amuse, be, abide' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bȁvit (dial.) `be late, linger' [verb];
    bȁviti se (dial.) `be late, linger' [verb]
    Slovene:
    báviti se `occupy oneself with, linger' [verb], bȃvim se [1sg] \{1\}
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: boʔu-iʔ-tei; bʔu-inʔ-tei
    Lithuanian:
    bùvintis `sojourn' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰoHu-eie-
    Page in Pokorny: 146
    Other cognates:
    Skt. bhāvayati `cause to be, cherish, refresh' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} Pleteršnik (I: s.v.) does not indicate the change of tone in the present (o.c. II: I).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bàviti

  • 5 bělъ

    bě́lъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `white'
    Page in Trubačev: II 79-81
    Old Church Slavic:
    bělъ `white' [adj o]
    Russian:
    bélyj `white' [adj o];
    bel `white' [adj o], belá [Nomsf], bélo [Nomsn] \{1\}
    Czech:
    bílý `white' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    biely `white' [adj o]
    Polish:
    biaɫy `white' [adj o]
    Slovincian:
    bjáu̯lï `white' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bȉjel, bȉo `white' [adj o], bijȅla [Nomsf], bijèlo [Nomsn];
    Čak. bĩ(l) (Vrgada) `white' [adj o], bīlȁ [Nomsf], bīlȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. biȇl (Orbanići) `white' [adj o], bielȁ [Nomsf], biȇlȍ [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    bẹ́ɫ `white' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    bjal `white' [adj o]
    Lithuanian:
    bãlas `white' [adj o] 4;
    báltas `white' [adj o] 3
    Latvian:
    bā̀ls `pale' [adj o];
    bãls `pale' [adj o];
    bal̃ts `white' [adj o]
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 118
    Comments: The fact that this etymon belongs to AP (b), which implies an non-acute root, does not pose any problems if one assumes that the regular reflex of a lengthened grade vowel was circumflex. We may reconstruct * bʰēlH-o-, with regular loss of the root-final laryngeal.
    Notes:
    \{1\} AP (b) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 136).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bělъ

  • 6 bȏgъ

    bȏgъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `god'
    Page in Trubačev: II 161-163
    Old Church Slavic:
    bogъ `god' [m o]
    Russian:
    bog `god' [m o], bóga [Gens]
    Belorussian:
    boh `god' [m o], bóha [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    bih `god' [m o], bóha [Gens]
    Czech:
    bůh `god' [m o], boha [Gens]
    Slovak:
    boh `god' [m o]
    Polish:
    bóg `god' [m o], boga [Gens]
    Upper Sorbian:
    bóh `god' [m o], boha [Gens]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bȏg `god' [m o], bȍga [Gens];
    Čak. bȏg (Vrgada, Novi) `god' [m o], bȍga [Gens];
    Čak. buȏh (Orbanići) `God, Christ' [m o], bȍga [Gens]
    Slovene:
    bọ̑g `god' [m o], bogȃ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    bog `god' [m o]
    Comments: The Slavic noun * bogъ is usually considered a borrowing from Iranian (cf. Vaillant Gr. I: 16). This hypothesis is supported by the fact that the etymon does not show the effects of Winter's law.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. bhága- (RV+) `prosperity, good fortune' [m o];
    LAv. baɣa- `lord, god'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bȏgъ

  • 7 bolzìna

    bolzìna Grammatical information: f. ā
    Page in Trubačev: II 183-184
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blàzina `pillow, bolster' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    blazína `roof-beam, cross-beam, pillow, mattress, bolster' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bolźeiʔnaʔ; bolźeiʔnos
    Lithuanian:
    balžíenas `cross-beam (harrow,waggon, sledge)' [m o] 1/3;
    balžíena `cross-beam (harrow,waggon, sledge)' [f ā] 1/3
    Latvian:
    bàlziêns `cross-beam (sledge, plough)' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    balsinis `cushion';
    pobalso `bolster'
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰolǵʰ-
    Comments: It seems plausible that we are dealing with two, formally indistinguishable roots (cf. IEW: 122-123, 125-126). The meaning `pillow, bolster' belongs to the same root that underlies Lith. bal̃nas, OHG balg etc. Stang (1972, 14) attempts to separate `beam' from `pillow, bellows' on formal grounds (*ǵ vs. ǵʰ, respectively), but this does not seem to work, as the Balto-Slavic forms that would *ǵ do not show the effects of Winter's law. It is more likely that the Germanic forms with *k contain * k(k) < *ǵʰ-n- (Kluge's law).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. bjalki `beam'
    ;
    OHG balko `beam'
    ;
    OE balca `beam'
    \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bolzìna

