-
1 razvoj
development, progress -
2 napredek
advance, development, progress -
3 bèrdjь
bèrdjь Grammatical information: adj. jo Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `with young, pregnant'Page in Trubačev: I 188-189Church Slavic:brěžda `pregnant' [Nomsgf];Russian:beréžaja (dial.) `in foal' [Nomsgf];berëžaja (dial.) `mare in foal' [Nomsgf]Ukrainian:beréža `with young' [Nomsgf]Czech:březí `with young, pregnant' [Nomsgf]Old Czech:břězí `with young, pregnant' [Nomsgf]Serbo-Croatian:brȅđ (W. dial.) `pregnant, (Cr.) in calf' [adj jo];Čak. brȅja (Orbanići) `pregnant (of a cow), with young' [Nomsgf]Slovene:brẹ́ja `with young' [Nomsgf]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: berʔdiosLithuanian:ber̃(g)ždžias `barren (of a cow)' [adj] 4;ber(g)ždė̃ `barren cow' [f ē]Indo-European reconstruction: bʰerdieh₂IE meaning: pregnantComments: Both *bʰerdʰieh₂ and *bʰerHdʰieh₂ would have yielded forba in Latin (see Nussbaum 1999 for the development of *rdʰ originating from syncope). A proto-form *bʰerHdieh₂ would therefore theoretically be possible. Nussbaum, who considers the connection with OCS brěžda possible, suggests that an original noun *bʰori- > *fori `birther' was expanded to *fori-d- and then hypercharacterized as a feminine (1999: 406).Other cognates: -
4 blekъ
blekъ Grammatical information: m. oPage in Trubačev: II 109Czech:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:blȇk `bleating' [m o]Slovene:blę́k `flock (of sheep)' [m o]Bulgarian:Indo-European reconstruction: bʰlek-o-Page in Pokorny: 157Comments: The semantic connection between *blek(ot)ъ as the name of various poisonous plants and *blekotъ `chatter, chatterer' is the fact that particularly henbane may cause a delirium, cf. Ru. (dial.) belenít'sja `become infuriated', SCr. belèna `fool' from *belena `henbane', or the Polish expression brodzi, jakby się blekotu (`fool's parsley') objadɫ, which equals Cz. jako by se blínu napil. I am inclined to consider the verbs *blekati `chatter, mutter, bleat' and *blekotati derivatives of *blekъ and *blekotъ rather than vice versa (pace Trubačëv). The development of a meaning `bleat' may have been favoured by the onomatopoeic qualities of the root. Alternatively, we could distinguish a separate onomatopoeic root *blek- `bleat' or even separate *blek- `henbane' from *blek- `chatter, mutter'. Pokorny erroneously classifies Ru. blëkotъ `fool's parsley' under *bʰleiq- `shine'. -
5 čekati
čekati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `wait, await, expect'Page in Trubačev: IV 36-37Church Slavic:Russian:čekát' (S., W. dial.) `wait, await' [verb]Ukrainian:čekáty `wait, await' [verb]Czech:Old Czech:čkáti `wait, await' [verb]Polish:czekać `wait, await' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:čȅkati `wait, await, expect' [verb], čȅkām [1sg];Čak. čȅkati (Vrgada) `wait, await, expect' [verb], čȅkå̄š [2sg];Čak. čȅkat (Orbanići) `wait' [verb], čȅkan [1sg]Macedonian:čéka `wait, await' [verb]Comments: Stang (1961: 68-69) has suggested that čekati is cognate with OPr. kackint `attain', Lith. kàkti `be sufficient' (cf. Toporov PJ 1980: 162-163 for the semantic development). In Slavic, we may originally have had * čekti alongside the intensive *čěkati. According to an older etymology (cf. Vasmer s.v. čekát'), * čeka- is a reduplicated variant of the root * keh₂- that we find in Lat. cārus `dear', MHG huore `whore' (note, however, that according to Schrijver (1996: 98, 112), the -r- belongs to the root here). It seems to me that Stang's scenario is preferable because it offers a solutio for the variation *ček-/čak-. -
6 čerpti
čerpti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `scoop, draw'Page in Trubačev: IV 71-72Old Church Slavic:počrěti `scoop, draw' [verb], počrьpǫ [1sg]Czech:čříti (Jungmann) `scoop, draw' [verb]Old Czech:Slovak:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: kerp-; kirp-Lithuanian:kir̃pti `chop, cut' [verb], kerpù [1sg]Page in Pokorny: 944Comments: Though the semantic development is not evident, I assume that čerp- continues PIE * (s)kerp- `cut off, tear off'.Other cognates: -
