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it+seems+to+me+that

  • 1 aviti

    aviti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `show'
    Page in Trubačev: I 94-95
    Old Church Slavic:
    javiti `show, reveal' [verb];
    aviti `show, reveal' [verb]
    Russian:
    javít' `show, display' [verb], javljú [1sg], jávit [3sg]
    Czech:
    jeviti `show' [verb]
    Polish:
    jawić (obs.) `show' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jáviti `inform' [verb], jȃvīm [1sg];
    Čak. jå̑vȉti (Vrgada) `inform?' [verb], jå̃viš [2sg];
    Čak. jāvȉt (Vrgada) `(se) greet, answer' [verb], jãve [3sg]
    Slovene:
    jáviti `announce' [verb], jávim [1sg]
    Lithuanian:
    ovytis `appear' [verb], ovijasi [3sg] \{1\}
    Page in Pokorny: 78
    Notes:
    \{1\} Lith. (arch.) ovytis `appear' derives from the i-stem which must underlie ovyje `in reality'. Fraenkel (I: 519) claims that ovytis `appear; rage' and Latv. âvîtiês `talk nonsense, get up to mischief' are inherited words cognate with óvaidas (< *avi-vaidas) `rowdy, braggart', while Lith. jė́vaidas (< *jeva-vaidas) `ghost' and Latv. jàvîtiês or jâvîtiês `to behave like an idiot' are borrowings from Slavic (see also Anikin: 22). I am not convinced that this solution, which seems to rely exclusively on the presence or absence of j-, is correct. Moreover, it is not obvious that ovytis `appear' and ovytis (also jõvytis) `rage' are cognates. It seems quite possible that Lith. óvaidas must be connected with Ukr. (dial.) jávida `devil', Ru. (dial.) jávidь `snake'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > aviti

  • 2 dyra

    dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 205
    Russian:
    dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    dyrja `hole' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    dară `hole, prison' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-
    Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dyra

  • 3 dyr'a

    dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 205
    Russian:
    dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    dyrja `hole' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    dară `hole, prison' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-
    Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dyr'a

  • 4 esètrъ

    esètrъ; esètra Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sturgeon'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 30-31
    Russian:
    osëtr `sturgeon' [m o], osetrá [Gens];
    osetër (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    jesetrъ `sturgeon' [m o];
    osetrъ `sturgeon' [m o]
    Czech:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Slovak:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o];
    jasiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jesetr (arch.), jasotr (arch.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jesotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèsetra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    jesētǝr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    esétra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    erškẽtas `sturgeon' [m o];
    erškė́tras (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o] 1 \{1\}
    Old Prussian:
    esketres `sturgeon'
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: It seems highly plausible that *jesètra is cognate with *jesera `awn, fishbone', Lith. ešerỹs `perch' and that both etyma belong to PIE *h₂ḱ- `sharp', cf. Lat. acipēnser `sturgeon' < *h₂eḱu-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like erškẽtas and erškė́tras were probably influenced by erškė́tis `thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development erškẽtas < eškẽtras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov II: 89), but it is clear that the original form contained a k, cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešerỹs. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to depart from a Baltic protoform *ekśetras.
    Notes:
    \{1\} OLith. ešketras `whale' (Bretkūnas) is probably a Prussianism.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > esètrъ

  • 5 esètra

    esètrъ; esètra Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sturgeon'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 30-31
    Russian:
    osëtr `sturgeon' [m o], osetrá [Gens];
    osetër (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    jesetrъ `sturgeon' [m o];
    osetrъ `sturgeon' [m o]
    Czech:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Slovak:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o];
    jasiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jesetr (arch.), jasotr (arch.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jesotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèsetra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    jesētǝr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    esétra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    erškẽtas `sturgeon' [m o];
    erškė́tras (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o] 1 \{1\}
    Old Prussian:
    esketres `sturgeon'
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: It seems highly plausible that *jesètra is cognate with *jesera `awn, fishbone', Lith. ešerỹs `perch' and that both etyma belong to PIE *h₂ḱ- `sharp', cf. Lat. acipēnser `sturgeon' < *h₂eḱu-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like erškẽtas and erškė́tras were probably influenced by erškė́tis `thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development erškẽtas < eškẽtras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov II: 89), but it is clear that the original form contained a k, cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešerỹs. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to depart from a Baltic protoform *ekśetras.
    Notes:
    \{1\} OLith. ešketras `whale' (Bretkūnas) is probably a Prussianism.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > esètra

