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slavic

  • 1 ȁsenь

    ȁsenь; ȁsenъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `ash-tree'
    Page in Trubačev: I 79-80
    Russian:
    jásen' `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Czech:
    jasan `ash-tree' [m o];
    jasaň (dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jesen (obs.) `ash-tree' [m o];
    jeseň (dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Slovak:
    jaseň `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Polish:
    jesion `ash-tree' [m o];
    jasień (arch., S. dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jesień (arch.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jasion (arch., S. dial.) `ash-tree' [m o] \{1\}
    Old Polish:
    jasień `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃sȯu̯n `ash-tree' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jaseń `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȁsēn `ash-tree' [m o], jȁsena [Gens];
    Čak. jȁsen (Vrgada) `ash-tree' [m o], jȁsena [Gens];
    Čak. jȅsēn (Novi) `ash-tree' [m o];
    Čak. jȅsen (Orbanići) `(European) ash (tree)' [m o], jȅsena [Gens]
    Slovene:
    jásen `ash-tree' [m o], jasẹ́na [Gens];
    jésen `ash-tree' [m o], jesẹ́na [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    jásen `ash-tree' [m o];
    ósen (N.) `ash-tree' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: oʔs-en-; oʔs-i-o-
    Lithuanian:
    úosis `ash-tree' [m io] 1
    Latvian:
    uôsis `ash-tree' [m io]
    Old Prussian:
    woasis (EV) `ash-tree'
    Indo-European reconstruction: Heh₃-s-
    IE meaning: ash-tree
    Comments: In view of the Baltic forms as well as Ru. ja- ( je- > ja- is common in West Slavic and western South Slavic but not in East Slavic), we must reconstruct *oʔs- < *Heh₃-s- for Balto-Slavic. Unless the West and South Slavic forms with je-/o- continue ja- (cf. Sɫawski SP I: 159), Slavic also offers evidence for the elsewhere in Indo-European widely attested stem shape *Hh₃es. The e-vocalism could be considered an example of Rozwadowski's change (see Andersen 1996).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. ornus `mountain-ash' [f];
    OIr. uinnius `ash-tree'
    ;
    OIc. askr `ash-tree'
    ;
    OHG asc `ash-tree'
    ;
    Arm. hac'i `ash-tree';
    Alb. ah `beech'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Standard Polish form jesion originates from the Mazowian dialect area (Bańkowski 2000: 588).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȁsenь

  • 2 ȁsenъ

    ȁsenь; ȁsenъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `ash-tree'
    Page in Trubačev: I 79-80
    Russian:
    jásen' `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Czech:
    jasan `ash-tree' [m o];
    jasaň (dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jesen (obs.) `ash-tree' [m o];
    jeseň (dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Slovak:
    jaseň `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Polish:
    jesion `ash-tree' [m o];
    jasień (arch., S. dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jesień (arch.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jasion (arch., S. dial.) `ash-tree' [m o] \{1\}
    Old Polish:
    jasień `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃sȯu̯n `ash-tree' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jaseń `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȁsēn `ash-tree' [m o], jȁsena [Gens];
    Čak. jȁsen (Vrgada) `ash-tree' [m o], jȁsena [Gens];
    Čak. jȅsēn (Novi) `ash-tree' [m o];
    Čak. jȅsen (Orbanići) `(European) ash (tree)' [m o], jȅsena [Gens]
    Slovene:
    jásen `ash-tree' [m o], jasẹ́na [Gens];
    jésen `ash-tree' [m o], jesẹ́na [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    jásen `ash-tree' [m o];
    ósen (N.) `ash-tree' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: oʔs-en-; oʔs-i-o-
    Lithuanian:
    úosis `ash-tree' [m io] 1
    Latvian:
    uôsis `ash-tree' [m io]
    Old Prussian:
    woasis (EV) `ash-tree'
    Indo-European reconstruction: Heh₃-s-
    IE meaning: ash-tree
    Comments: In view of the Baltic forms as well as Ru. ja- ( je- > ja- is common in West Slavic and western South Slavic but not in East Slavic), we must reconstruct *oʔs- < *Heh₃-s- for Balto-Slavic. Unless the West and South Slavic forms with je-/o- continue ja- (cf. Sɫawski SP I: 159), Slavic also offers evidence for the elsewhere in Indo-European widely attested stem shape *Hh₃es. The e-vocalism could be considered an example of Rozwadowski's change (see Andersen 1996).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. ornus `mountain-ash' [f];
    OIr. uinnius `ash-tree'
    ;
    OIc. askr `ash-tree'
    ;
    OHG asc `ash-tree'
    ;
    Arm. hac'i `ash-tree';
    Alb. ah `beech'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Standard Polish form jesion originates from the Mazowian dialect area (Bańkowski 2000: 588).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȁsenъ

