-
1 badli
badli Grammatical information: m. ī Proto-Slavic meaning: `enchanter, healer, physician'Page in Trubačev: I 150Old Church Slavic:Church Slavic:Old Russian:Indo-European reconstruction: bʰeh₂-dʰl-IE meaning: enchanterPage in Pokorny: 105Comments: There is no direct evidence for a suffix *dʰl-ьji-, but the form bali from the Freising Fragments could be regarded as counter-evidence, as dl is regularly retained in this dialect, cf. modliti. It is not impossible, however, that bali is of Church Slavic origin. Trubačëv bases his reconstructions *badlьji and *badlovati chiefly on derivatives of the type of OCz. předlí `spinster', švadlí `needlewoman'. According to the ESSJa (I 137-138), further evidence for a suffix *-dʰl- is provided by SCr. bȁjalo m. `sorcerer', Ru. dial. bájala m.f. `talker, chatterer, story-teller', which may be transformations of *badlьji. Meillet's idea (1902-1905: I 417) that * bali is based on a derivative in -l- deserves consideration.Notes: -
2 čerěnъ
černъ III; čerěnъ; čerěnь Grammatical information: m. o; m. o; m. joPage in Trubačev: IV 64-65Russian:čéren (Arx.) `salt pan' [m o]Old Russian:Ukrainian:čerín' `stove bottom' [m jo];čerín' `stove bottom' [m/f i];čerón (dial.) `stove bottom' [m o], čerónu [Gens]Czech:čeřen `device for fishing' [m o]Old Czech:čeřěn `mountain ridge, rafter, square fishing-net' [m o]Slovak:čereň `fishing-net' [m jo]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:čèrjen (dial.) `cap with air-hole on a stove, brazier on a hearth, small basket for drying grain on a hearth' [m o]Slovene:čerẹ̀n `rocky place' [m o], čerẹ́na [Gens]Comments: Illič-Svityč (1963: 43) only mentions forms that may reflect *černъ. Since Ru. cerén (Perm) might just as well continue *čerěn, the evidence for AP (b) - an therefore for an old neuter - is weak, the most important piece of evidence probably being Ukr. čeranó (dial.). The etymological connection with Gk. κέρνος [n/m] (also τά κέρνα [Nompn]) `earthen dish affixed with small pots for miscellaneous offerings' is doubtful. -
3 čerěnь
černъ III; čerěnъ; čerěnь Grammatical information: m. o; m. o; m. joPage in Trubačev: IV 64-65Russian:čéren (Arx.) `salt pan' [m o]Old Russian:Ukrainian:čerín' `stove bottom' [m jo];čerín' `stove bottom' [m/f i];čerón (dial.) `stove bottom' [m o], čerónu [Gens]Czech:čeřen `device for fishing' [m o]Old Czech:čeřěn `mountain ridge, rafter, square fishing-net' [m o]Slovak:čereň `fishing-net' [m jo]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:čèrjen (dial.) `cap with air-hole on a stove, brazier on a hearth, small basket for drying grain on a hearth' [m o]Slovene:čerẹ̀n `rocky place' [m o], čerẹ́na [Gens]Comments: Illič-Svityč (1963: 43) only mentions forms that may reflect *černъ. Since Ru. cerén (Perm) might just as well continue *čerěn, the evidence for AP (b) - an therefore for an old neuter - is weak, the most important piece of evidence probably being Ukr. čeranó (dial.). The etymological connection with Gk. κέρνος [n/m] (also τά κέρνα [Nompn]) `earthen dish affixed with small pots for miscellaneous offerings' is doubtful. -
4 drozdъ
drozdъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c (/b?) Proto-Slavic meaning: `thrush'Page in Trubačev: V 126-127Russian:Ukrainian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Slovincian:drȯ́u̯zd `thrush' [m o]Serbo-Croatian:drȏzd `thrush' [m o];drȏzak `thrush' [m o], drȏzga [Gens];drȏzak `thrush' [m o], drȍzga [Gens];Čak. drȍzak `thrush' [m o], drȍzga [Accs]Slovene:drǫ̑zd `thrush' [m o];Bulgarian:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: trozdósLithuanian:Latvian:Old Prussian:tresde `thrush'Indo-European reconstruction: trozd-o-Comments: In order to explain why * drozdъ was not, or rather only partly affected by the generalization of accentual mobilty in masculine o-stems, Illič-Svityč (1963: 45) reconstructs an u -stem, referring to OIc. ʮrǫstr < *-uz. I am inclined to consider the possibility that owing to the cluster - zd-, which prevented the Balto-Slavic retraction called Ebeling's law, *drozdъ belonged to a marginal oxytone type that in principle merged with AP (b). In that case it is no longer necessary to posit a u-stem. It must be said, by the way, that the evidence for AP (c) seems to outweigh the evidence for (c).Other cognates:OIc. ʮrǫstr `thrush'Notes: -
