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  • 1 izvirno

    Slovenian-english dictionary > izvirno

  • 2 prvotno

    Slovenian-english dictionary > prvotno

  • 3 olbǭdь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olbǭdь

  • 4 olbǭtь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olbǭtь

  • 5 elbedь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elbedь

  • 6 elbǭtь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elbǭtь

  • 7 ajьce

    ajьce Grammatical information: n. jo Proto-Slavic meaning: `egg'
    Page in Trubačev: I 61-63
    Old Church Slavic:
    aice `egg' [n jo]
    Russian:
    jajcó `egg' [n jo];
    jájko (dial.) `egg' [n o]
    Czech:
    vejce `egg' [n jo];
    vajko (dial.) `egg' [n o]
    Slovak:
    vajce `egg' [n jo]
    Polish:
    jajko `egg' [n o];
    jajce (obs., dial.) `egg' [n jo]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jejko `testicle' [n o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jajko `Easter-egg, berry' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jájce `egg' [n jo]
    Slovene:
    jájce `egg' [n jo];
    jàjce `egg' [n jo];
    jajcè `egg' [n jo]
    Bulgarian:
    jajcé `egg' [n jo]
    Page in Pokorny: 783
    Comments: Originally a diminutive of *jaje. Forms with a suffix *-ko are secondary.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ᾠόν `egg' [n];
    Lat. ōvum `egg' [n];
    OIc. egg `egg' [n];
    OHG ei `egg' [n];
    W wy `egg'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ajьce

  • 8 blǫ̑dъ

    blǫ̑dъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `delusion'
    Page in Trubačev: II 126-127
    Old Church Slavic:
    blǫdъ `debauchery, depravity, adultery' [m o]
    Russian:
    blud `lechery, fornication, (dial.) evil spirit that leads the drunk astray' [m o]
    Czech:
    blud `mistake, delusion, insanity' [m o];
    bloud `fool' [m o] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    blud `mistake, delusion, insanity' [m o]
    Polish:
    bɫąd `mistake, delusion' [m o], bɫędu [Gens]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blȗd `mistake, delusion, lechery, adultery' [m o]
    Slovene:
    blǫ̑d `mistake, delusion, voluptuousness' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    blud `fornication, adultery, time of unrest' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: blondos
    Lithuanian:
    blañdas `cloudiness, obscuration of mind or eyesight, drowsiness' [m o];
    blandà `fog' [f ā] 4;
    blandùs `dim, cloudy, thick (soup)' [adj u]
    Latvian:
    bluods `evil spirit that leads one astray, wood-goblin' [m o]
    Page in Pokorny: 157
    Comments: Deverbative o-stem with o-grade in the root of *bʰlend-. Skt. bradhná- (RV+) `pale ruddy, yellowish, bay' [adj], which has been assumed to be cogtyy o- rather belongs together with * bronъ.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. blundr `slumber' [m o]
    Notes:
    \{1\} According to Verweij (1994: 52), the originally long root vowel of Cz. bloud may be a vestige of the accent paradigm to which *blǫdъ belonged prior to the operation of Illič-Svityč's law.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > blǫ̑dъ

  • 9 čekati

    čekati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `wait, await, expect'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 36-37
    Church Slavic:
    čekati (Venc.) `wait, await' [verb]
    Russian:
    čekát' (S., W. dial.) `wait, await' [verb]
    Ukrainian:
    čekáty `wait, await' [verb]
    Czech:
    čekati `wait, await' [verb]
    Old Czech:
    čekati `wait, await' [verb];
    čkáti `wait, await' [verb]
    Polish:
    czekać `wait, await' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    čȅkati `wait, await, expect' [verb], čȅkām [1sg];
    Čak. čȅkati (Vrgada) `wait, await, expect' [verb], čȅkå̄š [2sg];
    Čak. čȅkat (Orbanići) `wait' [verb], čȅkan [1sg]
    Macedonian:
    čéka `wait, await' [verb]
    Comments: Stang (1961: 68-69) has suggested that čekati is cognate with OPr. kackint `attain', Lith. kàkti `be sufficient' (cf. Toporov PJ 1980: 162-163 for the semantic development). In Slavic, we may originally have had * čekti alongside the intensive *čěkati. According to an older etymology (cf. Vasmer s.v. čekát'), * čeka- is a reduplicated variant of the root * keh₂- that we find in Lat. cārus `dear', MHG huore `whore' (note, however, that according to Schrijver (1996: 98, 112), the -r- belongs to the root here). It seems to me that Stang's scenario is preferable because it offers a solutio for the variation *ček-/čak-.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čekati

  • 10 čèznǫti

    čèznǫti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `disappear'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 100-101
    Russian:
    čéznut' (dial.) `disappear, vanish, perish' [verb]
    Ukrainian:
    čéznuty `disappear, (dial.) perish' [verb]
    Polish:
    czeznąć (obs.) `wither, disappear, vanish' [verb] \{1\}
    Serbo-Croatian:
    čȅznuti `thirst for, long for, yearn' [verb], čȅznēm [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    čézna `disappear, vanish' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} According to Bańkowski (2000: 229), this word was originally limited to the eastern dialects and must be considered a ruthenism.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čèznǫti