  • 3 bě̄dà

    bě̄dà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `need, poverty, misery'
    Page in Trubačev: II 54-56
    Old Church Slavic:
    běda `distress, need, necessity' [f ā]
    Russian:
    bedá `misfortune, trouble' [f ā]
    Czech:
    bída `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    běda `woe!' [interj]
    Slovak:
    bieda `poverty, calamity' [f ā]
    Polish:
    bieda `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    biada `woe!' [interj]
    Old Polish:
    biada `distress, necessity' [f ā] \{1\}
    Upper Sorbian:
    běda `grief, woe, misery' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    běda `grief, pain' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bijèda `grief, misfortune' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    bẹ́da `misery' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    bedá `misfortune, misery' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰoidʰ-eh₂ \{2\}
    IE meaning: force
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 117
    Comments: According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds.
    Other cognates:
    Alb. be `oath' [f] \{2\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} The vocalism of Modern Polish bieda `id.' is of Mazowian origin, cf. biada `woe!'. \{2\} According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds. \{3\} Demiraj prefers *bʰeidʰ-i-s to an ā-stem (1997: 94).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bě̄dà

  • 4 blě̑dъ

    blě̑dъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `pale'
    Page in Trubačev: II 111-112
    Old Church Slavic:
    blědъ `pale' [adj o]
    Russian:
    bledój (dial.) `pale' [adj o];
    blëdyj (dial.) `pale' [adj o]
    Ukrainian:
    blidýj `pale' [adj o]
    Czech:
    bledý `pale' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    bledý `pale' [adj o]
    Polish:
    blady `pale' [adj o]
    Slovincian:
    bladḯ `pale' [adj o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    blědy `pale, bright' [adj o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    blědy `pale' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blȉjed `pale' [adj o], blijèda [Nomsf];
    Čak. blȋd (Vrgada) `pale' [adj o], blīdȁ [Nomsf], blȋdo [Nomsn];
    Čak. bliȇt (Orbanići) `pale' [adj o], bliedȁ [Nomsf]
    Slovene:
    blẹ̑d `pale' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    bled `pale' [adj o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bloiʔd-(u̯)ó-
    Lithuanian:
    blaĩvas `whitish, blue, sober' [adj o] 4
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰloid-(u̯)o-
    Page in Pokorny: 160
    Comments: In view of Winter's law, we would expect to find traces of a glottalic element in Balto-Slavic. The accentuation of Lith. blaivas - the Proto-Slavic form is mobile and therefore inconclusive - offers no evidence for an original acute, however. Pokorny's reconstruction *bhlǝido-s is impossible for Slavic and *bhleh₂ido-s is incompatible with the mobile accentuation of the adjective in Balto-Slavic.
    Other cognates:
    OE blāt `pale' [adj];
    OHG bleizza `pallor' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > blě̑dъ