  • 8 čakati

    čakati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `wait, await, expect'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 13
    Old Czech:
    čakati `wait, await' [verb]
    Slovak:
    čakat' `wait, await' [verb]
    Polish:
    czakać (Sil. dial.) `wait, await' [verb]
    Old Polish:
    czakać `wait, await' [verb]
    Upper Sorbian:
    čakać `wait, await' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    čakaś `wait, await' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    čȁkati (RJA) `wait, await, expect' [verb];
    Kajk. čȍkati (Bednja) `wait, await, expect' [verb], čȃokam [1sg]
    Slovene:
    čákati `wait, await' [verb], čákam [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    čákam `wait, await' [verb]
    Comments: It is tempting to assume that * čakati and -> * čajati contain the same basic root (cf. Meillet 1902-1905: 163), but this hypothesis does not explain the variation between * čakati and -> * čekati.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čakati

  • 9 čerslò

    čerslò Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b
    Page in Trubačev: IV 74-75
    Old Church Slavic:
    črěsla `loins' [Nompn o]
    Russian:
    čeresló (dial.) `ploughshare' [n o];
    čéresla (dial.) `waist, groins' [Nompn o]
    Ukrainian:
    čeresló `ploughshare' [n o]
    Czech:
    (s)tříslo `cortex, bark (used in tanning), planks, groin' [n o]
    Slovak:
    črieslo `lintel' [n o]
    Polish:
    trzosɫa (arch.) `loins, groin' [Nompn o];
    trzósɫa (dial.) `loins, groin' [Nompn o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    črjósɫo `ploughshare' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    črijèslo `cortex, bark (used in tanning)' [n o]
    Slovene:
    črẹ́slọ `cortex, bark (used in tanning)' [n o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: kersló
    Lithuanian:
    ker̃slas `chisel, cutter' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    kersle `axe with two blades'
    Page in Pokorny: 941
    Comments: Derivative of the root * (s)kert-. The suffix may be reconstructed as *- slom, but *- tlom is more attractive. It does not seem implausible that * kers-tlo- < * kert-tlo- became * kerslo- in Balto-Slavic.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čerslò

