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from+between

  • 1 mьglà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьglà

  • 2 mьgà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьgà

  • 3 miglъ

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > miglъ

  • 4 bòlna

    bòlna Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `membrane'
    Page in Trubačev: II 175-177
    Church Slavic:
    blana (RuCS) `placenta' [f ā]
    Russian:
    boloná `sickly outgrowth on trees, sap-wood, (dial.) lump' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    bolona `placenta' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    bolóna `membrane, window-pane' [f ā]
    Czech:
    blána `film, membrane, web (of water-fowl), sap-wood' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    blana `membrane, film' [f ā]
    Polish:
    bɫona `membrane, film' [f ā]
    Old Polish:
    bɫona `placenta, eyeweb, peritoneum, entrails' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    bɫona `membrane, film' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    blȃna `membrane, thin skin, parchment' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    blaná `manure (used as fuel), turf' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    bálnas `white, having a white back (cattle)' [adj] 3
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰolH-neh₂
    Page in Pokorny: 118
    Comments: Both Trubačëv and Sɫawski are inclined to derive bolna `membrane, sapwood' and bolna `turf, meadow' from a root meaning `white'. Though the relationship between `membrane' and `white' may not be obvious, the relationship between the usually light-coloured sapwood and `white' is unproblematic. In view of the semantic similarities between `sapwood' and `membrane', the etymology advocated by Trubačëv and Sɫawski may very well be correct. The connection between * bolna `turf, meadow' and * bolto `swamp', where an etymology involving the root for `white' is widely accepted, seems quite plausible.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bòlna

  • 5 mě̑xъ

    mě̑xъ; měšъkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `bag (made from skin)'
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 156-159, 220-221
    Old Church Slavic:
    měxъ `wine-skin' [m o]
    Russian:
    mex `fur, (dial.) bag' [m o], méxa [Gens], mexá [Nom p] \{1\};
    mešók `bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]
    Czech:
    měch `bag, net' [m o];
    míšek `purse, small bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]
    Slovak:
    mech `bag' [m o]
    Polish:
    miech `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Slovincian:
    mjìex `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    měch `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȉjeh `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȉjeha [Gens];
    Čak. mȋh (Vrgada) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȋha [Gens];
    Čak. mȋh (Novi) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o];
    Čak. miȇh (Vrgada) `bellows, bag-pipes' [m o], miȇhe [Locs]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑h `fur, wine-skin, bellows, leather bag' [m o/u], mẹ̑ha [Gens], mẹhȗ [Gens];
    mẹ̑šǝk `small bellows' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    mjax `bellows, bag made from skin' [m o];
    mex `bellows, bag made from skin' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: moiṣós
    Lithuanian:
    maĩšas `bag, sack' [m o] 4 \{2\}
    Latvian:
    màiss `bag' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    moasis (EV) `bellows'
    Indo-European reconstruction: moiso-
    IE meaning: ram
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 747
    Comments: I feel that we should not attach too much importance to De Vries's observation that with respect to Germanic it is unwarranted to start from an original meaning `Tragkorb aus Fell' (1962: 382). In fact, the same would apply to the Baltic forms. I consider the semantic similarity between, for instance, Lith. maĩšas `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz' (note that the meaning `net' is also attested in Slavic), OIc. heymeiss `hay-sack' and Eng. (dial.) maiz `large, light hay-basket' sufficient evidence for the etymological identity of the Germanic and the Balto-Slavic forms. MoIr. moais `bag, hamper', moaiseog `wicker basket' is doubtless a borrowing from Germanic.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meṣá- `ram'
    ;
    OIc. meiss `basket'
    ;
    OHG meisa `pannier'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The plural noun mexí means `fur bag, wine-skin'. \{2\} Friedrich Kurschat's dictionary (1883) mentions the more specific meaning `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mě̑xъ

