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1 deltò
deltò Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `chisel'Page in Trubačev: IV 205Serbo-Croatian:dlijèto `chisel' [n o];Čak. lītȍ (Vrgada) `chisel' [n o], lĩtå̑ [Nom p];Čak. lētȍ (Novi) `chisel' [n o], léta [Nom p];Čak. dlietȍ (Orbanići) `chisel' [n o], dliẽta [Nom p]Slovene:dlẹ́tọ `chisel' [n o] \{1\}Bulgarian:dletó `chisel' [n o]Page in Pokorny: 246Comments: Variant with e-vocalism of -> *doltò. The ESSJa adduces Cz. dletko (Kott) `edge of a plane' to show that *delbtò is not limited to South Slavic. It seems plausible that the e-grade is analogical after the verb, but it must be admitted that * delbti is hardly attested. The only form mentoned in the ESSJa (IV: 205) is Čak. dlisti.Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} Pleteršnik actually has dlétọ, which is probably a misprint. -
2 badli
badli Grammatical information: m. ī Proto-Slavic meaning: `enchanter, healer, physician'Page in Trubačev: I 150Old Church Slavic:Church Slavic:Old Russian:Indo-European reconstruction: bʰeh₂-dʰl-IE meaning: enchanterPage in Pokorny: 105Comments: There is no direct evidence for a suffix *dʰl-ьji-, but the form bali from the Freising Fragments could be regarded as counter-evidence, as dl is regularly retained in this dialect, cf. modliti. It is not impossible, however, that bali is of Church Slavic origin. Trubačëv bases his reconstructions *badlьji and *badlovati chiefly on derivatives of the type of OCz. předlí `spinster', švadlí `needlewoman'. According to the ESSJa (I 137-138), further evidence for a suffix *-dʰl- is provided by SCr. bȁjalo m. `sorcerer', Ru. dial. bájala m.f. `talker, chatterer, story-teller', which may be transformations of *badlьji. Meillet's idea (1902-1905: I 417) that * bali is based on a derivative in -l- deserves consideration.Notes: -
3 bodàti
bodàti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `stab, sting'Page in Trubačev: II 122-122Russian:bodát' `butt' [verb], bodáju [1sg]Czech:Slovak:Slovene:bọ̑dati `sting, stitch' [verb], bọ̑dam [1sg]Bulgarian:bodá `stab, feel a sharp pain' [verb]Lithuanian:badýti `butt, prick' [verb], bãdo [3ps]Indo-European reconstruction: bʰodʰ-IE meaning: stabPage in Pokorny: 113Comments: The ESSJa mentions forms reflecting * bodati under * badati because the o-vocalism is assumed to be analogical. Since in general *bodàti is also semantically closer to bostì (the meaning `investigate' is limited to bādàti) and in some languages occurs alongside *bādàti, it is perhaps more accurate to say that it is a recent formation.Other cognates: -
4 bòlto
bòlto Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `swamp'Page in Trubačev: II 179-182Old Church Slavic:Russian:bolóto `swamp' [n o]Czech:bláto `mud' [n o]Polish:Slovincian:blùo̯to `swamp' [n o]Upper Sorbian:bɫóto `mud' [n o]Serbo-Croatian:blȁto `mud, swampy terrain' [n o];Čak. blȁto (Vrgada) `mud, swampy terrain' [n o];Čak. blȁto (Orbanići) `mud, dirt' [n o]Slovene:blátọ `mud, swamp' [n o]Bulgarian:bláto `mud, swamp' [n o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bolʔtoLithuanian:báltas `white' [adj o] 3;balà `swamp' [f ā] 3Latvian:bal̃ts `white' [adj o]Old Prussian:Page in Pokorny: 118Comments: Both formally and semantically, *bòlto may derive from PIE *bʰelH- `white', cf. Pl. dial. biel, bielaw, Bel. bel' `swampy meadow' (ESSJa II: 180). PSl. *bolto is sometimes considered an "Illyrian" substratum word. In this connection not only the above-mentioned forms from the Balkan peninsula are adduced, but also Romance forms such as Lomb. palta, Piém. pauta.Other cognates:Alb. baltë `mud, swamp' [f];Rum. baltă `mud, swamp' [f] \{2\}Notes:\{1\} Cf. also the Rythabalt meadow and the placename Peusebalten. Namuynbalt is the equivalent of Namoyumpelk ( pelk `swamp'). -
5 borna