7 dȅvętь
dȅvętь Grammatical information: num. i Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `nine'Page in Trubačev: IV 222-223Old Church Slavic:devętь `nine' [num i]Russian:dévjat' `nine' [num i], devjatí [Gens]Czech:devět `nine' [num]Slovak:Polish:dziewięć `nine' [num i]Slovincian:ʒìe̯vjinc `nine' [num]Serbo-Croatian:dȅvēt `nine' [num];Čak. dȅvet (Vrgada, Orbanići) `nine' [num]Slovene:devę̑t `nine' [num]Bulgarian:dévet `nine' [num]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: deu̯inLithuanian:devynì `nine' [num]Indo-European reconstruction: h₁neunIE meaning: ninePage in Pokorny: 318Comments: For Balto-Slavic one would expect *dou̯in, with *eu > *ou before a vowel. The e vocalism may have been reintroduced on the basis of the ordinal * deuno- prior to the development *eu > * iou before consonant (Hamp 1976, Kortlandt 1979: 57). The ordinal was later reshaped into *deu̯ino-. In view of OPr. newīnts `nine', it is possible that the numeral still had initial *n- at the end of the Balto-Slavic period, but German influence cannot be excluded.Other cognates:Skt. náva `nine' [num]; -
8 ertь
ertь Grammatical information: f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `strife'Page in Trubačev: -Old Church Slavic:Old Russian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₁er-ti-Comments: If the anlaut of OCS retь does indeed originate from * er- (cf. -> * ernь), we would expect rětь in view of the regular development of * oRC- in South Slavic, cf. ratь `war, battle' (-> * ortь). Nevertheless, the etymology advocated here seems the best option (cf. Toporov 1981: 154). -
9 esètrъ
esètrъ; esètra Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sturgeon'Page in Trubačev: VI 30-31Russian:osëtr `sturgeon' [m o], osetrá [Gens];osetër (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o]Old Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:Upper Sorbian:Lower Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:jèsetra `sturgeon' [f ā]Slovene:Bulgarian:esétra `sturgeon' [f ā]Lithuanian:erškẽtas `sturgeon' [m o];erškė́tras (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o] 1 \{1\}Old Prussian:esketres `sturgeon'Page in Pokorny: 18Comments: It seems highly plausible that *jesètra is cognate with *jesera `awn, fishbone', Lith. ešerỹs `perch' and that both etyma belong to PIE *h₂ḱ- `sharp', cf. Lat. acipēnser `sturgeon' < *h₂eḱu-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like erškẽtas and erškė́tras were probably influenced by erškė́tis `thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development erškẽtas < eškẽtras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov II: 89), but it is clear that the original form contained a k, cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešerỹs. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to depart from a Baltic protoform *ekśetras.Notes: -
10 esètra
esètrъ; esètra Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sturgeon'Page in Trubačev: VI 30-31Russian:osëtr `sturgeon' [m o], osetrá [Gens];osetër (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o]Old Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:Upper Sorbian:Lower Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:jèsetra `sturgeon' [f ā]Slovene:Bulgarian:esétra `sturgeon' [f ā]Lithuanian:erškẽtas `sturgeon' [m o];erškė́tras (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o] 1 \{1\}Old Prussian:esketres `sturgeon'Page in Pokorny: 18Comments: It seems highly plausible that *jesètra is cognate with *jesera `awn, fishbone', Lith. ešerỹs `perch' and that both etyma belong to PIE *h₂ḱ- `sharp', cf. Lat. acipēnser `sturgeon' < *h₂eḱu-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like erškẽtas and erškė́tras were probably influenced by erškė́tis `thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development erškẽtas < eškẽtras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov II: 89), but it is clear that the original form contained a k, cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešerỹs. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to depart from a Baltic protoform *ekśetras.Notes: -
