Перевод: со словенского на английский

с английского на словенский

forms+are

  • 1 màkъ

    màkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `poppy'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 149-151
    Church Slavic:
    makъ `poppy' [m o]
    Russian:
    mak `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]
    Czech:
    mák `poppy' [m o]
    Slovak:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Polish:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁk `poppy' [m o], mȁka [Gens], màka [Gens];
    Čak. mȁk (Vrgada) `poppy' [m o], makȁ [Gens]
    Slovene:
    màk `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ?
    Lithuanian:
    aguonà `poppy' [f ā] 2;
    mãguonė (dial.) `poppy' [f ē] 1 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    maguône `poppy' [f ē] \{2\} \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    moke (EV) `poppy' [f]
    IE meaning: poppy
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 698
    Comments: The Germanic forms show grammatischer Wechsel as well as an alternation *ā: a. The vocalism, which could reflect PIE *eh₁: h₁, does not match the ā of the Greek and the Slavic forms, which leads us to assume that the vowel alternation arose when at a comparatively late stage the root māk- was borrowed into Germanic (cf. Kluge 1989, 484). The Lithuanian and Latvian forms are usually considered borrowings from Germanic, whereas OPr. moke may have been borrowed from Polish. The Estonian and Livonian forms must be borrowings from Baltic, probably Latvian. It is generally agreed upon that ultimately we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European (Mediterranean?) origin.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. μήκων `poppy' [f];
    Dor. μά̑κων `poppy' [f];
    OHG māho `poppy'
    ;
    OHG mago `poppy'
    ;
    OS magosāmo `poppyseed'
    ;
    OS mēcopin (Königsberg) `poppy'
    ;
    OSw. valmoghe `poppy'
    \{4\};
    Est. magun `poppy;
    Liv. maggon `poppy'
    Notes:
    \{1\} Besides, we find the variants maguona and magūna. The forms with m are restricted to the area around Klaipėda. \{2\} I have found the variants magùona2, magana, magane and magūne. \{3\} The initial m of the word for `poppy' was apparently lost in Lithuanian but not in Latvian. The Lithuanian dialect forms with m- may be due to the influence of the (Latvian) language of the fishermen of the Couronian Isthmus (cf. Būga RR III: 320). Sabaliauskas suggests dissimilatory loss of m, parallel to the loss of r in arotai: rarotai, akrūtas: rakrūtas, Latv. ruodere: uodere, ūk̨eris (1960, 71-72). \{4\} The first element means `sleep', cf. Nw. dial. vale `deep sleep', Sw. dial. valbjörn `Schlafdorn'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > màkъ

  • 2 mělь

    mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168
    Old Church Slavic:
    měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]
    Russian:
    mel' `sand-bank, shoal' [f i];
    mel `chalk' [m o]
    Czech:
    měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];
    měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];
    měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]
    Old Czech:
    měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]
    Polish:
    miaɫ, mieɫ (dial.) `dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    miel `sand-bank' [f i];
    miaɫ `finely ground substance' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];
    mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-
    Lithuanian:
    smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    smēlis `fine sand' [m io] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 717
    Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. melr (dial.) `sand-bank'
    ;
    Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank'
    ;
    Sw. smula `chunk'
    ;
    Nw. smola (dial.) `smash' [verb];
    Nw. smol (dial.) `dust'
    \{3\} \{4\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mělь

  • 3 mělъ

    mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168
    Old Church Slavic:
    měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]
    Russian:
    mel' `sand-bank, shoal' [f i];
    mel `chalk' [m o]
    Czech:
    měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];
    měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];
    měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]
    Old Czech:
    měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]
    Polish:
    miaɫ, mieɫ (dial.) `dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    miel `sand-bank' [f i];
    miaɫ `finely ground substance' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];
    mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-
    Lithuanian:
    smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    smēlis `fine sand' [m io] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 717
    Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. melr (dial.) `sand-bank'
    ;
    Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank'
    ;
    Sw. smula `chunk'
    ;
    Nw. smola (dial.) `smash' [verb];
    Nw. smol (dial.) `dust'
    \{3\} \{4\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mělъ