I. borna I Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b/c Proto-Slavic meaning: `harrow'Page in Trubačev: II 204-206Russian:boroná `harrow' [f ā], bóronu [Accs]Old Russian:Ukrainian:boroná `harrow' [f ā]Czech:brány `harrow' [Nomplf ā]Slovak:brány `harrow' [Nomplf ā]Polish:Slovincian:bǻrnă `harrow' [f]Upper Sorbian:bróna `harrow' [f ā]Polabian:bornă `harrow' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:brána `harrow' [f ā]Slovene:brána `harrow' [f ā]Bulgarian:brána `harrow' [f ā];braná (dial.) `harrow' [f ā]Macedonian:Indo-European reconstruction: bʰorH-neh₂Page in Pokorny: 133Comments: According to the ESSJa, *borna `harrow' and *borna `guarded entrance, barrier' belong to one and the same root. Though this may be correct, I prefer to leave it an open question whether these words may be identified. In my opinion, this is tantamount to leaving the question whether PSl. *borti, Lat. ferīre and OIc. berja are cognate with Gk. φαρόωσι, Lat. forāre and OIc. bora unanswered.Other cognates:Notes:II. borna II Grammatical information: f. āPage in Trubačev: II 204-206Old Russian:Ukrainian:boróna `defence' [f ā]Czech:brána `entrance, gate, defences' [f ā]Old Czech:brána `fortification, gate' [f]Slovak:brána `gate, guarded entrance' [f ā]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:brána `dam, weir, barrier, defender, defence' [f ā]Slovene:brána `protection, defence' [f ā]Bulgarian:braná (dial.) `dam, weir' [f ā]Macedonian:Indo-European reconstruction: bʰorH-neh₂Page in Pokorny: 133Comments: See borna I. -
6 brediti
brediti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `rave'Page in Trubačev: III 12Russian:Ukrainian:brěditi (OUkr.) `talk rubbish' [verb]Czech:bředit se (dial.) `writhe, forget out of malice' [verb]Polish:bredzić `be delirious, rave' [verb] \{1\}Lithuanian:brẽdyti `chatter, deceive' [verb] \{2\}Page in Pokorny: 164Comments: No doubt, this is the same root as in -> *brestì `wade', cf. Ru. sumasbród `madcap' (Van Wijk 1911: 128). We may be dealng with a denominative verb, (ESSJa) cf. Ru. bred `delirium, ravings'.Notes:\{1\} Since the 16th century. According to Bańkowksi (2000: 74), we are dealing with a ruthenism. \{2\} A borrowing from Slavic. -
7 diriti
diriti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `look for'Page in Trubačev: V 31Bulgarian:dírja `look for, seek, strive for' [verb]Lithuanian:dyrė́ti (coll.) `look out (for), watch (for), stare, gape, be in hiding' [verb]Comments: According to the ESSJa, the Slavic and Baltic verbs are possibly cognate with -> *dьrati `tear'. In that case the i would have to originate from the iterative. The connection with Germanic, as advocated by Stang (1972: ??), is not unattractive, however. One might reconstruct *dei(H)r- or * deih₂-r-, cf. Skt. dayi `shine, radiate'.Other cognates: -
8 divь
divъ II; divь Grammatical information: adj. o; adj. jo Proto-Slavic meaning: `wild'Page in Trubačev: V 35-36Old Church Slavic:Czech:divý `wild, furious' [adj o];diví (dial.) `wild, furious' [adj jo]Old Polish:Slovincian:ʒäwḯ `wild' [adj o]Upper Sorbian:dźiwi `wild' [adj o]Serbo-Croatian:dìvljī `wild' [adj jo];Čak. divl̨ī (Vrgada) `cruel, brutal' [adj jo]Slovene:dívji `wild' [adj jo]Bulgarian: -
9 drebà
drobà II; drobìna II; drebà Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sediment, brewer's yeast, dregs, entrails'Page in Trubačev: V 105, 117, 118-119Russian:drobá (dial.) `sediment, brewer's yeast, dregs' [f ā];drobína (dial.) `sediment, brewer's yeast, dregs' [f ā];drebá (dial.) `sediment, brewer's yeast, dregs' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:dróba (RSA) `entrails' [f ā];dròbina (Vuk) `entrails, tripe' [f ā]Lithuanian:drabnà (dial.) `sleet, dough, mud' [f ā] 4Latvian:Comments: Unlike the ESSJa, I have separated *drobà II `sediment, dregs, entrails' from *drobà I `crumb, small fry, small livestock', etc. It can be argued that the meanings `dregs' and `crumbs' may be covered by the designation `remnants', but for the root of drobà I the notion `small, fine' seems essential, while drobà II is about thick, weak masses. We may reconstruct a European root * dʰrabʰ-.Other cognates: -