  • 6 čekati

    čekati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `wait, await, expect'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 36-37
    Church Slavic:
    čekati (Venc.) `wait, await' [verb]
    Russian:
    čekát' (S., W. dial.) `wait, await' [verb]
    Ukrainian:
    čekáty `wait, await' [verb]
    Czech:
    čekati `wait, await' [verb]
    Old Czech:
    čekati `wait, await' [verb];
    čkáti `wait, await' [verb]
    Polish:
    czekać `wait, await' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    čȅkati `wait, await, expect' [verb], čȅkām [1sg];
    Čak. čȅkati (Vrgada) `wait, await, expect' [verb], čȅkå̄š [2sg];
    Čak. čȅkat (Orbanići) `wait' [verb], čȅkan [1sg]
    Macedonian:
    čéka `wait, await' [verb]
    Comments: Stang (1961: 68-69) has suggested that čekati is cognate with OPr. kackint `attain', Lith. kàkti `be sufficient' (cf. Toporov PJ 1980: 162-163 for the semantic development). In Slavic, we may originally have had * čekti alongside the intensive *čěkati. According to an older etymology (cf. Vasmer s.v. čekát'), * čeka- is a reduplicated variant of the root * keh₂- that we find in Lat. cārus `dear', MHG huore `whore' (note, however, that according to Schrijver (1996: 98, 112), the -r- belongs to the root here). It seems to me that Stang's scenario is preferable because it offers a solutio for the variation *ček-/čak-.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čekati

  • 7 màzati

    màzati Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `smear, anoint'
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 23-25
    Old Church Slavic:
    mazati `anoint' [verb], mažǫ [1sg]
    Russian:
    mázat' `smear, oil, grease' [verb], mážu [1sg], mážet [3sg]
    Czech:
    mazati `smear, oil, defile' [verb]
    Slovak:
    mazat' `smear' [verb]
    Polish:
    mazać `smear' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁzati `smear, grease, paint' [verb], mȁžēm [1sg];
    Čak. mȁzati (Vrgada) `soil, besmirch' [verb], mȁžeš [2sg];
    mȁzati `smear, grease, paint' [verb];
    Čak. mȁzat (Orbanići) `smear, grease' [verb], mȃžen [1sg]
    Slovene:
    mázati `smear, grease, paint' [verb], mȃžem [1sg]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: moʔź-
    Lithuanian:
    mė́žti `manure, muck out'
    Latvian:
    mêzt `muck out, sweep' [verb];
    muõzêt `gobble, pound, fool, harass, beat' [verb]
    Page in Pokorny: 696
    Comments: For the time being I have grouped together Slavic *màzati and Lith. mė́žti `manure, muck out', Latv. mêzt `muck out, sweep' and muõzêt `gobble, pound etc.' (cf. Oštir 1912: 214, Fraenkel I: 444). It seems to me that the Baltic words can be linked semantically to *màzati `smear' if we start from a meaning `smear, wipe, sweep' (for the semantic development attested in muõzêt, cf. Ru. smázat' `strike a blow', MoDu. (dial.) afsmeren `give s.o. a beating'). Another possibility would be to connect *màzati with Gk. μάσσω (aor. pass. μαγη̃ναι) `knead' (provided that the root is not μακ- instead of μαγ-, which, according to Chantraine (670), cannot be determined), Arm. macanim `thicken, stick together' and OHG mahhōn, OS makōn etc. `make'. This would entail a reconstruction *meh₂ǵ- (*maǵ- in Pokorny), which would preclude a connection with mė́žti, Latv. mêzt.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > màzati