  • 4 esetь

    esetь Grammatical information: f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `rack for drying grain'
    Page in Trubačev: -
    Russian:
    osét' `granary, rack for drying grain' [f i]
    Belorussian:
    (v)ósec' (W.), aséc' (W.) `granary, drying shed' [f i];
    osëtka (dial.) `granary', asëtka (dial.) `spot in granary for drying sheafs' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    ósit' (dial.) `granary' [f i]
    Polish:
    jesieć (dial.) `grain sieve' [f i];
    osieć (E. dial.) `granary' [f i];
    jesiótka (dial.) `grain sieve' [f ā];
    osiótka (W dial.) `granary' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: eś-et-i-
    Lithuanian:
    akė́čios `harrow' [Nompf ā] 1;
    ekė́čios (dial.) `harrow' [Nompf ā] 1 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    ecê(k)šas `harrow' [Nompf ā]
    Old Prussian:
    aketes `harrow'
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂oḱ-et-i-
    IE meaning: harrow
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: This is another case where we find Balto-Slavic evidence for *e- corresponding to *a- or *o- in other branches of Indo-European (Rozwadowski's change). Toporov regards the k of the Baltic forms as evidence for a western technological borrowing (I: 67). Since the Baltic and Germanic forms mean exactly the same, while the Slavic forms are semantically more remote, this is a serious option.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ὀξίνα (Hes.) `an agricultural implement with iron teeth, drawn by oxen' [f];
    Lat. occa `harrow' [f];
    OHG egida `harrow' [f];
    OE eg(e)ʮe `harrow' [f];
    OW ocet `harrow' [f];
    Fi. äës `harrow'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Standard Lithuanian form with a- may stem from the territory where the development e- > a- occurred. In any case, the attestations of the form with e- (see the LKŽ, s.v.) indicate that there are Lithuanian forms completely matching Latv. ecêšas.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > esetь

  • 5 esètrъ

    esètrъ; esètra Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sturgeon'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 30-31
    Russian:
    osëtr `sturgeon' [m o], osetrá [Gens];
    osetër (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    jesetrъ `sturgeon' [m o];
    osetrъ `sturgeon' [m o]
    Czech:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Slovak:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o];
    jasiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jesetr (arch.), jasotr (arch.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jesotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèsetra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    jesētǝr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    esétra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    erškẽtas `sturgeon' [m o];
    erškė́tras (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o] 1 \{1\}
    Old Prussian:
    esketres `sturgeon'
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: It seems highly plausible that *jesètra is cognate with *jesera `awn, fishbone', Lith. ešerỹs `perch' and that both etyma belong to PIE *h₂ḱ- `sharp', cf. Lat. acipēnser `sturgeon' < *h₂eḱu-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like erškẽtas and erškė́tras were probably influenced by erškė́tis `thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development erškẽtas < eškẽtras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov II: 89), but it is clear that the original form contained a k, cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešerỹs. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to depart from a Baltic protoform *ekśetras.
    Notes:
    \{1\} OLith. ešketras `whale' (Bretkūnas) is probably a Prussianism.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > esètrъ

  • 6 esètra

    esètrъ; esètra Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sturgeon'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 30-31
    Russian:
    osëtr `sturgeon' [m o], osetrá [Gens];
    osetër (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    jesetrъ `sturgeon' [m o];
    osetrъ `sturgeon' [m o]
    Czech:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Slovak:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o];
    jasiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jesetr (arch.), jasotr (arch.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jesotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèsetra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    jesētǝr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    esétra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    erškẽtas `sturgeon' [m o];
    erškė́tras (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o] 1 \{1\}
    Old Prussian:
    esketres `sturgeon'
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: It seems highly plausible that *jesètra is cognate with *jesera `awn, fishbone', Lith. ešerỹs `perch' and that both etyma belong to PIE *h₂ḱ- `sharp', cf. Lat. acipēnser `sturgeon' < *h₂eḱu-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like erškẽtas and erškė́tras were probably influenced by erškė́tis `thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development erškẽtas < eškẽtras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov II: 89), but it is clear that the original form contained a k, cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešerỹs. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to depart from a Baltic protoform *ekśetras.
    Notes:
    \{1\} OLith. ešketras `whale' (Bretkūnas) is probably a Prussianism.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > esètra