  • 6 měšъkъ

    mě̑xъ; měšъkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `bag (made from skin)'
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 156-159, 220-221
    Old Church Slavic:
    měxъ `wine-skin' [m o]
    Russian:
    mex `fur, (dial.) bag' [m o], méxa [Gens], mexá [Nom p] \{1\};
    mešók `bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]
    Czech:
    měch `bag, net' [m o];
    míšek `purse, small bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]
    Slovak:
    mech `bag' [m o]
    Polish:
    miech `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Slovincian:
    mjìex `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    měch `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȉjeh `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȉjeha [Gens];
    Čak. mȋh (Vrgada) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȋha [Gens];
    Čak. mȋh (Novi) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o];
    Čak. miȇh (Vrgada) `bellows, bag-pipes' [m o], miȇhe [Locs]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑h `fur, wine-skin, bellows, leather bag' [m o/u], mẹ̑ha [Gens], mẹhȗ [Gens];
    mẹ̑šǝk `small bellows' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    mjax `bellows, bag made from skin' [m o];
    mex `bellows, bag made from skin' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: moiṣós
    Lithuanian:
    maĩšas `bag, sack' [m o] 4 \{2\}
    Latvian:
    màiss `bag' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    moasis (EV) `bellows'
    Indo-European reconstruction: moiso-
    IE meaning: ram
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 747
    Comments: I feel that we should not attach too much importance to De Vries's observation that with respect to Germanic it is unwarranted to start from an original meaning `Tragkorb aus Fell' (1962: 382). In fact, the same would apply to the Baltic forms. I consider the semantic similarity between, for instance, Lith. maĩšas `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz' (note that the meaning `net' is also attested in Slavic), OIc. heymeiss `hay-sack' and Eng. (dial.) maiz `large, light hay-basket' sufficient evidence for the etymological identity of the Germanic and the Balto-Slavic forms. MoIr. moais `bag, hamper', moaiseog `wicker basket' is doubtless a borrowing from Germanic.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meṣá- `ram'
    ;
    OIc. meiss `basket'
    ;
    OHG meisa `pannier'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The plural noun mexí means `fur bag, wine-skin'. \{2\} Friedrich Kurschat's dictionary (1883) mentions the more specific meaning `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > měšъkъ

  • 7 ernь

    ernь Grammatical information: f. i
    Page in Trubačev: -
    Old Russian:
    renь `hatred, malice, spite' [f i]
    Lithuanian:
    er̃nis `wolverine' [m io] 2
    Comments: Young (2001: 163-164) links Lith. er̃nis `wolverine' to ORu. renь `hatred, malice, spite' and derives these words from Pokorny's root * er- `sich in Bewegung setzen, erregen (auch seelisch, ärgern, reizen' (IEW 326-327). LIV (238, 303) distinguishes between * h₁er- `wohin gelangen, geraten' and * h₃er- (299) `sich in (Fort-)bewegung setzen'. Formally * ertь may only belong to the former root, which is semantically less attractive, but it should be noted that the distinction between the roots is not always clear.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ernь

  • 8 blekъ

    blekъ Grammatical information: m. o
    Page in Trubačev: II 109
    Czech:
    blek `bleating' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    blek `henbane' [m o];
    blik `henbane' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blȇk `bleating' [m o]
    Slovene:
    blę́k `flock (of sheep)' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    blek (dial.) `henbane' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰlek-o-
    Page in Pokorny: 157
    Comments: The semantic connection between *blek(ot)ъ as the name of various poisonous plants and *blekotъ `chatter, chatterer' is the fact that particularly henbane may cause a delirium, cf. Ru. (dial.) belenít'sja `become infuriated', SCr. belèna `fool' from *belena `henbane', or the Polish expression brodzi, jakby się blekotu (`fool's parsley') objadɫ, which equals Cz. jako by se blínu napil. I am inclined to consider the verbs *blekati `chatter, mutter, bleat' and *blekotati derivatives of *blekъ and *blekotъ rather than vice versa (pace Trubačëv). The development of a meaning `bleat' may have been favoured by the onomatopoeic qualities of the root. Alternatively, we could distinguish a separate onomatopoeic root *blek- `bleat' or even separate *blek- `henbane' from *blek- `chatter, mutter'. Pokorny erroneously classifies Ru. blëkotъ `fool's parsley' under *bʰleiq- `shine'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > blekъ