  • 8 às(ъ)trę̄bъ

    às(ъ)trę̄bъ; às(ъ)trě̄bъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `hawk'
    Page in Trubačev: I 83-85
    Russian:
    jástreb `hawk' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    jastrjabъ `hawk' [m o];
    jastrebъ `hawk' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jástrib `hawk' [m o];
    astrjáb (dial.) `hawk' [m o];
    jástrjab `hawk' [m o]
    Czech:
    jestřáb `hawk' [m o]
    Old Czech:
    jestřáb `hawk' [m o];
    jěstřáb `hawk' [m o]
    Slovak:
    jastrab `hawk' [m o]
    Polish:
    jastrząb `hawk' [m jo], jastrzębia [Gens] \{1\}
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃střïb `hawk' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jatřob `hawk' [m jo]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jastśeb `hawk' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȁstrijeb `hawk' [m o];
    Čak. jȁstrēb (Vrgada) `hawk' [m o];
    Čak. jãstrop (Orlec) `hawk' [m o]
    Slovene:
    jȃstreb `hawk' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    jástreb `hawk' [m o]
    Comments: As far as I can see, there are no serious objections to the daring etymology *h₁oh₁ḱu-ptr- `fast-flier' (Vey 1953). According to Vey, the Slovene falling tone points to the former presence of a weak jer in the medial syllable, but it seems to me that the neo-circumflex may also reflect original posttonic length. The compound has nice parallels in Homeric ἴρηξ ὠκύπτερος Ν 62 `a swift-winged hawk (or falcon)' and Lat. accipiter `hawk, falcon'.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ὠκύπτερος (Il.) `swift-flying' [adj];
    Lat. accipiter `hawk, falcon'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The original Gsg. jastrzęba was replaced by jastrzębia on the analogy of goɫąb, Gsg. goɫębia `pigeon' (Bańkowski 2000: 577).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > às(ъ)trę̄bъ

  • 9 às(ъ)trě̄bъ

    às(ъ)trę̄bъ; às(ъ)trě̄bъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `hawk'
    Page in Trubačev: I 83-85
    Russian:
    jástreb `hawk' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    jastrjabъ `hawk' [m o];
    jastrebъ `hawk' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jástrib `hawk' [m o];
    astrjáb (dial.) `hawk' [m o];
    jástrjab `hawk' [m o]
    Czech:
    jestřáb `hawk' [m o]
    Old Czech:
    jestřáb `hawk' [m o];
    jěstřáb `hawk' [m o]
    Slovak:
    jastrab `hawk' [m o]
    Polish:
    jastrząb `hawk' [m jo], jastrzębia [Gens] \{1\}
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃střïb `hawk' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jatřob `hawk' [m jo]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jastśeb `hawk' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȁstrijeb `hawk' [m o];
    Čak. jȁstrēb (Vrgada) `hawk' [m o];
    Čak. jãstrop (Orlec) `hawk' [m o]
    Slovene:
    jȃstreb `hawk' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    jástreb `hawk' [m o]
    Comments: As far as I can see, there are no serious objections to the daring etymology *h₁oh₁ḱu-ptr- `fast-flier' (Vey 1953). According to Vey, the Slovene falling tone points to the former presence of a weak jer in the medial syllable, but it seems to me that the neo-circumflex may also reflect original posttonic length. The compound has nice parallels in Homeric ἴρηξ ὠκύπτερος Ν 62 `a swift-winged hawk (or falcon)' and Lat. accipiter `hawk, falcon'.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ὠκύπτερος (Il.) `swift-flying' [adj];
    Lat. accipiter `hawk, falcon'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The original Gsg. jastrzęba was replaced by jastrzębia on the analogy of goɫąb, Gsg. goɫębia `pigeon' (Bańkowski 2000: 577).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > às(ъ)trě̄bъ

  • 10 čàjati

    čàjati Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a
    Page in Trubačev: IV 10-11
    Old Church Slavic:
    čajati `expect, thirst for, hope for' [verb], čajǫ [1sg]
    Russian:
    čájat' `expect, hope for' [verb], čáju [1sg], čáet [3sg] \{1\}
    Serbo-Croatian:
    čȁjati `wait' [verb]
    Slovene:
    čȃjati `wait' [verb], čȃjem [1sg]
    Indo-European reconstruction: kweh₁i-e/o-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 636
    Comments: Its has been a matter of dispute (see LIV s.v. * kʷei-) whether or not the root contains a laryngeal. Even though Dybo (1968: 205, 234, 236) classifies čajati as (c), it seems to me that the evidence warrants the reconstruction of AP (a), which in my framework implies the former presence of a laryngeal.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. cā́yati `perceive, observe' [verb];
    Gk. τίω `esteem, respect highly' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also AP (a) in Old Russian, with traces of (c) (Zaliznjak 1985: 133).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čàjati