  • 5 mogti

    mogti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `be able'
    Page in Trubačev: XIX 107-111
    Old Church Slavic:
    mošti `be able' [verb], mogǫ [1sg], možetъ [3sg]
    Russian:
    moč' `be able' [verb], mogú [1sg], móžet [3sg]
    Czech:
    moci `be able' [verb], mohu [1sg], může [3sg]
    Slovak:
    môct' `be able' [verb], môžem [1sg]
    Polish:
    móc `be able' [verb], mogę [1sg], może [3sg]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mòći `be able' [verb], mògu [1sg], mȍžē [3sg];
    Čak. mȍći (Vrgada) `be able' [verb], mȏgu [1sg], mȍže [3sg];
    Čak. mȍć (Orbanići) `can, be able (to), be allowed (to)' [verb], mȍren [1sg]
    Slovene:
    móči `be able, must' [verb], mǫ́rem [1sg], mórem [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    móga `be able, be allowed' [verb]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: mog-
    Lithuanian:
    magė́ti `please, interest' \{1\} [verb], mãga [3sg]
    Old Prussian:
    massi `be able \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mogʰ-
    IE meaning: be able, capable
    Page in Pokorny: 695
    Comments: The generally accepted apophonic relationship between Slavic *mogti, Lith. magė́ti etc. on the one hand and mė́gti `love, like', Latv. mêgt `be able, be accustomed to' on the other cannot be maintained if one adheres to the view that the lengthened grade yielded a Balto-Slavic circumflex. The acute of the latter verbs may be due to Winter's law (*h₁meǵ- if cognate with Gk. περιημεκτέω `be aggrieved, chafe'). The o-vocalism of magė́ti and the Slavic and the Germanic forms points to an old perfect. For the semantic development `to be able' -> `to like', cf. Go. mag vs. MoHG mögen. As Pokorny remarks himself, his reconstruction *magʰ-, māgʰ- is entirely based on the presumed connection of the aforementioned forms with Gk. μηχανή `means, instrument', μη̃χος `instrument, apparatus', Dor. μᾱχᾱνα, μα̃ χος, which was rejected by Endzelīns (1931: 183), Fraenkel (1951, 168), Stang (1972, 37) a.o. for various reasons (cf. ESSJa X: 110) but nevertheless reappears in Lehmann 1986 (239).
    Other cognates:
    Skt. maghá- `power, wealth, gift'
    ;
    Go. mag `have power, be able' [3sg];
    OIc. mega `be able' [verb], má [3sg];
    OHG magan, mugan `be able' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} The verb usually occurs in impersonal constructions. \{2\} The scholarly community is divided with respect to the question whether massi is a borrowing from Slavic (viz. Polish może) or a genuine Prussian form (see Mažiulis III: 114 for the relevant literature).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mogti

  • 6 mьglà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьglà

  • 7 mьgà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьgà

  • 8 miglъ

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > miglъ

  • 9 olьxa

    olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82
    Russian:
    ol'xá `alder' [f ā];
    ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    jelcha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Polish:
    olcha `alder' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jelha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-
    Lithuanian:
    al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;
    alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;
    álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1
    Latvian:
    àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];
    àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂
    IE meaning: alder
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-303
    Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. alnus `alder'
    ;
    Span. aliso `alder'
    ;
    Mac. ἄλιζα `white poplar';
    OHG elira, erila `alder' [f];
    OE alor `alder'
    ;
    OIc. ǫlr `alder'
    , jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olьxa

  • 10 elьxa

    olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82
    Russian:
    ol'xá `alder' [f ā];
    ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    jelcha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Polish:
    olcha `alder' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jelha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-
    Lithuanian:
    al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;
    alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;
    álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1
    Latvian:
    àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];
    àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂
    IE meaning: alder
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-303
    Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. alnus `alder'
    ;
    Span. aliso `alder'
    ;
    Mac. ἄλιζα `white poplar';
    OHG elira, erila `alder' [f];
    OE alor `alder'
    ;
    OIc. ǫlr `alder'
    , jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elьxa