  • 9 dužь

    dužь Grammatical information: adj. jo Proto-Slavic meaning: `strong'
    Page in Trubačev: V 167-168
    Russian:
    djúžij `sturdy, hefty, robust, healthy' [adj jo];
    dúžij (dial.) `strong, healthy' [adj jo]
    Old Russian:
    djúžij `strong' [adj jo]
    Belorussian:
    dúžy `strong, vigorous' [adj jo]
    Ukrainian:
    dúžyj `strong, healthy' [adj jo]
    Czech:
    duží (rare) `firm, strong' [adj jo]
    Slovak:
    dúži `strong, big, healthy' [adj jo]
    Polish:
    duży `big, (16th-18th c., dial. ) strong' [adj jo];
    dużo `much, many, (16th-18th c.) very' [adv] \{1\}
    Lithuanian:
    daũg `much, many' [adv];
    daugi (OLith.) `much, many' [adv] ;
    daũgia (dial.) `much, many' [adv]
    Latvian:
    daũdz(i) `much, many' [adv]
    Comments: If the Polish forms are "Ruthenianisms", there is no objection against positing a root containing a nasal, cf. dęga, dęglъ(jь)i, nedǫgъ. On the other hand, the parallellism between Pl. dużo and Lith. daũgia is suggestive. Possibly, the roots *dǫg- and *dug- were confused (cf. Shevelov 1964: 321-322, ESSJa 25: 126). The latter root may reflect *dʰougʰ-, cf. Go. daug `is useful'.
    Notes:
    \{1\} According to Bańkowski (II: 312), duży `strong' and dużo (duże) `very', which are attested since the 16th century, originate from Ukrainian. Duży `big' is recorded sporadically from 1600 onwards and more frequently since the 18th century, while dużo `much, many' occurs only since the 18th century.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dužь

  • 10 olьxa

    olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82
    Russian:
    ol'xá `alder' [f ā];
    ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    jelcha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Polish:
    olcha `alder' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jelha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-
    Lithuanian:
    al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;
    alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;
    álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1
    Latvian:
    àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];
    àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂
    IE meaning: alder
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-303
    Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. alnus `alder'
    ;
    Span. aliso `alder'
    ;
    Mac. ἄλιζα `white poplar';
    OHG elira, erila `alder' [f];
    OE alor `alder'
    ;
    OIc. ǫlr `alder'
    , jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olьxa

  • 11 elьxa

    olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82
    Russian:
    ol'xá `alder' [f ā];
    ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    jelcha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Polish:
    olcha `alder' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jelha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-
    Lithuanian:
    al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;
    alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;
    álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1
    Latvian:
    àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];
    àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂
    IE meaning: alder
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-303
    Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. alnus `alder'
    ;
    Span. aliso `alder'
    ;
    Mac. ἄλιζα `white poplar';
    OHG elira, erila `alder' [f];
    OE alor `alder'
    ;
    OIc. ǫlr `alder'
    , jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elьxa

  • 12 degъtь

    degъtь Grammatical information: m. jo Proto-Slavic meaning: `tar'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 204-205
    Russian:
    dëgot' `tar' [m jo]
    Ukrainian:
    díhot' `tar' [m jo];
    déhot' `tar' [m jo]
    Czech:
    dehet `tar' [m o]
    Slovak:
    decht `tar' [m o]
    Polish:
    dziegieć `tar' [m jo]
    Slovene:
    dēgǝt `tar' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: degut(i)os
    Lithuanian:
    degùtas `tar' [m o] 2
    Latvian:
    dęguts `tar' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dʰegʷʰ-
    Comments: In view of the presumed connection between *žegti `burn' and Lith. dègti `id.', *degъtь is sometimes regarded as a borrowing from Baltic. I find it more likely that it is a relic of the original root *deg- < dʰegʷʰ- (cf. Sɫawski SP III: 34-35), cf. Sln. dę́gniti `radiate', OCz. dehna `devil'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > degъtь

  • 13 dъnò

    dъnò Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bottom'
    Page in Trubačev: V 174-175
    Old Church Slavic:
    dъno `bottom' [n o]
    Russian:
    dno `bottom' [n o]
    Czech:
    dno `bottom' [n o]
    Polish:
    dno `bottom' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dnȍ `bottom' [n o];
    Čak. dnȍ (Vrgada, Orbanići) `bottom' [n o]
    Slovene:
    dnọ̀ `bottom' [n o]
    Bulgarian:
    dắno `bottom, floor' [n o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: dubno
    Lithuanian:
    dùgnas `bottom' [m o] 4
    Indo-European reconstruction: dʰubʰ-no-
    Certainty: -
    Comments: The Slavic vacillation between root-final *b and *p does not have a Baltic counterpart. In East Baltic, however, the full grade * daub- occurs both with acute and circumflex tone, e.g. Latv. duôbjš `deep'. The acute variant could be attributed to Winter's law, which would be in accordance with PGm. * deupa- `deep'< * dʰeub-, but this would leave us without an explanation for the other forms. The many formal problems connected with this root have made it a prime example of a borrowing from a substratum language (cf. Kuiper 1995).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dъnò