  • 11 elьcь

    elьcь Grammatical information: m. jo Proto-Slavic meaning: `dace'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 22-23
    Russian:
    eléc `dace' [m jo], el'cá [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    jaléc' `bleak' [m jo]
    Czech:
    jelec `dace, chub' [m jo]
    Slovak:
    jalec `dace, chub' [m jo]
    Polish:
    jelec `dace' [m jo]
    Kashubian:
    i̯el `a fish' [m jo??]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jalc `dace' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jálac `dace' [m jo];
    jal (dial.) `ide' [m o??]
    Indo-European reconstruction: eliko-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-304
    Comments: As Trubačëv observes (VI: 305), the semantics of Pokorny's root *el- are capacious and complex. In my opinion, there is little evidence for a root *el- `light-coloured'. It is tempting to seek a connection between *jelьcь and OHG alunt `ide'. Pokorny identifies what is presumedly the root of the latter word with the first element of *albʰo- `white' and links it to *el-. Since the fish-names under discussion refer to shining, whitish species, this is semantically unproblematic. Nevertheless, it seems quite possible that the root *al/el (Slavic *el as a result of Rozwadowski's change?) originates from a substratum language.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elьcь

  • 12 sъdòrvъ

    sъdòrvъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `healthy'
    Old Church Slavic:
    sъdravъ `healthy' [adj o]
    Russian:
    zdoróvyj `healthy' [adj o];
    zdoróv `healthy' [adj o], zdorová [Nomsf], zdorovó [Nomsn] \{1\}
    Old Russian:
    zdorovъ `healthy' [adj o];
    storovъ (Novg.) `healthy' [adj o]
    Czech:
    zdravý `healthy' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    zdravý `healthy' [adj o]
    Polish:
    zdrowy `healthy' [adj o]
    Old Polish:
    strowy (Gn.) `healthy' [adj o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    strowy `healthy' [adj o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    strowy `healthy' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    zdrȁv `healthy' [adj o];
    Čak. zdrå̃v `healthy' [adj o], zdrȁva [Nomsf], zdravȁ [Nomsf];
    Čak. zdrãf `healthy' [adj o], zdrȁva [Nomsf], zdrȁvo [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    zdràv `healthy' [adj o], zdráva [Nomsf]
    Bulgarian:
    zdrav `healthy' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁su-dʰor-uo-
    Comments: A reconstruction *h₁su-dor(H)uo- - with the root of * dervo - would leave us with the problem why Winter's law did not affect the first member of the compound, cf. Lith. sū́drus `thick, dense'. It seems to me that Meillet's etymology (1902-1905: 364), according to which * sъdravъ is cognate with Skt. dhruvá- `firm, solid' and Av. druua- `in good health' is preferable. To explain the prosodic characteristics of the noun one could posit a seṭ variant *dʰorH- (cf. Le Feuvre 2006: 240-241), but this is not necessary, as *sъdòrvъ may originate from *sъ̀dorvъ as a result of Dybo's law, cf. Ru. ogoród `kitchen-garden'.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. dhruvá- `fixed, firm' [adj];
    Av. druua- `healthy' [adj]
    Notes:
    \{1\} AP (a) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 133).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > sъdòrvъ