  • 10 děti

    I. děti I Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `do, say'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 229-230
    Old Church Slavic:
    dějati `do, say' [verb], dějǫ [1sg];
    děti sę `get to, disappear' [verb], deždǫ sę [1sg] \{1\};
    -děti `do, say' [verb], -dějǫ [1sg], -deždǫ [1sg], -děnǫ [1sg]
    Russian:
    det' `put, place' [verb], dénu [1sg];
    déjat' (dial.) `do, make' [verb], déju [1sg]
    Czech:
    díti (obs.) `speak' [verb]
    Old Czech:
    dieti `do' [verb], děju [1sg], dějěš [2sg];
    dieti `speak, say' [verb], diem [1sg], dieš [2sg] \{1\}
    Polish:
    dziać `weave, knit (arch.), do' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    djȅti `do, say' [verb], djȅdēm [1sg], djȅnēm [1sg];
    djȅsti (Vuk) `do, say' [verb], djȅdēm [1sg], djȅnēm [1sg]
    Slovene:
    dẹjáti `do, say' [verb], dẹ̑jem [1sg];
    dẹjáti `place, put, do, say' [verb], dẹ̑m [1sg];
    dẹjáti `place, put' [verb], dẹ́nem [1sg], dę́nem [1sg];
    dẹ́ti `place, put, do, say' [verb], dẹ̑m [1sg]
    Lithuanian:
    dė́ti `lay, put' [verb], dẽda [3ps];
    dė́ti (OLith.) `lay, put' [verb], desti [3ps]
    Latvian:
    dêt `lay (eggs)' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dʰeh₁-
    Page in Pokorny: 235
    Other cognates:
    Skt. dádhāti `put, place, make' [verb];
    Gk. τίθημι `to put down, to ground, to create' [verb];
    Lat. fē-cī `to make' [1sgpfa];
    OHG tuon `to do' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} The SJS gives děti sę, 1sg. deždǫ sę, 2sg. deždeši sę (Hilf., Venc.). The latter text does not belong to the Old Church Slavic canon. The quoted passages do not show that the present stem dežd- occurs in Hilf. \{2\} In his Old Czech dictionary, Gebauer has děti, děju `do' and děti, děju `speak, say'. In his Czech historical grammar (III.2: 228), however, he says that deju `I speak' is not attested and claims that the attested 1sg. diem is an innovation.
    II. děti II Grammatical information: Nompf. Proto-Slavic meaning: `children'
    Page in Trubačev: V 14
    Old Church Slavic:
    děti `children' [Nompf]
    Russian:
    déti `children' [Nom p]
    Czech:
    děti `children' [Nom p]
    Slovak:
    deti `children' [Nom p]
    Polish:
    dzieci `children' [Nom p]
    Slovincian:
    ʒìe̯cä `children' [Nom p]
    Bulgarian:
    déti (dial.) `children' [Nom p]
    Page in Pokorny: 241
    Comments: A derivative of the root * dʰeh₁-, cf. Latv. dę̂ls `son', dêt `suck'. The singular *dětь is hardly attested. The common singular of the word for `child' is -> *dětę, wehere the suffix *-t- was enlarged with the suffix *-ę < *- ent-, which is frequent in designations of young living creatures.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. fētus `birth, foetus, offspring'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > děti

  • 11 droga

    droga Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `bar, pole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 123-124
    Russian:
    drogá `wooden bar or metal strip uniting the front and the rear axis of a cart, centre pole' [f ā];
    drogá (dial.) `pole' [f ā];
    dróga (dial.) `cart for transporting wood' [f ā]
    Comments: Apparently a variant of -> *drǫ́gъ. A comparison with Gk. τρέχω `run' and OIc. draga `pull' does not bring much.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > droga

  • 12 dъnò

    dъnò Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bottom'
    Page in Trubačev: V 174-175
    Old Church Slavic:
    dъno `bottom' [n o]
    Russian:
    dno `bottom' [n o]
    Czech:
    dno `bottom' [n o]
    Polish:
    dno `bottom' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dnȍ `bottom' [n o];
    Čak. dnȍ (Vrgada, Orbanići) `bottom' [n o]
    Slovene:
    dnọ̀ `bottom' [n o]
    Bulgarian:
    dắno `bottom, floor' [n o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: dubno
    Lithuanian:
    dùgnas `bottom' [m o] 4
    Indo-European reconstruction: dʰubʰ-no-
    Certainty: -
    Comments: The Slavic vacillation between root-final *b and *p does not have a Baltic counterpart. In East Baltic, however, the full grade * daub- occurs both with acute and circumflex tone, e.g. Latv. duôbjš `deep'. The acute variant could be attributed to Winter's law, which would be in accordance with PGm. * deupa- `deep'< * dʰeub-, but this would leave us without an explanation for the other forms. The many formal problems connected with this root have made it a prime example of a borrowing from a substratum language (cf. Kuiper 1995).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dъnò