  • 11 drьkolь

    drьkolь; drьkolьje Grammatical information: m. i; n. io Proto-Slavic meaning: `stick, club'
    Page in Trubačev: V 139-140
    Old Church Slavic:
    drьkolь `stick, club' [m i];
    drъkolь `stick, club' [m i]
    Russian:
    drekol' (dial.) `pole' [m jo?];
    drekól'e `staves' [n io]
    Czech:
    drkolí (Jungmann) `wooden rattle, club' [n io] \{1\}
    Serbo-Croatian:
    drkol (arch.) `truncheon, baton' [m o]
    Slovene:
    dŕkoɫ `truncheon, baton' [m o];
    dŕkǝlj `truncheon, baton' [m jo]
    Page in Pokorny: 214
    Comments: In all likelihood a compound of drъ `wood' (-> *dȇrvo) and * kol- `stab' (-> * kolti). Unlike the ESSJa, I have reconstructed * drьkolь, * drьkolьje because the evidence points to ь. I agree, however, that the form originally may have had *ъ (cf. Vaillant 1928).
    Notes:
    \{1\} MoCz. drkolna, OCz. dřkolna, strkolna.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > drьkolь

  • 12 drьkolьje

    drьkolь; drьkolьje Grammatical information: m. i; n. io Proto-Slavic meaning: `stick, club'
    Page in Trubačev: V 139-140
    Old Church Slavic:
    drьkolь `stick, club' [m i];
    drъkolь `stick, club' [m i]
    Russian:
    drekol' (dial.) `pole' [m jo?];
    drekól'e `staves' [n io]
    Czech:
    drkolí (Jungmann) `wooden rattle, club' [n io] \{1\}
    Serbo-Croatian:
    drkol (arch.) `truncheon, baton' [m o]
    Slovene:
    dŕkoɫ `truncheon, baton' [m o];
    dŕkǝlj `truncheon, baton' [m jo]
    Page in Pokorny: 214
    Comments: In all likelihood a compound of drъ `wood' (-> *dȇrvo) and * kol- `stab' (-> * kolti). Unlike the ESSJa, I have reconstructed * drьkolь, * drьkolьje because the evidence points to ь. I agree, however, that the form originally may have had *ъ (cf. Vaillant 1928).
    Notes:
    \{1\} MoCz. drkolna, OCz. dřkolna, strkolna.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > drьkolьje

  • 13 jùgъ

    jùgъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `South, south wind'
    Page in Trubačev: VIII 192-193
    Old Church Slavic:
    jugъ `South, south wind' [m o]
    Russian:
    jug `South, south wind' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    ugъ `South, south wind' [m o]
    Czech:
    jih `South' [m o]
    Old Czech:
    juh `south wind' [m o]
    Slovak:
    juh `South' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȕg `south wind' [m o];
    jȕgo `south wind' [n o];
    Čak. jȕgo (Vrgada, Novi, Orbanići) `south wind' [n o]
    Slovene:
    jùg `southwest wind, South' [m o], júga [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    jug `South' [m o]
    Comments: If *jùgъ is cognate with Gk. αὐγή `light, beam' < *h₂eug-, the acute tone of the root can be explained by Winter's law. On the other hand, this etmology also implies that the *j- was originally a glide, which considering the distribution of forms with and without *j- seems less likely. The ESSJa argues that * jugъ contains * iouǝ `mix, knead'. The original meaning would have been `soft', cf. -> sěverъ, of the which the older meaning is assumed to have been `sharp, severe'. This all seems highly speculative.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > jùgъ

  • 14 līcè

    līcè Grammatical information: n. jo Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `cheek, face'
    Page in Trubačev: XV 75-78
    Old Church Slavic:
    lice `face, person' [n jo/s], lice [Gens], ličese [Gens]
    Russian:
    licó `face, person' [n o]
    Old Russian:
    lice `face' [n o];
    lico `face' [n o]
    Czech:
    líce `face, (lit.) cheek' [n o]
    Old Czech:
    líce `cheek' [n o]
    Polish:
    lice `cheek, (pl.) face' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    líce `face, appearance' [n o];
    Čak. līcȅ (Vrgada: obs.) `face, appearance' [n o], lȉca [Nom p];
    Čak. līcȅ (Novi) `face, appearance' [n o], líca [Nom p];
    Čak. līcȅ (Orbanići) `cheek' [n o], lĩca [Nom p]
    Slovene:
    líce `cheek, face' [n o]
    Bulgarian:
    licé `face, appearance, person' [n o]
    Old Prussian:
    laygnan (EV) `cheek'
    Indo-European reconstruction: leik-o- \{1\}
    Comments: Since the third palatalization is generally considered not to have operated after *ei, one may advance the hypothesis that the root originally had zero grade.
    Other cognates:
    OIr. lecca `jaw, cheek' [n]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > līcè