  • 13 vaditi

    vaditi Grammatical information: v.
    Old Church Slavic:
    vaditi (Zogr., Mar., Supr.) `accuse' [verb], važdǫ [1sg], vadiši [2sg]
    Russian:
    vádit' (arch., dial.) `slander, lure, spend time, deceive' [verb];
    vádit' (Novg.) `lure, spend time, deceive' [verb]
    Czech:
    vaditi `hamper, (v. se ) quarrel' [verb]
    Slovak:
    vadit' `hamper' [verb]
    Polish:
    wadzić (obs.) `annoy, hamper' [verb]
    Kashubian:
    vȧ̃ʒĭc `hamper' [verb]
    Slovene:
    váditi `report (someone), charge, (v. se ) quarrel' [verb], vȃdim [1sg]
    Lithuanian:
    vadìnti `call' [verb]
    Comments: If we derive * vaditi from * h₂uedh₂ (cf. Skt. vadi `speak, talk'), the *a can be attributed to Winter's law. This would rule out a connection with Lith. vadìnti `call', which is best derived from * uedʰ- `lead', cf. Latv. vadinât `lead, accompany, urge, lure', vedinât `urge, lure' (cf. Trautmann 1923a: 337, Būga RR II: 642). It seems to me that Ru. dial. vádit' (Novg.) `lure, spend (time), deceive' cannot be separated from vodít' `lead' (Baltic influence?) and therefore does not belong to our etymon * vaditi.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. vádati `speak, talk' [verb];
    Hitt. u̯ātarnahh- [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > vaditi

  • 14 bě̄dà

    bě̄dà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `need, poverty, misery'
    Page in Trubačev: II 54-56
    Old Church Slavic:
    běda `distress, need, necessity' [f ā]
    Russian:
    bedá `misfortune, trouble' [f ā]
    Czech:
    bída `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    běda `woe!' [interj]
    Slovak:
    bieda `poverty, calamity' [f ā]
    Polish:
    bieda `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    biada `woe!' [interj]
    Old Polish:
    biada `distress, necessity' [f ā] \{1\}
    Upper Sorbian:
    běda `grief, woe, misery' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    běda `grief, pain' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bijèda `grief, misfortune' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    bẹ́da `misery' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    bedá `misfortune, misery' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰoidʰ-eh₂ \{2\}
    IE meaning: force
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 117
    Comments: According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds.
    Other cognates:
    Alb. be `oath' [f] \{2\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} The vocalism of Modern Polish bieda `id.' is of Mazowian origin, cf. biada `woe!'. \{2\} According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds. \{3\} Demiraj prefers *bʰeidʰ-i-s to an ā-stem (1997: 94).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bě̄dà

  • 15 esera

    esera Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `fishbone, awn'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 29-30
    Polish:
    jesiory (OPl., dial.) `fishbone' [Nompf ā];
    osiory (NE. dial.) `awn, beard (on ears of grain), hulls;
    fishbone, fish scales' [Nompf ā]
    Slovincian:
    jìe̯zo_ră `fishbone' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    jeseråi `awn, beard (on ears of grain)' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: eś-er-aʔ
    Lithuanian:
    ešerỹs `perch (perca fluvialis), fin' [f ā] 3b;
    ašerỹs (dial.) `perch (perca fluvialis), fin' [f ā] 3b
    Latvian:
    asaris `perch (perca fluvialis)' [m jo];
    aseris `perch (perca fluvialis)' [m jo]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eḱ-er-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: It seems obvious that this Balto-Slavic etymon is cognate with Germanic *ah-s-/*ah-iz- `ear', cf. Go. ahs n., OIc. ax n., OHG ahir, ehir n., and with such forms as OHG ahil `Ährenspitze', MoE (arch.) ail `beard on wheat and barley' (Kluge s.v. Ähre). A nice parallel for the meaning `perch' is OIc. ǫgr `bass' < *agura- < h₂eḱ-. Since the root is probably *h₂eḱ- `sharp', the forms with *e- must be considered instances of Rozwadowski's change. Note that we find a- in the Latvian forms but also in Lith. ašakà `fishbone' and aš(t)rùs `sharp'.
    Notes:
    It seems obvious that this Balto-Slavic etymon is cognate with Germanic *ah-s-/*ah-iz- `ear', cf. Go. ahs n., OIc. ax n., OHG ahir, ehir n., and with such forms as OHG ahil `Ährenspitze', MoE (arch.) ail `beard on wheat and barley' (Kluge s.v. Ähre). A nice parallel for the meaning `perch' is OIc. ǫgr `bass' < *agura- < h₂eḱ-. Since the root is probably *h₂eḱ- `sharp', the forms with *e- must be considered instances of Rozwadowski's change. Note that we find a- in the Latvian forms but also in Lith. ašakà `fishbone' and aš(t)rùs `sharp'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > esera