11 esetь
esetь Grammatical information: f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `rack for drying grain'Page in Trubačev: -Russian:osét' `granary, rack for drying grain' [f i]Belorussian:(v)ósec' (W.), aséc' (W.) `granary, drying shed' [f i];osëtka (dial.) `granary', asëtka (dial.) `spot in granary for drying sheafs' [f ā]Ukrainian:ósit' (dial.) `granary' [f i]Polish:jesieć (dial.) `grain sieve' [f i];osieć (E. dial.) `granary' [f i];jesiótka (dial.) `grain sieve' [f ā];osiótka (W dial.) `granary' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: eś-et-i-Lithuanian:akė́čios `harrow' [Nompf ā] 1;ekė́čios (dial.) `harrow' [Nompf ā] 1 \{1\}Latvian:Old Prussian:aketes `harrow'Indo-European reconstruction: h₂oḱ-et-i-IE meaning: harrowPage in Pokorny: 18Comments: This is another case where we find Balto-Slavic evidence for *e- corresponding to *a- or *o- in other branches of Indo-European (Rozwadowski's change). Toporov regards the k of the Baltic forms as evidence for a western technological borrowing (I: 67). Since the Baltic and Germanic forms mean exactly the same, while the Slavic forms are semantically more remote, this is a serious option.Other cognates:Fi. äës `harrow'Notes:\{1\} The Standard Lithuanian form with a- may stem from the territory where the development e- > a- occurred. In any case, the attestations of the form with e- (see the LKŽ, s.v.) indicate that there are Lithuanian forms completely matching Latv. ecêšas. -
12 màzati
màzati Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `smear, anoint'Page in Trubačev: XVIII 23-25Old Church Slavic:Russian:mázat' `smear, oil, grease' [verb], mážu [1sg], mážet [3sg]Czech:Slovak:Polish:mazać `smear' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:mȁzati `smear, grease, paint' [verb], mȁžēm [1sg];Čak. mȁzati (Vrgada) `soil, besmirch' [verb], mȁžeš [2sg];mȁzati `smear, grease, paint' [verb];Čak. mȁzat (Orbanići) `smear, grease' [verb], mȃžen [1sg]Slovene:mázati `smear, grease, paint' [verb], mȃžem [1sg]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: moʔź-Lithuanian:mė́žti `manure, muck out'Latvian:muõzêt `gobble, pound, fool, harass, beat' [verb]Page in Pokorny: 696Comments: For the time being I have grouped together Slavic *màzati and Lith. mė́žti `manure, muck out', Latv. mêzt `muck out, sweep' and muõzêt `gobble, pound etc.' (cf. Oštir 1912: 214, Fraenkel I: 444). It seems to me that the Baltic words can be linked semantically to *màzati `smear' if we start from a meaning `smear, wipe, sweep' (for the semantic development attested in muõzêt, cf. Ru. smázat' `strike a blow', MoDu. (dial.) afsmeren `give s.o. a beating'). Another possibility would be to connect *màzati with Gk. μάσσω (aor. pass. μαγη̃ναι) `knead' (provided that the root is not μακ- instead of μαγ-, which, according to Chantraine (670), cannot be determined), Arm. macanim `thicken, stick together' and OHG mahhōn, OS makōn etc. `make'. This would entail a reconstruction *meh₂ǵ- (*maǵ- in Pokorny), which would preclude a connection with mė́žti, Latv. mêzt. -
13 mèčь
mèčь; mь̀čь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `sword'Page in Trubačev: XVIII 141-142Old Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Upper Sorbian:miecʒ̇ (Matthaei 1721) `sword' [m jo]Serbo-Croatian:mȁč `sword' [m jo], màča [Gens];Čak. mȁč (Vrgada) `sword' [m jo], mačȁ [Gens]Slovene:mèč `sword' [m jo]Bulgarian:Comments: This etymon has often been considered a borrowing from Germanic, but the Slavic short vowel does not match the long vowel of the Germanic forms. The vacillation between *e and *ь may be attributed to the raising of pretonic *e in the vicinity of a palatalized consonant (see Kortlandt 1984-1985), but this development seems to have occured prior to Dybo's law and there is no particular reason to regard * mečь as an old oxytone noun. Trubačëv (ESSJa s.v.) advocates a connection with OIr. mecc-, referring to Odincov 1985.Other cognates: -