  • 11 žuriti

    žuriti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `rage'
    Russian:
    žurít' (coll.) `reprove, scold' [verb], žurjú [1sg], žurít [3sg];
    žurít'sja (dial.) `grieve, quarrel' [verb], žurjús' [1sg], žurítsja [3sg]
    Czech:
    zuřiti `rage, be furious' [verb] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    zúrit' `rage, be furious' [verb] \{1\}
    Polish:
    żurzyć się (obs.) `be angry, rage' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    zuriś `make sour, embitter' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    zúriti se `hurry, (dial.) complain' [verb], žȗrīm se [1sg]
    Slovene:
    žúriti se `hurry' [verb], žúrim se [1sg]
    Indo-European reconstruction: gʰeuro-
    Comments: According to Young (2002), the West Slavic forms continue a denominative verb based on an unattested adjective corresponding to Lith. žiaurùs `cruel, savage', which he assumes to have the same root as Lith. žvėrìs `wild animal' (*ǵʰeuh₁r-?). Like Vasmer and others, he connects the East and South Slavic forms with Skt. ghorá- `terrible, terrifying' [adj] and Go. gaurs `sad' [adj]. Since the meaning of the West Slavic forms may have been influenced by German sauer `sour, angry' (perhaps through association with West Slavic * žurъ `sour mass used for soup or bread', which is regarded as a borrowing), I wonder if it is necessary to assume a different origin for the West Slavic forms on the one hand and the East and South Slavic forms on the other.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. ghorá- (RV+) `terrible, terrifying' [adj];
    Go. gaurs `sad' [adj]
    Notes:
    \{1\} With dissimilation of *žuř- to zuř- in Czech (Machek 1971: s.v.). The Slovak form may be a borrowing from Czech.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > žuriti

  • 12 làjati

    I. làjati I Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `bark'
    Page in Trubačev: XIV 20
    Old Church Slavic:
    lajati (Supr.) `bark' [verb], lajǫ [1sg]
    Russian:
    lájat' `bark' [verb]
    Old Russian:
    lajati `bark' [verb]
    Belorussian:
    lájać `curse' [verb]
    Ukrainian:
    lájati `curse, scold' [verb]
    Czech:
    láti `scold, bark' [verb]
    Old Czech:
    láti `scold' [verb]
    Slovak:
    lát' `scold' [verb]
    Polish:
    ɫajać `curse, scold, bark' [verb]
    Old Polish:
    ɫajać `curse, scream' [verb]
    Slovincian:
    ɫajac `bark, curse' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    ɫajaś `bark, scold, curse' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁjati `bark, swear' [verb], lȁjēm [1sg];
    Čak. lȁjati (Vrgada) `bark, swear' [verb], lȁješ [2sg];
    Čak. lȁjati ʌOrbanići) `bark' [verb], lȃʌe [3sg]
    Slovene:
    lȃjati `bark, scream, curse' [verb], lȃjam [1sg], lȃjem [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    lája `bark, scold' [verb]
    Macedonian:
    lae `bark, swear' [verb]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: laH-tei
    Lithuanian:
    lóti `bark' [verb]
    Latvian:
    lãt `bark, scold' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: leh₂-
    IE meaning: bark
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: ?
    Other cognates:
    Skt. rā́yati `bark' [verb] \{1\};
    Lat. lātrāre `bark' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} If not from IE. Hreh₁
    II. lajati II Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `ambush, lie in wait for'
    Page in Trubačev: XIV 21
    Old Church Slavic:
    lajati `ambush, lie in wait for' [verb], lajǫ [1sg]
    Church Slavic:
    lajati (RuCS) `ambush, lie in wait for, engage in intrigues' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: leh₂-
    Page in Pokorny: 651
    Other cognates:
    Gk. λήθω `be hidden' [verb];
    Lat. latēre `be hidden' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > làjati