  • 14 elьcь

    elьcь Grammatical information: m. jo Proto-Slavic meaning: `dace'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 22-23
    Russian:
    eléc `dace' [m jo], el'cá [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    jaléc' `bleak' [m jo]
    Czech:
    jelec `dace, chub' [m jo]
    Slovak:
    jalec `dace, chub' [m jo]
    Polish:
    jelec `dace' [m jo]
    Kashubian:
    i̯el `a fish' [m jo??]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jalc `dace' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jálac `dace' [m jo];
    jal (dial.) `ide' [m o??]
    Indo-European reconstruction: eliko-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-304
    Comments: As Trubačëv observes (VI: 305), the semantics of Pokorny's root *el- are capacious and complex. In my opinion, there is little evidence for a root *el- `light-coloured'. It is tempting to seek a connection between *jelьcь and OHG alunt `ide'. Pokorny identifies what is presumedly the root of the latter word with the first element of *albʰo- `white' and links it to *el-. Since the fish-names under discussion refer to shining, whitish species, this is semantically unproblematic. Nevertheless, it seems quite possible that the root *al/el (Slavic *el as a result of Rozwadowski's change?) originates from a substratum language.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elьcь

  • 15 ězъ

    ězъ; ěžь; ěža; ezъ Grammatical information: m. o; m. jo; f. jā; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `weir'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 59
    Church Slavic:
    ězъ (RuCS) `fish weir' [m o];
    (j)ezъ (RuCS) `fish weir' [m o];
    Russian:
    iž (dial.) `fishing tackle made of willow-twigs or a net' [m jo];
    ëz `fish weir' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    ězъ `fish weir' [m o];
    (j)ezъ `fish weir' [m o]
    Belorussian:
    jaz `fishing tackle [m o];
    ez (dial.) `fish weir' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jiz `fish weir' [m o];
    jaz `fish weir' [m o]
    Czech:
    jez `mill-pond, dam, weir, dike' [m o]
    Polish:
    jaz `mill-pond, fish weir' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȃz `drain (at a dam or weir), mill-pond, dike' [m o];
    jȇz `mill-pond, dam, weir' [m o];
    jȃž (dial.) `canal' [m jo];
    jȃža (dial.) `brook streaming from a spring' [f jā]
    Slovene:
    jẹ̑z `dike, dam, weir' [m o], jẹ̑za [Gens], jẹzȗ [Gens];
    jẹ́ža `dike, dam, weir, mill-pond' [f jā]
    Bulgarian:
    jaz `dam, weir, dike' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ēź-; eź-o-
    Lithuanian:
    ežià `boundary(-strip), balk' [f jā] 2
    Latvian:
    eža `boundary(-strip), balk' [f jā]
    Old Prussian:
    asy (EV) `boundary(-strip), balk'
    Comments: Meanings such as `mill-pond', `drain, canal' and `brook' form a semantic link between *ěz-/ez- `dam, weir' and -> *ȅzero `lake', cf. MoE dike `thick bank or wall built to control water' vs. MoHG Teich `pond'. The original meaning in Balto-Slavic is best covered by the word balk, meaning both `boundary-strip, dividing ridge', `wooden beam' and (dial.) `fishing-weir'. Arm. ezr (-> *ȅzero), which basically means `edge', agrees semantically very well with the Balto-Slavic etymon under discussion. We must reconstruct *h₁ēǵʰ-o/ā-, with an obscure lengthened grade, alongside *h₁eǵʰ-o/ā-.
    Other cognates:
    Arm. ezr `bank, border, limit' \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ězъ