14 mь̀čь
mèčь; mь̀čь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `sword'Page in Trubačev: XVIII 141-142Old Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Upper Sorbian:miecʒ̇ (Matthaei 1721) `sword' [m jo]Serbo-Croatian:mȁč `sword' [m jo], màča [Gens];Čak. mȁč (Vrgada) `sword' [m jo], mačȁ [Gens]Slovene:mèč `sword' [m jo]Bulgarian:Comments: This etymon has often been considered a borrowing from Germanic, but the Slavic short vowel does not match the long vowel of the Germanic forms. The vacillation between *e and *ь may be attributed to the raising of pretonic *e in the vicinity of a palatalized consonant (see Kortlandt 1984-1985), but this development seems to have occured prior to Dybo's law and there is no particular reason to regard * mečь as an old oxytone noun. Trubačëv (ESSJa s.v.) advocates a connection with OIr. mecc-, referring to Odincov 1985.Other cognates: -
15 mogti
mogti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `be able'Page in Trubačev: XIX 107-111Old Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:móc `be able' [verb], mogę [1sg], może [3sg]Serbo-Croatian:mòći `be able' [verb], mògu [1sg], mȍžē [3sg];Čak. mȍći (Vrgada) `be able' [verb], mȏgu [1sg], mȍže [3sg];Čak. mȍć (Orbanići) `can, be able (to), be allowed (to)' [verb], mȍren [1sg]Slovene:móči `be able, must' [verb], mǫ́rem [1sg], mórem [1sg]Bulgarian:móga `be able, be allowed' [verb]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: mog-Lithuanian:magė́ti `please, interest' \{1\} [verb], mãga [3sg]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: mogʰ-IE meaning: be able, capablePage in Pokorny: 695Comments: The generally accepted apophonic relationship between Slavic *mogti, Lith. magė́ti etc. on the one hand and mė́gti `love, like', Latv. mêgt `be able, be accustomed to' on the other cannot be maintained if one adheres to the view that the lengthened grade yielded a Balto-Slavic circumflex. The acute of the latter verbs may be due to Winter's law (*h₁meǵ- if cognate with Gk. περιημεκτέω `be aggrieved, chafe'). The o-vocalism of magė́ti and the Slavic and the Germanic forms points to an old perfect. For the semantic development `to be able' -> `to like', cf. Go. mag vs. MoHG mögen. As Pokorny remarks himself, his reconstruction *magʰ-, māgʰ- is entirely based on the presumed connection of the aforementioned forms with Gk. μηχανή `means, instrument', μη̃χος `instrument, apparatus', Dor. μᾱχᾱνα, μα̃ χος, which was rejected by Endzelīns (1931: 183), Fraenkel (1951, 168), Stang (1972, 37) a.o. for various reasons (cf. ESSJa X: 110) but nevertheless reappears in Lehmann 1986 (239).Other cognates:Skt. maghá- `power, wealth, gift';Notes:\{1\} The verb usually occurs in impersonal constructions. \{2\} The scholarly community is divided with respect to the question whether massi is a borrowing from Slavic (viz. Polish może) or a genuine Prussian form (see Mažiulis III: 114 for the relevant literature). -
16 ògn'ь
ògn'ь Grammatical information: m. i / m. jo Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `fire'Page in Trubačev: XXXII 30-33Old Church Slavic:Russian:ogón' `fire' [m jo], ognjá [Gens];Ukrainian:ohón' (dial.) `fire' [m jo], ohnjú [Gens];ohén' (dial.) `fire' [m i], ohný [Gens]Czech:oheň `fire' [m jo]Slovak:oheň `fire' [m jo]Polish:ogień `fire' [m jo]Slovincian:vùo̯gȯu̯n `fire' [m jo]Upper Sorbian:woheń `fire' [m jo]Lower Sorbian:wogeń `fire' [m jo]Serbo-Croatian:òganj `fire' [m jo], ògnja [Gens];Čak. ȍgań (Vrgada) `fire, hearth' [m jo], ȍgńa [Gens];Čak. ogáń (Novi) `fire' [m jo], ogńȁ [Gens];Čak. ugãnj (Orbanići) `fire' [m jo], ugnjȁ [Gens]Slovene:ógǝnj `fire' [m jo], ógnja [Gens]Bulgarian:ógăn `fire' [m jo]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ungnisLithuanian:ugnìs `fire' [f i] 4Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₁ngw-ni-Comments: According to Kortlandt (1979: 60-61), * ogn'ь reflects a Balto-Slavic noun * ungnis, where *- ngn- blocked the operation of Winter's law. The sequence *un was lowered to *on before a tautosyllabic stop, with subsequent loss of the nasal as a result of dissimilation (cf. -> *vodà). Apparently, the latter development occurred in Baltic as well. The expected reflex of Winter's law is found in -> *vỳgъn̨ь, vỳgъn̨a.Other cognates:Skt. agní- (RV+) `fire, Agni'; -