10 drьkolь
drьkolь; drьkolьje Grammatical information: m. i; n. io Proto-Slavic meaning: `stick, club'Page in Trubačev: V 139-140Old Church Slavic:Russian:drekól'e `staves' [n io]Czech:drkolí (Jungmann) `wooden rattle, club' [n io] \{1\}Serbo-Croatian:Slovene:dŕkoɫ `truncheon, baton' [m o];dŕkǝlj `truncheon, baton' [m jo]Page in Pokorny: 214Comments: In all likelihood a compound of drъ `wood' (-> *dȇrvo) and * kol- `stab' (-> * kolti). Unlike the ESSJa, I have reconstructed * drьkolь, * drьkolьje because the evidence points to ь. I agree, however, that the form originally may have had *ъ (cf. Vaillant 1928).Notes: -
11 drьkolьje
drьkolь; drьkolьje Grammatical information: m. i; n. io Proto-Slavic meaning: `stick, club'Page in Trubačev: V 139-140Old Church Slavic:Russian:drekól'e `staves' [n io]Czech:drkolí (Jungmann) `wooden rattle, club' [n io] \{1\}Serbo-Croatian:Slovene:dŕkoɫ `truncheon, baton' [m o];dŕkǝlj `truncheon, baton' [m jo]Page in Pokorny: 214Comments: In all likelihood a compound of drъ `wood' (-> *dȇrvo) and * kol- `stab' (-> * kolti). Unlike the ESSJa, I have reconstructed * drьkolь, * drьkolьje because the evidence points to ь. I agree, however, that the form originally may have had *ъ (cf. Vaillant 1928).Notes: -
12 dužь
dužь Grammatical information: adj. jo Proto-Slavic meaning: `strong'Page in Trubačev: V 167-168Russian:djúžij `sturdy, hefty, robust, healthy' [adj jo];dúžij (dial.) `strong, healthy' [adj jo]Old Russian:djúžij `strong' [adj jo]Belorussian:dúžy `strong, vigorous' [adj jo]Ukrainian:dúžyj `strong, healthy' [adj jo]Czech:duží (rare) `firm, strong' [adj jo]Slovak:dúži `strong, big, healthy' [adj jo]Polish:dużo `much, many, (16th-18th c.) very' [adv] \{1\}Lithuanian:daũg `much, many' [adv];daũgia (dial.) `much, many' [adv]Latvian:daũdz(i) `much, many' [adv]Comments: If the Polish forms are "Ruthenianisms", there is no objection against positing a root containing a nasal, cf. dęga, dęglъ(jь)i, nedǫgъ. On the other hand, the parallellism between Pl. dużo and Lith. daũgia is suggestive. Possibly, the roots *dǫg- and *dug- were confused (cf. Shevelov 1964: 321-322, ESSJa 25: 126). The latter root may reflect *dʰougʰ-, cf. Go. daug `is useful'.Notes:\{1\} According to Bańkowski (II: 312), duży `strong' and dużo (duże) `very', which are attested since the 16th century, originate from Ukrainian. Duży `big' is recorded sporadically from 1600 onwards and more frequently since the 18th century, while dużo `much, many' occurs only since the 18th century. -
13 dyra
dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'Page in Trubačev: V 205Russian:dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]Old Russian:Polabian:dară `hole, prison' [f ā]Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex. -
14 dyr'a
dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'Page in Trubačev: V 205Russian:dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]Old Russian:Polabian:dară `hole, prison' [f ā]Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex. -
15 ešče
ešče Grammatical information: adv. Proto-Slavic meaning: `still, yet'Page in Trubačev: VI 32-33Old Church Slavic:Russian:eščë `still, yet' [adv];Czech:ještě `still, yet' [adv]Old Czech:Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:jȍšt(e) `still, yet' [adv];Čak. jošćȅ (Vrgada) `still, yet' [adv];Čak. jȍš (Orbanići) `still, yet' [adv]Slovene:šè `still, yet' [adv];ščè `still, yet' [adv];íšče `still, yet' [adv]Bulgarian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₁eske(h₁)Other cognates:Skt. áchā `to' [prep., pvb.];Arm. c` `to, till' [prep.] \{2\}Notes:\{1\} In Russian dialects forms with e- occur alongside forms with o-. This variation is already found in Old Russian. \{2\} Forms such as SCr. jȍšte, Bulg. (dial.) jóšte and Sln. (dial.) išče result from the accretion of *i `and'. The *o-variants in this word are attested in a remarkably large area. The alternative etymologies contain a deictic element *edʰ- or *et- (see ESSJa s.v.). -