  • 16 ěžь

    ězъ; ěžь; ěža; ezъ Grammatical information: m. o; m. jo; f. jā; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `weir'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 59
    Church Slavic:
    ězъ (RuCS) `fish weir' [m o];
    (j)ezъ (RuCS) `fish weir' [m o];
    Russian:
    iž (dial.) `fishing tackle made of willow-twigs or a net' [m jo];
    ëz `fish weir' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    ězъ `fish weir' [m o];
    (j)ezъ `fish weir' [m o]
    Belorussian:
    jaz `fishing tackle [m o];
    ez (dial.) `fish weir' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jiz `fish weir' [m o];
    jaz `fish weir' [m o]
    Czech:
    jez `mill-pond, dam, weir, dike' [m o]
    Polish:
    jaz `mill-pond, fish weir' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȃz `drain (at a dam or weir), mill-pond, dike' [m o];
    jȇz `mill-pond, dam, weir' [m o];
    jȃž (dial.) `canal' [m jo];
    jȃža (dial.) `brook streaming from a spring' [f jā]
    Slovene:
    jẹ̑z `dike, dam, weir' [m o], jẹ̑za [Gens], jẹzȗ [Gens];
    jẹ́ža `dike, dam, weir, mill-pond' [f jā]
    Bulgarian:
    jaz `dam, weir, dike' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ēź-; eź-o-
    Lithuanian:
    ežià `boundary(-strip), balk' [f jā] 2
    Latvian:
    eža `boundary(-strip), balk' [f jā]
    Old Prussian:
    asy (EV) `boundary(-strip), balk'
    Comments: Meanings such as `mill-pond', `drain, canal' and `brook' form a semantic link between *ěz-/ez- `dam, weir' and -> *ȅzero `lake', cf. MoE dike `thick bank or wall built to control water' vs. MoHG Teich `pond'. The original meaning in Balto-Slavic is best covered by the word balk, meaning both `boundary-strip, dividing ridge', `wooden beam' and (dial.) `fishing-weir'. Arm. ezr (-> *ȅzero), which basically means `edge', agrees semantically very well with the Balto-Slavic etymon under discussion. We must reconstruct *h₁ēǵʰ-o/ā-, with an obscure lengthened grade, alongside *h₁eǵʰ-o/ā-.
    Other cognates:
    Arm. ezr `bank, border, limit' \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ěžь

  • 17 ěža

    ězъ; ěžь; ěža; ezъ Grammatical information: m. o; m. jo; f. jā; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `weir'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 59
    Church Slavic:
    ězъ (RuCS) `fish weir' [m o];
    (j)ezъ (RuCS) `fish weir' [m o];
    Russian:
    iž (dial.) `fishing tackle made of willow-twigs or a net' [m jo];
    ëz `fish weir' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    ězъ `fish weir' [m o];
    (j)ezъ `fish weir' [m o]
    Belorussian:
    jaz `fishing tackle [m o];
    ez (dial.) `fish weir' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jiz `fish weir' [m o];
    jaz `fish weir' [m o]
    Czech:
    jez `mill-pond, dam, weir, dike' [m o]
    Polish:
    jaz `mill-pond, fish weir' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȃz `drain (at a dam or weir), mill-pond, dike' [m o];
    jȇz `mill-pond, dam, weir' [m o];
    jȃž (dial.) `canal' [m jo];
    jȃža (dial.) `brook streaming from a spring' [f jā]
    Slovene:
    jẹ̑z `dike, dam, weir' [m o], jẹ̑za [Gens], jẹzȗ [Gens];
    jẹ́ža `dike, dam, weir, mill-pond' [f jā]
    Bulgarian:
    jaz `dam, weir, dike' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ēź-; eź-o-
    Lithuanian:
    ežià `boundary(-strip), balk' [f jā] 2
    Latvian:
    eža `boundary(-strip), balk' [f jā]
    Old Prussian:
    asy (EV) `boundary(-strip), balk'
    Comments: Meanings such as `mill-pond', `drain, canal' and `brook' form a semantic link between *ěz-/ez- `dam, weir' and -> *ȅzero `lake', cf. MoE dike `thick bank or wall built to control water' vs. MoHG Teich `pond'. The original meaning in Balto-Slavic is best covered by the word balk, meaning both `boundary-strip, dividing ridge', `wooden beam' and (dial.) `fishing-weir'. Arm. ezr (-> *ȅzero), which basically means `edge', agrees semantically very well with the Balto-Slavic etymon under discussion. We must reconstruct *h₁ēǵʰ-o/ā-, with an obscure lengthened grade, alongside *h₁eǵʰ-o/ā-.
    Other cognates:
    Arm. ezr `bank, border, limit' \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ěža