  • 13 mamiti

    mamiti; maniti \{1\} Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `deceive'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 189-190, 197-199
    Church Slavic:
    mamiti `deceive' [verb];
    maniti `deceive' [verb]
    Russian:
    manít' `beckon, attract, lure;
    (dial.) `deceive, lie, linger, loiter' [verb], manjú [1sg], manít [3sg]
    Czech:
    mámiti `stun, deceive, seduce' [verb]
    Slovak:
    mamit' `stun, deceive' [verb]
    Polish:
    mamić `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb];
    manić (dial.) `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb]
    Slovincian:
    mańic `attract, lure, deceive' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    mamiś `deceive, enchant' [verb];
    maniś `deceive, enchant' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mámiti `attract, lure, seduce' [verb];
    Čak. m̊āmȉti (Vrgada) `attract, lure, seduce' [verb];
    mániti (dial.) `lure' [verb]
    Slovene:
    mámiti `stun, deceive, seduce, fool' [verb], mȃmim [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    mámja `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb];
    mánja (dial.) `deceive' [verb]
    Lithuanian:
    mõnyti `practise sorcery' [verb] \{1\}
    Latvian:
    mãnît `mislead, deceive
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂m-iH-
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: According to Van Wijk (1934: 73), *mamiti is the original denominative verb, while *maniti arose through dissimilation, which was probably favoured by the existence of *manǫti. Van Wijk's hypothesis is supported by the fact that there is more a less a geographical distribution. The form *mamiti occurs in West and South Slavic, whereas *maniti occurs in East Slavic and in certain West and South Slavic regions.
    Notes:
    \{1\} I consider both the Latvian and the Lithuanian forms to be borrowings from Slavic. Endzelīns is inclined to regard Latv. mãnît as an inherited word.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mamiti

  • 14 maniti

    mamiti; maniti \{1\} Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `deceive'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 189-190, 197-199
    Church Slavic:
    mamiti `deceive' [verb];
    maniti `deceive' [verb]
    Russian:
    manít' `beckon, attract, lure;
    (dial.) `deceive, lie, linger, loiter' [verb], manjú [1sg], manít [3sg]
    Czech:
    mámiti `stun, deceive, seduce' [verb]
    Slovak:
    mamit' `stun, deceive' [verb]
    Polish:
    mamić `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb];
    manić (dial.) `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb]
    Slovincian:
    mańic `attract, lure, deceive' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    mamiś `deceive, enchant' [verb];
    maniś `deceive, enchant' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mámiti `attract, lure, seduce' [verb];
    Čak. m̊āmȉti (Vrgada) `attract, lure, seduce' [verb];
    mániti (dial.) `lure' [verb]
    Slovene:
    mámiti `stun, deceive, seduce, fool' [verb], mȃmim [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    mámja `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb];
    mánja (dial.) `deceive' [verb]
    Lithuanian:
    mõnyti `practise sorcery' [verb] \{1\}
    Latvian:
    mãnît `mislead, deceive
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂m-iH-
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: According to Van Wijk (1934: 73), *mamiti is the original denominative verb, while *maniti arose through dissimilation, which was probably favoured by the existence of *manǫti. Van Wijk's hypothesis is supported by the fact that there is more a less a geographical distribution. The form *mamiti occurs in West and South Slavic, whereas *maniti occurs in East Slavic and in certain West and South Slavic regions.
    Notes:
    \{1\} I consider both the Latvian and the Lithuanian forms to be borrowings from Slavic. Endzelīns is inclined to regard Latv. mãnît as an inherited word.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > maniti

  • 15 sỳrъ

    I. sỳrъ I Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `cheese'
    Old Church Slavic:
    syrъ (Supr.) `cheese' [m o]
    Russian:
    syr `cheese' [m o]
    Czech:
    sýr `cheese' [m o]
    Slovak:
    syr `cheese' [m o]
    Polish:
    ser `cheese' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    sȉr `cheese' [m o], sȉra [Gens];
    Čak. sĩr (Vrgada, Orbanići) `cheese' [m o], sȉra [Gens];
    Čak. sír (Novi) `cheese' [m o], sȉra [Gens]
    Slovene:
    sìr `cheese' [m o], síra [Gens]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: súʔr(i)os
    Lithuanian:
    sū́ris `cheese' [m io] 1
    Old Prussian:
    suris `cheese'
    Indo-European reconstruction: suH-ro-
    Other cognates:
    OIc. súrr `leaven'
    II. syrъ II Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `damp, raw'
    Old Church Slavic:
    syrъ (Zogr., Mar.) `damp, fresh' [adj o]
    Russian:
    syrój `damp, raw' [adj o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    syrý `damp, raw' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    sȉrov `raw, crude, damp' [adj o];
    Čak. sȉrov (Vrgada) `raw, crude, damp' [adj o];
    Čak. sȉrof (Orbanići) `raw, uncooked' [adj o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: súʔros
    Lithuanian:
    sū́ras `salt, salty' [adj o] 3
    Latvian:
    sũrs `salt, salty, bitter' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: suH-ro-
    Other cognates:
    OIc. súrr `sour' [adj]
    Notes:
    \{1\} AP (a) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 133).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > sỳrъ