  • 7 ěždžь

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ěždžь

  • 8 ěždžikъ

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ěždžikъ

  • 9 ězgarъ

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ězgarъ

  • 10 ězgarь

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ězgarь

  • 11 ěskarъ

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ěskarъ

  • 12 dužь

    dužь Grammatical information: adj. jo Proto-Slavic meaning: `strong'
    Page in Trubačev: V 167-168
    Russian:
    djúžij `sturdy, hefty, robust, healthy' [adj jo];
    dúžij (dial.) `strong, healthy' [adj jo]
    Old Russian:
    djúžij `strong' [adj jo]
    Belorussian:
    dúžy `strong, vigorous' [adj jo]
    Ukrainian:
    dúžyj `strong, healthy' [adj jo]
    Czech:
    duží (rare) `firm, strong' [adj jo]
    Slovak:
    dúži `strong, big, healthy' [adj jo]
    Polish:
    duży `big, (16th-18th c., dial. ) strong' [adj jo];
    dużo `much, many, (16th-18th c.) very' [adv] \{1\}
    Lithuanian:
    daũg `much, many' [adv];
    daugi (OLith.) `much, many' [adv] ;
    daũgia (dial.) `much, many' [adv]
    Latvian:
    daũdz(i) `much, many' [adv]
    Comments: If the Polish forms are "Ruthenianisms", there is no objection against positing a root containing a nasal, cf. dęga, dęglъ(jь)i, nedǫgъ. On the other hand, the parallellism between Pl. dużo and Lith. daũgia is suggestive. Possibly, the roots *dǫg- and *dug- were confused (cf. Shevelov 1964: 321-322, ESSJa 25: 126). The latter root may reflect *dʰougʰ-, cf. Go. daug `is useful'.
    Notes:
    \{1\} According to Bańkowski (II: 312), duży `strong' and dużo (duże) `very', which are attested since the 16th century, originate from Ukrainian. Duży `big' is recorded sporadically from 1600 onwards and more frequently since the 18th century, while dużo `much, many' occurs only since the 18th century.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dužь

  • 13 evьja

    evьja; evьn̨a Grammatical information: f. iā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `granary, drying shed'
    Page in Trubačev: -
    Russian:
    évnja (W. dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    ëvnja (Psk.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    evnjá (dial.) `drying shed without a ceiling' [f jā]
    Belorussian:
    ëŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    éŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jaŭja (dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{1\}
    Ukrainian:
    jevja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jévnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā]
    Polish:
    jawia `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{2\};
    jewnia (arch.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jownia (arch.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: iouiaH
    Lithuanian:
    jáuja `granary, drying shed, threshing shed' [f ā] 1 \{3\}
    Latvian:
    jaũja `threshing floor' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    jauge `drying shed, barn for braking flax' \{4\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: ieu-iH-eh₂
    IE meaning: granary
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 512
    Comments: It is evident that *evьja is a borrowing from Baltic. The Baltic word is a derivative of the word for `grain', Lith. javaĩ, which lacks a Slavic counterpart. The resyllabification of *iau̯-iā to *iau-i̯ā may account for the metatonical acute tone of both the Lithuanian and the Latvian form, if we assume that the original form was *iau̯-ìā. The East Slavic word *ovinъ apparently underwent the e- > o- shift (I do not share Andersen's objections to Trubačëv's Proto-Slavic reconstruction *evinъ, theoretical though it is).
    Other cognates:
    MoHG jauge (dial.) `barn'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form without -n- has been recorded from 1540 onwards in many different shapes, e.g. ev'ja, jav'ja, evga and javga. According to Anikin (2005: 143), only the form jaŭja is known in the living language. The other forms are limited to areas that were inhabited by Lithuanians.\{2\} Since 1554 many variants have been recorded, e.g. jawia, jawgia, jewia, jowia. \{3\} There are many variants, viz. jáujė, jáujis, jáujas, jáujus. \{4\} The oldest source (1604) has the spelling jawyge (Toporov II: 21).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > evьja

  • 14 evьn̨a

    evьja; evьn̨a Grammatical information: f. iā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `granary, drying shed'
    Page in Trubačev: -
    Russian:
    évnja (W. dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    ëvnja (Psk.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    evnjá (dial.) `drying shed without a ceiling' [f jā]
    Belorussian:
    ëŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    éŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jaŭja (dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{1\}
    Ukrainian:
    jevja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jévnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā]
    Polish:
    jawia `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{2\};
    jewnia (arch.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jownia (arch.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: iouiaH
    Lithuanian:
    jáuja `granary, drying shed, threshing shed' [f ā] 1 \{3\}
    Latvian:
    jaũja `threshing floor' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    jauge `drying shed, barn for braking flax' \{4\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: ieu-iH-eh₂
    IE meaning: granary
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 512
    Comments: It is evident that *evьja is a borrowing from Baltic. The Baltic word is a derivative of the word for `grain', Lith. javaĩ, which lacks a Slavic counterpart. The resyllabification of *iau̯-iā to *iau-i̯ā may account for the metatonical acute tone of both the Lithuanian and the Latvian form, if we assume that the original form was *iau̯-ìā. The East Slavic word *ovinъ apparently underwent the e- > o- shift (I do not share Andersen's objections to Trubačëv's Proto-Slavic reconstruction *evinъ, theoretical though it is).
    Other cognates:
    MoHG jauge (dial.) `barn'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form without -n- has been recorded from 1540 onwards in many different shapes, e.g. ev'ja, jav'ja, evga and javga. According to Anikin (2005: 143), only the form jaŭja is known in the living language. The other forms are limited to areas that were inhabited by Lithuanians.\{2\} Since 1554 many variants have been recorded, e.g. jawia, jawgia, jewia, jowia. \{3\} There are many variants, viz. jáujė, jáujis, jáujas, jáujus. \{4\} The oldest source (1604) has the spelling jawyge (Toporov II: 21).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > evьn̨a