  • 13 ȇdlь

    ȇdlь; edlà Grammatical information: f. i; f. ā Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `spruce, fir'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 14-15
    Russian:
    el' `spruce, fir' [f i], éli [Gens] \{1\}
    Czech:
    jedle `fir' [f jā]
    Old Czech:
    jedl `spruce, fir' [f i]
    Slovak:
    jedl'a `fir' [f jā]
    Polish:
    jodɫa `fir' [f ā] \{2\}
    Old Polish:
    jedl `spruce, fir' [f i];
    jedla [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jéla `fir' [f ā];
    jȅla `fir' [f ā];
    Čak. jȅla (Vrgada) `tree-trunk' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    ję̑l `spruce, fir' [f i], jelȋ [Gens];
    ję̑la `spruce, fir' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    jelá `fir' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: edli-
    Lithuanian:
    ẽglė `spruce, fir' [f ē] 2
    Latvian:
    egle `spruce, fir' [f ē]
    Old Prussian:
    addle (EV) `spruce, fir' [f]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-l-i
    IE meaning: spruce, fir
    Page in Pokorny: 289-290
    Comments: Connecting the name of the `spruce' or `fir-tree' with Lith. ãdata `needle' and adýti `to darn', as advocated by Fraenkel ( Fraenkel I: 117-118) and Pokorny, is semantically attractive but does not make much sense in relation to Lat. ebulum (cf. Andersen 1996: 119).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. ebulum `dwarf-elder, danewort (sambucus ebulus)' [n], ebulus `dwarf-elder, danewort (sambucus ebulus)' [f];
    Gaul. odocos `dwarf-elder, danewort (sambucus ebulus)';
    OHG attuh, attah `dwarf-elder, danewort (sambucus ebulus)'
    Notes:
    \{1\} Alongside ëlka. A different reflex of the sequence *dl is attested in the dialect form ëgla. \{2\} In dialects we find such forms as jegla and jagla.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȇdlь

  • 14 edlà

    ȇdlь; edlà Grammatical information: f. i; f. ā Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `spruce, fir'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 14-15
    Russian:
    el' `spruce, fir' [f i], éli [Gens] \{1\}
    Czech:
    jedle `fir' [f jā]
    Old Czech:
    jedl `spruce, fir' [f i]
    Slovak:
    jedl'a `fir' [f jā]
    Polish:
    jodɫa `fir' [f ā] \{2\}
    Old Polish:
    jedl `spruce, fir' [f i];
    jedla [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jéla `fir' [f ā];
    jȅla `fir' [f ā];
    Čak. jȅla (Vrgada) `tree-trunk' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    ję̑l `spruce, fir' [f i], jelȋ [Gens];
    ję̑la `spruce, fir' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    jelá `fir' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: edli-
    Lithuanian:
    ẽglė `spruce, fir' [f ē] 2
    Latvian:
    egle `spruce, fir' [f ē]
    Old Prussian:
    addle (EV) `spruce, fir' [f]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-l-i
    IE meaning: spruce, fir
    Page in Pokorny: 289-290
    Comments: Connecting the name of the `spruce' or `fir-tree' with Lith. ãdata `needle' and adýti `to darn', as advocated by Fraenkel ( Fraenkel I: 117-118) and Pokorny, is semantically attractive but does not make much sense in relation to Lat. ebulum (cf. Andersen 1996: 119).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. ebulum `dwarf-elder, danewort (sambucus ebulus)' [n], ebulus `dwarf-elder, danewort (sambucus ebulus)' [f];
    Gaul. odocos `dwarf-elder, danewort (sambucus ebulus)';
    OHG attuh, attah `dwarf-elder, danewort (sambucus ebulus)'
    Notes:
    \{1\} Alongside ëlka. A different reflex of the sequence *dl is attested in the dialect form ëgla. \{2\} In dialects we find such forms as jegla and jagla.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > edlà

  • 15 ertь

    ertь Grammatical information: f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `strife'
    Page in Trubačev: -
    Old Church Slavic:
    retь (Zogr.2, Supr.) `strife, contest' [f i]
    Old Russian:
    retь `diligence, strife, contest' [f i]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁er-ti-
    Comments: If the anlaut of OCS retь does indeed originate from * er- (cf. -> * ernь), we would expect rětь in view of the regular development of * oRC- in South Slavic, cf. ratь `war, battle' (-> * ortь). Nevertheless, the etymology advocated here seems the best option (cf. Toporov 1981: 154).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ertь