  • 16 avě

    avě Grammatical information: adv. Proto-Slavic meaning: `manifestly'
    Page in Trubačev: I 93-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    javě `manifestly, openly, clearly' [adv];
    avě `manifestly, openly, clearly' [adv]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    javi `manifestly, openly' [adv]
    Bulgarian:
    áve `in reality' [adv];
    jáve `in reality' [adv]
    Macedonian:
    jave `in reality' [adv]
    Lithuanian:
    ovyje (DP) `in reality' [adv]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂ēu-ēis
    IE meaning: apparently
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 78
    Comments: OLith. ovyje `in reality' is sometimes regarded as a borrowing from Slavic but there are no compelling arguments for this view. The absence of initial j- rather points in the direction of an etymological relationship, cf. jovnai `openly', which is a borrowing from Belorussian. In that case we would have to start from a PBSl. i-stem *āv-i- (cf. Anikin 1998: 21, see also s.v. javiti). On the other hand, it seems possible that the form ovyje, whose oldest attestations are two occurrences in Daukša, is based on Church Slavic (j)avě. The Slavic adverb in turn may have been borrowed from Iranian (Lubotsky p.c.).
    Other cognates:
    Skt. āvíṣ `apparently, noticeably' [adv];
    Av. auuiš `apparently, evidently' [adv]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > avě

  • 17 bьčelà

    bьčelà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bee'
    Page in Trubačev: III 104-105
    Old Church Slavic:
    bьčela (Ps. Sin.) `bee' [f ā];
    bъčela (Mar., Ass.) `bee' [f ā] \{1\}
    Russian:
    pčeĺa `bee' [f ā];
    bčelá (dial.) `bee' [f ā];
    bželá (dial.) `bee' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    bdžolá `bee' [f ā];
    pčolá `bee' [f ā]
    Czech:
    včela `bee' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    včela `bee' [f ā] \{2\}
    Polish:
    pszczoɫa `bee' [f ā];
    pczoɫa (dial., arch.) `bee' [f ā];
    pczeɫa (arch.) `bee' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    pčola `bee' [f ā];
    wčola `bee' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    coɫa `bee' [f ā];
    pcoɫa (arch.) `bee' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    celă `bee' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    pčèla `bee' [f ā];
    čèla `bee' [f ā];
    Čak. čȅla (Vrgada) `bee' [f ā];
    Čak. čelȁ (Novi) `bee' [f ā];
    Čak. čȅlica (Orbanići) `bee' [f jā]
    Slovene:
    bǝčę̑la `bee' [f ā];
    bčę̑la `bee' [f ā];
    čǝbę̑la `bee' [f ā];
    čǝbę̑la `bee' [f ā];
    čę̑la `bee' [f ā];
    čmę̑la `bee' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    pčelá `bee' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bi-t-; bi-kel-eh₂
    Lithuanian:
    bìtė `bee' [f ē] 2
    Latvian:
    bite `bee' [f ē]
    Old Prussian:
    bitte `bee' [f]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰi-
    IE meaning: bee
    Page in Pokorny: 116
    Comments: The North European root bʰi occurs with various suffixes. The *-k- of the Slavic forms is also found in OIr. bech < *bi-ko-. The main alternative etymology departs from PSl. *bъčela and advocates a connection with bučati `make a loud noise, roar'. This is the eymology preferred by Sɫawski (SP I: 456-457).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. bý `bee' [n];
    MoDu. bij `bee';
    OHG bini `bee' [n];
    OHG bīa `bee' [f];
    OE béo `bee' [f];
    OIr. bech `bee'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The variant bьčela occurs only once, but considering that bъčela is almost as rare, it is impossible to conclude on the basis of Old Church Slavic which is the original form. \{2\} Slovak dialect forms have an anlaut pč-, fč-, pš- or \č-.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bьčelà