  • 15 lьdza

    lьdza Grammatical information: f. jā
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 108
    Old Church Slavic:
    lьzě (Cloz., Supr.) `(l. jestъ ) it is possible' [adv] \{1\}
    Church Slavic:
    lьdza `possibility' [f jā]
    Russian:
    l'zja `it is possible' [adv]
    Czech:
    lze `it is possible' [adv]
    Old Czech:
    lzě `it is possible' [adv]
    Old Polish:
    ldza `it is possible' [adv];
    lza `it is possible' [pred]
    Comments: Originally a Dsg. of *lьdza or *lьga.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > lьdza

  • 16 lьga

    lьga Grammatical information: f. ā
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 64
    Old Church Slavic:
    lьzě (Cloz., Supr.) `(l.jestъ ) it is possible' [adv] \{1\}
    Russian:
    l'ga (dial.) `facilitation, possibility' [f ā]
    Belorussian:
    l'ga (dial.) `facilitation, possibility' [f ā]
    Notes:
    \{1\} Originally a Dsg of *lьga or *lьdza.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > lьga

  • 17 mělь

    mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168
    Old Church Slavic:
    měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]
    Russian:
    mel' `sand-bank, shoal' [f i];
    mel `chalk' [m o]
    Czech:
    měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];
    měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];
    měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]
    Old Czech:
    měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]
    Polish:
    miaɫ, mieɫ (dial.) `dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    miel `sand-bank' [f i];
    miaɫ `finely ground substance' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];
    mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-
    Lithuanian:
    smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    smēlis `fine sand' [m io] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 717
    Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. melr (dial.) `sand-bank'
    ;
    Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank'
    ;
    Sw. smula `chunk'
    ;
    Nw. smola (dial.) `smash' [verb];
    Nw. smol (dial.) `dust'
    \{3\} \{4\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mělь

  • 18 mělъ

    mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168
    Old Church Slavic:
    měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]
    Russian:
    mel' `sand-bank, shoal' [f i];
    mel `chalk' [m o]
    Czech:
    měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];
    měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];
    měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]
    Old Czech:
    měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]
    Polish:
    miaɫ, mieɫ (dial.) `dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    miel `sand-bank' [f i];
    miaɫ `finely ground substance' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];
    mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-
    Lithuanian:
    smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    smēlis `fine sand' [m io] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 717
    Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. melr (dial.) `sand-bank'
    ;
    Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank'
    ;
    Sw. smula `chunk'
    ;
    Nw. smola (dial.) `smash' [verb];
    Nw. smol (dial.) `dust'
    \{3\} \{4\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mělъ

  • 19 ǫsъ

    ǫ́sъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `moustache'
    Church Slavic:
    ǫsъ (RuCS) `moustache, beard' [m o]
    Russian:
    us `hair of a moustache, whisker' [m o], usý `moustache' [Nom p]
    Czech:
    vous `beard hair' [m o], vousy `beard' [Nom p]
    Polish:
    wąs `moustache' [m o], wąsy `moustache' [Nom p]
    Slovene:
    vǫ̑s `moustache' [m o], vosi `id.' [Nom p];
    vǫ́se `moustache' [Nompf ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: u̯ónsos \{1\}
    Lithuanian:
    uõstai (Žem.) `moustache' [Nompm o] 2
    Old Prussian:
    wanso `first beard'
    Indo-European reconstruction: uondʰ-s-om
    Other cognates:
    OHG wintbrāwa `eye-lash' [f];
    MIr. find `hair'
    Notes:
    \{1\} Originally *u̯ónsom.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ǫsъ

  • 20 zobàti

    zobàti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `peck'
    Old Church Slavic:
    ozoba (Ps. Sin.) `devoured' [3sgaor];
    izoba (Supr.) `ate' [3sgaor]
    Russian:
    zobát' (dial.) `peck, swallow, eat greedily, devour' [verb]
    Old Russian:
    zobati `eat' [verb]
    Czech:
    zobati `peck' [verb];
    džobač (Lach dial.) `peck' [verb]
    Slovak:
    zobat' `peck' [verb]
    Polish:
    dziobać `peck' [verb] \{1\}
    Old Polish:
    zobać `peck' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    zòbati `peck, (Vuk) eat grains' [verb], zȍbljēm [1sg];
    Čak. zobȁti (Vrgada) `peck' [verb], zȍbl̨eš [2sg];
    Čak. zobȁt (Orbanići) `peck, eat, nibble (grapes, berries etc.)' [verb], zȍbljen [1sg]
    Slovene:
    zóbati `peck, eat (berries, cherries etc.), eat grains' [verb], zǫ́bljem [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    zóbam `eat berries one by one' [verb]
    Lithuanian:
    žė̃bti `eat dry substances, gobble, crave for, covet' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: ǵ(ʰ)obʰ-
    Comments: It is doubtful if there are cognates outside Balto-Slavic.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Originally an East Polish form.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > zobàti

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