  • 18 ezъ

    ězъ; ěžь; ěža; ezъ Grammatical information: m. o; m. jo; f. jā; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `weir'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 59
    Church Slavic:
    ězъ (RuCS) `fish weir' [m o];
    (j)ezъ (RuCS) `fish weir' [m o];
    Russian:
    iž (dial.) `fishing tackle made of willow-twigs or a net' [m jo];
    ëz `fish weir' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    ězъ `fish weir' [m o];
    (j)ezъ `fish weir' [m o]
    Belorussian:
    jaz `fishing tackle [m o];
    ez (dial.) `fish weir' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jiz `fish weir' [m o];
    jaz `fish weir' [m o]
    Czech:
    jez `mill-pond, dam, weir, dike' [m o]
    Polish:
    jaz `mill-pond, fish weir' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȃz `drain (at a dam or weir), mill-pond, dike' [m o];
    jȇz `mill-pond, dam, weir' [m o];
    jȃž (dial.) `canal' [m jo];
    jȃža (dial.) `brook streaming from a spring' [f jā]
    Slovene:
    jẹ̑z `dike, dam, weir' [m o], jẹ̑za [Gens], jẹzȗ [Gens];
    jẹ́ža `dike, dam, weir, mill-pond' [f jā]
    Bulgarian:
    jaz `dam, weir, dike' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ēź-; eź-o-
    Lithuanian:
    ežià `boundary(-strip), balk' [f jā] 2
    Latvian:
    eža `boundary(-strip), balk' [f jā]
    Old Prussian:
    asy (EV) `boundary(-strip), balk'
    Comments: Meanings such as `mill-pond', `drain, canal' and `brook' form a semantic link between *ěz-/ez- `dam, weir' and -> *ȅzero `lake', cf. MoE dike `thick bank or wall built to control water' vs. MoHG Teich `pond'. The original meaning in Balto-Slavic is best covered by the word balk, meaning both `boundary-strip, dividing ridge', `wooden beam' and (dial.) `fishing-weir'. Arm. ezr (-> *ȅzero), which basically means `edge', agrees semantically very well with the Balto-Slavic etymon under discussion. We must reconstruct *h₁ēǵʰ-o/ā-, with an obscure lengthened grade, alongside *h₁eǵʰ-o/ā-.
    Other cognates:
    Arm. ezr `bank, border, limit' \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ezъ

  • 19 mèčь

    mèčь; mь̀čь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `sword'
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 141-142
    Old Church Slavic:
    mečь `sword' [m jo]
    Russian:
    meč' `sword' [m jo], mečá [Gens]
    Czech:
    meč `sword' [m jo]
    Slovak:
    meč `sword' [m jo]
    Polish:
    miecz `sword' [m jo]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mječ `sword' [m jo];
    miecʒ̇ (Matthaei 1721) `sword' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁč `sword' [m jo], màča [Gens];
    Čak. mȁč (Vrgada) `sword' [m jo], mačȁ [Gens]
    Slovene:
    mèč `sword' [m jo]
    Bulgarian:
    meč `sword' [m jo]
    Comments: This etymon has often been considered a borrowing from Germanic, but the Slavic short vowel does not match the long vowel of the Germanic forms. The vacillation between *e and *ь may be attributed to the raising of pretonic *e in the vicinity of a palatalized consonant (see Kortlandt 1984-1985), but this development seems to have occured prior to Dybo's law and there is no particular reason to regard * mečь as an old oxytone noun. Trubačëv (ESSJa s.v.) advocates a connection with OIr. mecc-, referring to Odincov 1985.
    Other cognates:
    Go. mēki `sword'
    ;
    OS māki `sword'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mèčь

  • 20 mь̀čь

    mèčь; mь̀čь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `sword'
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 141-142
    Old Church Slavic:
    mečь `sword' [m jo]
    Russian:
    meč' `sword' [m jo], mečá [Gens]
    Czech:
    meč `sword' [m jo]
    Slovak:
    meč `sword' [m jo]
    Polish:
    miecz `sword' [m jo]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mječ `sword' [m jo];
    miecʒ̇ (Matthaei 1721) `sword' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁč `sword' [m jo], màča [Gens];
    Čak. mȁč (Vrgada) `sword' [m jo], mačȁ [Gens]
    Slovene:
    mèč `sword' [m jo]
    Bulgarian:
    meč `sword' [m jo]
    Comments: This etymon has often been considered a borrowing from Germanic, but the Slavic short vowel does not match the long vowel of the Germanic forms. The vacillation between *e and *ь may be attributed to the raising of pretonic *e in the vicinity of a palatalized consonant (see Kortlandt 1984-1985), but this development seems to have occured prior to Dybo's law and there is no particular reason to regard * mečь as an old oxytone noun. Trubačëv (ESSJa s.v.) advocates a connection with OIr. mecc-, referring to Odincov 1985.
    Other cognates:
    Go. mēki `sword'
    ;
    OS māki `sword'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mь̀čь

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