  • 16 jùgъ

    jùgъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `South, south wind'
    Page in Trubačev: VIII 192-193
    Old Church Slavic:
    jugъ `South, south wind' [m o]
    Russian:
    jug `South, south wind' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    ugъ `South, south wind' [m o]
    Czech:
    jih `South' [m o]
    Old Czech:
    juh `south wind' [m o]
    Slovak:
    juh `South' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȕg `south wind' [m o];
    jȕgo `south wind' [n o];
    Čak. jȕgo (Vrgada, Novi, Orbanići) `south wind' [n o]
    Slovene:
    jùg `southwest wind, South' [m o], júga [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    jug `South' [m o]
    Comments: If *jùgъ is cognate with Gk. αὐγή `light, beam' < *h₂eug-, the acute tone of the root can be explained by Winter's law. On the other hand, this etmology also implies that the *j- was originally a glide, which considering the distribution of forms with and without *j- seems less likely. The ESSJa argues that * jugъ contains * iouǝ `mix, knead'. The original meaning would have been `soft', cf. -> sěverъ, of the which the older meaning is assumed to have been `sharp, severe'. This all seems highly speculative.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > jùgъ

  • 17 mara

    mara Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `ghost, apparition'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 204-207 \{1\}
    Church Slavic:
    mara (RuCS) `ecstasy' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mára, mará `apparition, mirage;
    (dial.) house-sprite, evil spirit' [f ā]
    Belorussian:
    mará, mára `dream, apparition, nightmare;
    (dial.) `witch, demon' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    mará `apparition, ghost, witch' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    mara `ghost, apparition' [f ā]
    Polish:
    Slovincian:
    mara `dream, apparition, ghost' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mara `goddess of illness and death' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    Mára `name of a fairy-tale monster' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂-reh₂
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: There are basically two views on the origin of *mara. According to a hypothesis put forward by Franck (1904: 129) and advocated by a.o. Schuster-Šewc (885ff), *mara continues PIE *mōrā and differs from *mora only in having lengthened grade. The alternative etymology, which can at least be traced to Zubatý 1894, connects *mara with the root ma- < *meh₂- of majati, mamъ etc. Though it seems at a first glance unsatisfactory to separate *mara from *mora - in Polish, for instance, mara and mora are synonymous -, it is awkward that in most Slavic languages both apophonic variants would occur side by side. Perhaps we have to start from *mara `illusion, apparition' beside *mora `female demon that tortures people with nightmares', which later became confused. This scenario may also offer an explanation for the fact that the accentual paradigm of both words is so hard to determine. We would expect *màra (a) - in view of Hirt's law - beside *morà (b) or (c). Nevertheless we find forms like Ru. móra and mará (beside mára). I think that in this respect, too, we have to reckon with analogy.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mara

  • 18 mьglà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьglà

  • 19 mьgà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьgà

  • 20 miglъ

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > miglъ

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  • that said — spoken phrase used for adding an opinion that seems to be the opposite of what you have just said, although you think both are true The economy is struggling. That said, house prices rose slightly last month. Thesaurus: ways of giving your… …   Useful english dictionary

  • that's saying something — that’s saying something mainly spoken phrase used for emphasizing that what you have said is more extreme than it seems Chloe is even more beautiful than her sister, and that’s saying something. Thesaurus: ways of emphasizing completeness or… …   Useful english dictionary

  • that — I [[t]ðæ̱t[/t]] DEMONSTRATIVE USES ♦ (Please look at category 20 to see if the expression you are looking for is shown under another headword.) 1) PRON You use that to refer back to an idea or situation expressed in a previous sentence or… …   English dictionary

  • That Hideous Strength — infobox Book | name = That Hideous Strength title orig = translator = image caption = First edition cover author = C. S. Lewis illustrator = cover artist = country = United Kingdom language = English series = Space Trilogy genre = Science fiction …   Wikipedia

  • That Which Survives — ST episode name = That Which Survives An alien computer casts deadly images series = TOS ep num = 72 prod num = 069 remas. num = 61 date = January 24, 1969 writer = John Meredyth Lucas story by Michael Richards (pseudonym of D.C. Fontana)… …   Wikipedia

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