  • 15 zeml̨à

    zeml̨à Grammatical information: f. jā Accent paradigm: b/c Proto-Slavic meaning: `earth, land'
    Old Church Slavic:
    zemlja `earth, land' [f jā]
    Russian:
    zemljá `earth, land' [f jā], zémlju [Accs] \{1\}
    Ukrainian:
    zemljá `earth, land' [f jā], zémlju [Accs]
    Czech:
    země `earth, land' [f jā];
    zem `earth, land' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    zem `earth, land' [f i/jā]
    Polish:
    ziemia `earth, land' [f jā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    zèmlja `earth, land' [f jā], zȅmlju [Accs];
    Čak. zeml̨ȁ (Vrgada) `earth, land' [f jā], zȅml̨u [Accs];
    Čak. zemljȁ (Novi) `earth, land' [f jā], zȅmlju [Accs];
    Čak. zemljȁ (Orbanići) `earth, soil, ground, country' [f jā], zȅmlju [Accs];
    Kajk. zāmljȍ (Bednja) `earth, land' [f jā], zāmljȕ [Accs]
    Slovene:
    zémlja `earth, land' [f jā]
    Bulgarian:
    zemjá `earth, land' [f jā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: źem-
    Lithuanian:
    žẽmė `earth, land' [f ē] 2
    Latvian:
    zeme `earth, land' [f ē]
    Old Prussian:
    semmē `earth, land'
    Indo-European reconstruction: dʰǵʰ-em-ieh₂
    Comments: The Balto-Slavic forms are based on the Asg. stem of the PIE root noun. Illič-Svityč (1963: 41) suggests that in the larger part of the Slavic territory the original AP (b) was ousted under the influence of an i-stem *zemь, cf. Kortlandt 1975b: 410, where it is argued that the Freising Fragments also offer evidence for AP (b).
    Other cognates:
    Skt. kṣám- (RV+) `earth' [f];
    Gk. χθών `earth' [f];
    Hitt. tēkan `earth'
    , taknas [Gens]
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Old Russian, both AP (b) and (c) are attested (Zaliznjak 1985: 138).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > zeml̨à

  • 16 bydlo

    bydlo Grammatical information: n. o
    Page in Trubačev: III 147
    Russian:
    býdlo `cattle' [n o]
    Old Russian:
    bydlo `animal' [n o]
    Belorussian:
    býdlo `cattle' [n o]
    Ukrainian:
    býdlo `cattle' [n o]
    Czech:
    bydlo `existence, abode' [n o]
    Slovak:
    bydlo `abode, residence' [n o]
    Polish:
    bydɫo `cattle' [n o]
    Old Polish:
    bydɫo `existence, abode, possesions' [n o]
    Slovincian:
    bï̂dlo `steer, young bull, bullock' [n o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bʔutló
    Lithuanian:
    būklas `abode, den' [m o];
    bū́kla `residence, existence' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰHu-tlom
    Page in Pokorny: 146
    Comments: The formation is comparable to Gk. φύτλον `race', OE botl n. `dwelling, house'. The East Slavic forms are borrowings from Polish.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bydlo

  • 17 bъrtь

    bъrtь; bъrtъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `hive of wild bees'
    Page in Trubačev: III 132-133
    Russian:
    bort' `wild beehive' [f i]
    Old Russian:
    bъrtь `log for bees, tree with a beehive' [f i];
    bortь `log for bees, tree with a beehive' [f i]
    Belorussian:
    borc' `wild beehive' [f i]
    Ukrainian:
    bort `wild beehive' [m o];
    bort' `wild beehive' [m jo];
    bort' (dial.) `natural or artificial beehive in a tree, opening in a hive for viewing bees, wild family of bees living in a hollow tree-trunk' [f i] \{1\}
    Czech:
    brt' `wild beehive, (dial.) opening in or section of a beehive [f i]
    Old Czech:
    brt `beehive (also of wild bees)' [f i]
    Slovak:
    brt `opening in a beehive' [m o]
    Polish:
    barć `wild beehive' [f i]
    Slovene:
    brt `hollow tree with bees' [m o] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰrH-t-
    Page in Pokorny: 133
    Other cognates:
    Lat. forāmen `opening' [n]
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are bort' [f i], bôrt [f i] and bort [m o]. \{2\} Possibly of Czech origin.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bъrtь