  • 16 jьgъlà

    jьgъlà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `needle'
    Page in Trubačev: VIII 213-214
    Old Church Slavic:
    \{1\}
    Church Slavic:
    igla `needle' [f ā]
    Russian:
    iglá `needle' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    hólka `needle' [f ā];
    ihlá (dial.) `needle' [f ā]
    Czech:
    jehla `needle' [f ā];
    ihɫa (dial.) `needle' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    ihla `needle' [f ā]
    Polish:
    igɫa `needle, pin' [f ā];
    jegɫa (dial.) `needle, pin' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    jìe̯glă `needle' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    gɫa `needle' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    jḁglă `needle' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    ìgla `needle' [f ā], ȉglu [Accs];
    jìgla (dial.) `needle' [f ā];
    jàgla (dial.) `needle' [f ā];
    Čak. iglȁ (Vrgada) `needle' [f ā], ȉglu [Accs];
    Čak. iglȁ (Novi) `needle' [f ā];
    Čak. jȏgla (Hvar) `needle' [f ā], ȉglu [Accs];
    Čak. ȉgla (Orbanići) `needle' [f ā], ȉglo [Accs]
    Slovene:
    ígla `needle, kingpin' [f ā];
    iglà `needle, kingpin' [f ā];
    jǝ̀gla `needle, kingpin' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    iglá `needle' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    ayculo `needle' [f ā]
    Comments: The connection with Lith. (dial.) áigyti `prick, sting, incite, beat', aĩgaras `straw' (Toporov PJ s.v. ayculo), does not seem implausible. OPr. ayculo may have <c> for g. The assumption that ay- reflects *ei is not trivial. The Slavic root may have either zero grade or e-grade unless the root has initial *h₂ or *h₃. Note that in case of a zero grade in the root the *u of the suffix would have blocked the progressive palatalization.
    Notes:
    \{1\} According to the Staroslavjanskij slovar', the adjective igъlinъ occurs nine times, always in the context skvozě igъlině uši `through the eye of a needle'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > jьgъlà

  • 17 màkъ

    màkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `poppy'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 149-151
    Church Slavic:
    makъ `poppy' [m o]
    Russian:
    mak `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]
    Czech:
    mák `poppy' [m o]
    Slovak:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Polish:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁk `poppy' [m o], mȁka [Gens], màka [Gens];
    Čak. mȁk (Vrgada) `poppy' [m o], makȁ [Gens]
    Slovene:
    màk `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ?
    Lithuanian:
    aguonà `poppy' [f ā] 2;
    mãguonė (dial.) `poppy' [f ē] 1 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    maguône `poppy' [f ē] \{2\} \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    moke (EV) `poppy' [f]
    IE meaning: poppy
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 698
    Comments: The Germanic forms show grammatischer Wechsel as well as an alternation *ā: a. The vocalism, which could reflect PIE *eh₁: h₁, does not match the ā of the Greek and the Slavic forms, which leads us to assume that the vowel alternation arose when at a comparatively late stage the root māk- was borrowed into Germanic (cf. Kluge 1989, 484). The Lithuanian and Latvian forms are usually considered borrowings from Germanic, whereas OPr. moke may have been borrowed from Polish. The Estonian and Livonian forms must be borrowings from Baltic, probably Latvian. It is generally agreed upon that ultimately we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European (Mediterranean?) origin.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. μήκων `poppy' [f];
    Dor. μά̑κων `poppy' [f];
    OHG māho `poppy'
    ;
    OHG mago `poppy'
    ;
    OS magosāmo `poppyseed'
    ;
    OS mēcopin (Königsberg) `poppy'
    ;
    OSw. valmoghe `poppy'
    \{4\};
    Est. magun `poppy;
    Liv. maggon `poppy'
    Notes:
    \{1\} Besides, we find the variants maguona and magūna. The forms with m are restricted to the area around Klaipėda. \{2\} I have found the variants magùona2, magana, magane and magūne. \{3\} The initial m of the word for `poppy' was apparently lost in Lithuanian but not in Latvian. The Lithuanian dialect forms with m- may be due to the influence of the (Latvian) language of the fishermen of the Couronian Isthmus (cf. Būga RR III: 320). Sabaliauskas suggests dissimilatory loss of m, parallel to the loss of r in arotai: rarotai, akrūtas: rakrūtas, Latv. ruodere: uodere, ūk̨eris (1960, 71-72). \{4\} The first element means `sleep', cf. Nw. dial. vale `deep sleep', Sw. dial. valbjörn `Schlafdorn'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > màkъ