16 ěxati
ěxati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `go, ride'Page in Trubačev: VIII 169-171Old Church Slavic:Russian:éxat' `go, ride, drive' [verb], édu [1sg], édet [3sg]Czech:Slovak:Polish:jechać `go, ride' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:jȁhati `ride' [verb];Čak. jȁhati (Vrgada) `ride' [verb]Slovene:jȃhati `ride' [verb], jȃham [1sg], jȃšem [1sg]Bulgarian:jáxam `ride' [verb]Comments: The *-x-, which the ESSJa calls an intensive suffix, is a Slavic innovation, cf. Lith. jóti, Latv. jât `ride' and -> *ěti. -
17 jùgъ
jùgъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `South, south wind'Page in Trubačev: VIII 192-193Old Church Slavic:Russian:Old Russian:Czech:Old Czech:Slovak:Serbo-Croatian:jȕg `south wind' [m o];jȕgo `south wind' [n o];Čak. jȕgo (Vrgada, Novi, Orbanići) `south wind' [n o]Slovene:jùg `southwest wind, South' [m o], júga [Gens]Bulgarian:Comments: If *jùgъ is cognate with Gk. αὐγή `light, beam' < *h₂eug-, the acute tone of the root can be explained by Winter's law. On the other hand, this etmology also implies that the *j- was originally a glide, which considering the distribution of forms with and without *j- seems less likely. The ESSJa argues that * jugъ contains * iouǝ `mix, knead'. The original meaning would have been `soft', cf. -> sěverъ, of the which the older meaning is assumed to have been `sharp, severe'. This all seems highly speculative. -
18 kaliti
I. kaliti I Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `temper, case-harden'Page in Trubačev: IX 123-124Russian:kalít' `heat, roast' [verb], kaljú [1sg], kalít [3sg]Czech:Slovak:Serbo-Croatian:káliti `temper, case-harden' [verb];Čak. kālȉt `temper, harden (iron)' [verb], kãli [3sg]Slovene:kalíti `temper, case-harden' [verb], kalím [1sg]Bulgarian:kaljá `temper, case-harden' [verb]Other cognates:Lat. callum `callous' [n];II. kaliti II Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `soil'Page in Trubačev: IX 123-124Ukrainian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:kalić `soil, trouble' [verb]Slovincian:kȧ̃lăc `soil' [verb]Slovene:kalíti `trouble' [verb], kalím [1sg] -
19 klěščiti
klěščiti Grammatical information: v.Page in Trubačev: X 22-23Czech:Old Czech:Slovak:Polish:kleścić (dial.) `castrate' [verb], kleszczę [1sg], kleścisz [2sg];Serbo-Croatian:klijèštiti `squeeze' [verb]Comments: Apparently a derivative of -> *klěšča. The ESSJa suggests that forms reflecting * klestiti are analogical after * pustiti, 1sg. *puščǫ. This may very well be correct, but it should be noted that the West Slavic forms with *- šč-, which could be analogical after the present stem or the noun *klěšča, are comparatively recent. -
20 mèčь
mèčь; mь̀čь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `sword'Page in Trubačev: XVIII 141-142Old Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Upper Sorbian:miecʒ̇ (Matthaei 1721) `sword' [m jo]Serbo-Croatian:mȁč `sword' [m jo], màča [Gens];Čak. mȁč (Vrgada) `sword' [m jo], mačȁ [Gens]Slovene:mèč `sword' [m jo]Bulgarian:Comments: This etymon has often been considered a borrowing from Germanic, but the Slavic short vowel does not match the long vowel of the Germanic forms. The vacillation between *e and *ь may be attributed to the raising of pretonic *e in the vicinity of a palatalized consonant (see Kortlandt 1984-1985), but this development seems to have occured prior to Dybo's law and there is no particular reason to regard * mečь as an old oxytone noun. Trubačëv (ESSJa s.v.) advocates a connection with OIr. mecc-, referring to Odincov 1985.Other cognates:
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