  • 18 debelъ

    debelъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `fat'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 201-202
    Church Slavic:
    debelyj (RuCS) `fat' [adj o]
    Russian:
    debélyj `plump, corpulent' [adj o];
    debëlyj (dial.) `healthy, strong, plump, corpulent' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dèbeo `fat' [adj o];
    Čak. dȅbē (Vrgada) `fat' [adj o], debelà̀ [Nomsf]
    Slovene:
    débeɫ `fat, big, strong' [adj o], debę́la [Nomsf]
    Bulgarian:
    debél `fat, strong' [adj o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: deb-
    Latvian:
    depsis `small, fat boy'
    Old Prussian:
    debīkan `big' [Accs];
    debica (Gr.) `big' [adj]
    Certainty: -
    Comments: Formally, the Balto-Slavic and the Germanic forms do not match, considering that in the case of PIE *b the Balto-Slavic evidence would violate Winter's law. It is by no means necessary, however, to assume that this etymon is of Indo-European origin.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. dapr `sad' [adj];
    Nw. daper `sad, with young' [adj];
    Nw. (dial.) dabb(e) `small, fat fellow'
    ;
    OHG tapfar `firm, heavy, thick-set' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > debelъ

  • 19 dȅvętь

    dȅvętь Grammatical information: num. i Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `nine'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 222-223
    Old Church Slavic:
    devętь `nine' [num i]
    Russian:
    dévjat' `nine' [num i], devjatí [Gens]
    Czech:
    devět `nine' [num]
    Slovak:
    devät' `nine' [num]
    Polish:
    dziewięć `nine' [num i]
    Slovincian:
    ʒìe̯vjinc `nine' [num]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dȅvēt `nine' [num];
    Čak. dȅvet (Vrgada, Orbanići) `nine' [num]
    Slovene:
    devę̑t `nine' [num]
    Bulgarian:
    dévet `nine' [num]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: deu̯in
    Lithuanian:
    devynì `nine' [num]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁neun
    IE meaning: nine
    Page in Pokorny: 318
    Comments: For Balto-Slavic one would expect *dou̯in, with *eu > *ou before a vowel. The e vocalism may have been reintroduced on the basis of the ordinal * deuno- prior to the development *eu > * iou before consonant (Hamp 1976, Kortlandt 1979: 57). The ordinal was later reshaped into *deu̯ino-. In view of OPr. newīnts `nine', it is possible that the numeral still had initial *n- at the end of the Balto-Slavic period, but German influence cannot be excluded.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. náva `nine' [num];
    Gk. ἐννέα `nine' [num];
    Lat. novem `nine' [num];
    Go. niun `nine' [num]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dȅvętь

  • 20 děliti

    děliti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `divide'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 233-234
    Old Church Slavic:
    dělitъ (Supr.) `divides' [3sg]
    Russian:
    delít' `divide' [verb], deljú [1sg], délit [3sg] \{1\}
    Czech:
    děliti `divide' [verb]
    Slovak:
    deliti `divide' [verb]
    Polish:
    dzielić `divide' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dijèliti `divide' [verb], dȉjeljīm [1sg];
    Čak. dīlȉti (Vrgada) `divide' [verb], dĩlīš [2sg];
    Čak. dielȉt (Orbanići) `divide' [verb], diẽlin [1sg]
    Slovene:
    dẹlíti `divide' [verb], dẹlím [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    deljá `divide, share' [verb], dẹlím [1sg]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: doil- (dail-?)
    Lithuanian:
    dailýti `divide' [verb], daĩlo [3ps]
    Comments: Slavic *děl- has Germanic counterparts reflecting * dʰoil- or * dʰail-. The aspirated stop precludes a connection with Gk. δαίομαι `distribute' < * deh₂-i- unless we assume that the Germanic forms are borrowings from Slavic, which is not particularly plausible. Note that the accentuation of *dě́lъ (b) would be in conflict with a reconstruction * deh₂i-l-.
    Other cognates:
    Go. dailjan `divide' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 140).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > děliti

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