  • 18 màti

    màti Grammatical information: f. r Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `mother'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 254-259
    Old Church Slavic:
    mati `mother' [f r], matere [Gens]
    Russian:
    mat' `mother' [f r], máteri [Gens]
    Old Russian:
    mati `mother' [f r], matere [Gens]
    Old Czech:
    máti `mother' [f r], mateře [Gens]
    Old Polish:
    mać `mother' [f r], macierze [Gens]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁti `mother' [f r], mȁterē [Gens];
    Čak. mȁti (Vrgada) `mother' [f r], mȁterē [Gens];
    Čak. mȁt (Novi, Orbanići) `mother' [f r], mȁteri [Gens]
    Slovene:
    máti `mother' [f r], mátere [Gens]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: máʔter-
    Lithuanian:
    mótė (OLith, dial.) `wife, mother' [f r] 1 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    mãte `mother' [f ē] \{2\}
    Old Prussian:
    mūti (Ench.) `mother' [f];
    mothe (EV) `mother' [f];
    muti (Gr.) `mother' [f]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂ter-
    IE meaning: mother
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 700ff
    Comments: The root stress in this word may be due to Hirt's law, cf. Skt. mātā́, but there is a distinct possibility that it is old, cf. Gk. μήτηρ.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. mātár- `mother' [f];
    Gk. μήτηρ `mother' [f];
    Lat. māter `mother' [f];
    OHG muoter `mother' [f];
    OIr. máthir `mother' [f];
    Alb. mótrë `sister' [f]
    Notes:
    \{1\} The oldest form of the genitive is móteres, which occurs, for instance, in DP and in dialects. The most important Standard Lithuanian derivatives are móteris `wife, mother' and mótina `mother'. The form motė̃, which frequently occurs in the older scholarly literature, does not exist. \{2\} The accentuation mâte (Pokorny) is incorrect.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > màti

  • 19 mèčь

    mèčь; mь̀čь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `sword'
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 141-142
    Old Church Slavic:
    mečь `sword' [m jo]
    Russian:
    meč' `sword' [m jo], mečá [Gens]
    Czech:
    meč `sword' [m jo]
    Slovak:
    meč `sword' [m jo]
    Polish:
    miecz `sword' [m jo]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mječ `sword' [m jo];
    miecʒ̇ (Matthaei 1721) `sword' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁč `sword' [m jo], màča [Gens];
    Čak. mȁč (Vrgada) `sword' [m jo], mačȁ [Gens]
    Slovene:
    mèč `sword' [m jo]
    Bulgarian:
    meč `sword' [m jo]
    Comments: This etymon has often been considered a borrowing from Germanic, but the Slavic short vowel does not match the long vowel of the Germanic forms. The vacillation between *e and *ь may be attributed to the raising of pretonic *e in the vicinity of a palatalized consonant (see Kortlandt 1984-1985), but this development seems to have occured prior to Dybo's law and there is no particular reason to regard * mečь as an old oxytone noun. Trubačëv (ESSJa s.v.) advocates a connection with OIr. mecc-, referring to Odincov 1985.
    Other cognates:
    Go. mēki `sword'
    ;
    OS māki `sword'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mèčь

  • 20 mь̀čь

    mèčь; mь̀čь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `sword'
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 141-142
    Old Church Slavic:
    mečь `sword' [m jo]
    Russian:
    meč' `sword' [m jo], mečá [Gens]
    Czech:
    meč `sword' [m jo]
    Slovak:
    meč `sword' [m jo]
    Polish:
    miecz `sword' [m jo]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mječ `sword' [m jo];
    miecʒ̇ (Matthaei 1721) `sword' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁč `sword' [m jo], màča [Gens];
    Čak. mȁč (Vrgada) `sword' [m jo], mačȁ [Gens]
    Slovene:
    mèč `sword' [m jo]
    Bulgarian:
    meč `sword' [m jo]
    Comments: This etymon has often been considered a borrowing from Germanic, but the Slavic short vowel does not match the long vowel of the Germanic forms. The vacillation between *e and *ь may be attributed to the raising of pretonic *e in the vicinity of a palatalized consonant (see Kortlandt 1984-1985), but this development seems to have occured prior to Dybo's law and there is no particular reason to regard * mečь as an old oxytone noun. Trubačëv (ESSJa s.v.) advocates a connection with OIr. mecc-, referring to Odincov 1985.
    Other cognates:
    Go. mēki `sword'
    ;
    OS māki `sword'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mь̀čь

Страницы
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