17 piskorь
piskorь; piskarь; piskalъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `loach, gudgeon'Russian:piskár' `gudgeon' [m jo];peskár' `gudgeon' [m jo];piskál (dial.) `gudgeon' [m o];peskál (dial.) `gudgeon' [m o]Czech:piskoř `loach' [m jo]Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:pȉskor `muray' [m o]Slovene:piskǫ́r `lampray' [m jo], piskǫ́rja [Gens];piškǫ́r `lampray' [m jo], piškǫ́rja [Gens];piškúr `lampray' [m jo], piskúrja [Gens]Bulgarian:piskál `gudgeon' [m o]Indo-European reconstruction: peis-sk-Page in Pokorny: 796Comments: For the semantic development cf. Lith. pyplỹs `loach, gudgeon' vs. pỹpti `squeak' or Pl. sykawiec `loach' vs. sykać `hiss' (Vasmer s.v. piskár'). -
18 piskarь
piskorь; piskarь; piskalъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `loach, gudgeon'Russian:piskár' `gudgeon' [m jo];peskár' `gudgeon' [m jo];piskál (dial.) `gudgeon' [m o];peskál (dial.) `gudgeon' [m o]Czech:piskoř `loach' [m jo]Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:pȉskor `muray' [m o]Slovene:piskǫ́r `lampray' [m jo], piskǫ́rja [Gens];piškǫ́r `lampray' [m jo], piškǫ́rja [Gens];piškúr `lampray' [m jo], piskúrja [Gens]Bulgarian:piskál `gudgeon' [m o]Indo-European reconstruction: peis-sk-Page in Pokorny: 796Comments: For the semantic development cf. Lith. pyplỹs `loach, gudgeon' vs. pỹpti `squeak' or Pl. sykawiec `loach' vs. sykać `hiss' (Vasmer s.v. piskár'). -
19 piskalъ
piskorь; piskarь; piskalъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `loach, gudgeon'Russian:piskár' `gudgeon' [m jo];peskár' `gudgeon' [m jo];piskál (dial.) `gudgeon' [m o];peskál (dial.) `gudgeon' [m o]Czech:piskoř `loach' [m jo]Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:pȉskor `muray' [m o]Slovene:piskǫ́r `lampray' [m jo], piskǫ́rja [Gens];piškǫ́r `lampray' [m jo], piškǫ́rja [Gens];piškúr `lampray' [m jo], piskúrja [Gens]Bulgarian:piskál `gudgeon' [m o]Indo-European reconstruction: peis-sk-Page in Pokorny: 796Comments: For the semantic development cf. Lith. pyplỹs `loach, gudgeon' vs. pỹpti `squeak' or Pl. sykawiec `loach' vs. sykać `hiss' (Vasmer s.v. piskár'). -
20 slàbъ
slàbъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `weak'Old Church Slavic:Russian:slábyj `weak' [adj o]Czech:slabý `weak' [adj o]Slovak:slabý `weak' [adj o]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:slȁb `weak' [adj o], slȁba [Nomsf];slȁb `weak, bad' [adj o], slàba [Nomsf];Čak. slȁb (Vrgada) `weak' [adj o], slabȁ [Nomsf], slȁbo [Nomsn];Čak. slȁp (Orbanići) `weak, bad' [adj o], slȁba [Nomsf], slȁbo [Nomsn]Slovene:slàb `weak, bad' [adj o], slába [Nomsf]Bulgarian:Lithuanian:slãbnas (Žem.) `weak' [adj o];slõbnas (E. Lith.) `weak' [adj o] \{1\}Latvian:slãbs `weak' [adj o]Indo-European reconstruction: slob-o-Comments: Though Latv. slãbs matches the Slavic etymon perfectly, I am inclined to regard the Baltic forms as borrowings. Rasmussen (1992: 72) mentions slãbnas as an example of his blocking rule, according to which Winter's law, did not operate for resonants. Since he also claims that Winter's law applied exclusively to the syllable immediately preceding the stress, his version of Winter's law cannot account for PSl. *slàbъ.Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} According to Fraenkel (151), the vocalism of slõbnas may be due to an East Lithuanian development (cf. Zinkevičius 1966: 103).
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