  • 18 bъrtъ

    bъrtь; bъrtъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `hive of wild bees'
    Page in Trubačev: III 132-133
    Russian:
    bort' `wild beehive' [f i]
    Old Russian:
    bъrtь `log for bees, tree with a beehive' [f i];
    bortь `log for bees, tree with a beehive' [f i]
    Belorussian:
    borc' `wild beehive' [f i]
    Ukrainian:
    bort `wild beehive' [m o];
    bort' `wild beehive' [m jo];
    bort' (dial.) `natural or artificial beehive in a tree, opening in a hive for viewing bees, wild family of bees living in a hollow tree-trunk' [f i] \{1\}
    Czech:
    brt' `wild beehive, (dial.) opening in or section of a beehive [f i]
    Old Czech:
    brt `beehive (also of wild bees)' [f i]
    Slovak:
    brt `opening in a beehive' [m o]
    Polish:
    barć `wild beehive' [f i]
    Slovene:
    brt `hollow tree with bees' [m o] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰrH-t-
    Page in Pokorny: 133
    Other cognates:
    Lat. forāmen `opening' [n]
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are bort' [f i], bôrt [f i] and bort [m o]. \{2\} Possibly of Czech origin.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bъrtъ

  • 19 černь

    I. černъ I; černь I Grammatical information: m. o; m. jo Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `handle'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 69-70
    Church Slavic:
    črěnъ (RuCS) `handle' [m o]
    Russian:
    čéren' (dial.) `handle' [m jo]
    Polish:
    trzon `handle' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    črona `handle' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    crȅn `handle' [m o]
    Slovene:
    črẹ̑n `handle' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: kwer-no-
    Other cognates:
    Skt. kárṇa- `ear'
    II. černъ II;
    černь II
    Grammatical information: m. o; m. jo Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `stem, stub'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 69-70
    Russian:
    čéren (S. dial.) `molar' [m o]
    Czech:
    třeň `stem of a mushroom' [m jo];
    čren (dial.) `jaw, jaw-bone' [m o]
    Slovak:
    čren `molar' [m o]
    Polish:
    trzon `stem of a mushroom, trunk' [m o]
    Lithuanian:
    kẽras `tree-stump, stub, bush, shrub' [m o] 4
    Indo-European reconstruction: k(ʷ)er(H)-no- \{1\}
    Page in Pokorny: 582
    Other cognates:
    OIr. cern `angle, corner' [f];
    W cern `cheekbone, side of the head' [f]
    Notes:
    \{1\} If the Celtic forms are cognate, the root must be *ker-.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > černь

  • 20 děliti

    děliti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `divide'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 233-234
    Old Church Slavic:
    dělitъ (Supr.) `divides' [3sg]
    Russian:
    delít' `divide' [verb], deljú [1sg], délit [3sg] \{1\}
    Czech:
    děliti `divide' [verb]
    Slovak:
    deliti `divide' [verb]
    Polish:
    dzielić `divide' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dijèliti `divide' [verb], dȉjeljīm [1sg];
    Čak. dīlȉti (Vrgada) `divide' [verb], dĩlīš [2sg];
    Čak. dielȉt (Orbanići) `divide' [verb], diẽlin [1sg]
    Slovene:
    dẹlíti `divide' [verb], dẹlím [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    deljá `divide, share' [verb], dẹlím [1sg]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: doil- (dail-?)
    Lithuanian:
    dailýti `divide' [verb], daĩlo [3ps]
    Comments: Slavic *děl- has Germanic counterparts reflecting * dʰoil- or * dʰail-. The aspirated stop precludes a connection with Gk. δαίομαι `distribute' < * deh₂-i- unless we assume that the Germanic forms are borrowings from Slavic, which is not particularly plausible. Note that the accentuation of *dě́lъ (b) would be in conflict with a reconstruction * deh₂i-l-.
    Other cognates:
    Go. dailjan `divide' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 140).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > děliti

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