5 esetь
esetь Grammatical information: f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `rack for drying grain'Page in Trubačev: -Russian:osét' `granary, rack for drying grain' [f i]Belorussian:(v)ósec' (W.), aséc' (W.) `granary, drying shed' [f i];osëtka (dial.) `granary', asëtka (dial.) `spot in granary for drying sheafs' [f ā]Ukrainian:ósit' (dial.) `granary' [f i]Polish:jesieć (dial.) `grain sieve' [f i];osieć (E. dial.) `granary' [f i];jesiótka (dial.) `grain sieve' [f ā];osiótka (W dial.) `granary' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: eś-et-i-Lithuanian:akė́čios `harrow' [Nompf ā] 1;ekė́čios (dial.) `harrow' [Nompf ā] 1 \{1\}Latvian:Old Prussian:aketes `harrow'Indo-European reconstruction: h₂oḱ-et-i-IE meaning: harrowPage in Pokorny: 18Comments: This is another case where we find Balto-Slavic evidence for *e- corresponding to *a- or *o- in other branches of Indo-European (Rozwadowski's change). Toporov regards the k of the Baltic forms as evidence for a western technological borrowing (I: 67). Since the Baltic and Germanic forms mean exactly the same, while the Slavic forms are semantically more remote, this is a serious option.Other cognates:Fi. äës `harrow'Notes:\{1\} The Standard Lithuanian form with a- may stem from the territory where the development e- > a- occurred. In any case, the attestations of the form with e- (see the LKŽ, s.v.) indicate that there are Lithuanian forms completely matching Latv. ecêšas. -
6 dokaz
argument, evidence, proof -
7 ȁsenь
ȁsenь; ȁsenъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `ash-tree'Page in Trubačev: I 79-80Russian:jásen' `ash-tree' [m jo]Czech:jasaň (dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo];jeseň (dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo]Slovak:jaseň `ash-tree' [m jo]Polish:jasień (arch., S. dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo];jesień (arch.) `ash-tree' [m jo];Old Polish:jasień `ash-tree' [m jo]Slovincian:jȧ̃sȯu̯n `ash-tree' [m o]Upper Sorbian:jaseń `ash-tree' [m jo]Serbo-Croatian:jȁsēn `ash-tree' [m o], jȁsena [Gens];Čak. jȁsen (Vrgada) `ash-tree' [m o], jȁsena [Gens];Čak. jȅsēn (Novi) `ash-tree' [m o];Čak. jȅsen (Orbanići) `(European) ash (tree)' [m o], jȅsena [Gens]Slovene:jásen `ash-tree' [m o], jasẹ́na [Gens];jésen `ash-tree' [m o], jesẹ́na [Gens]Bulgarian:jásen `ash-tree' [m o];ósen (N.) `ash-tree' [m o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: oʔs-en-; oʔs-i-o-Lithuanian:úosis `ash-tree' [m io] 1Latvian:Old Prussian:woasis (EV) `ash-tree'Indo-European reconstruction: Heh₃-s-IE meaning: ash-treeComments: In view of the Baltic forms as well as Ru. ja- ( je- > ja- is common in West Slavic and western South Slavic but not in East Slavic), we must reconstruct *oʔs- < *Heh₃-s- for Balto-Slavic. Unless the West and South Slavic forms with je-/o- continue ja- (cf. Sɫawski SP I: 159), Slavic also offers evidence for the elsewhere in Indo-European widely attested stem shape *Hh₃es. The e-vocalism could be considered an example of Rozwadowski's change (see Andersen 1996).Other cognates:Alb. ah `beech'Notes:\{1\} The Standard Polish form jesion originates from the Mazowian dialect area (Bańkowski 2000: 588). -
8 ȁsenъ
ȁsenь; ȁsenъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `ash-tree'Page in Trubačev: I 79-80Russian:jásen' `ash-tree' [m jo]Czech:jasaň (dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo];jeseň (dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo]Slovak:jaseň `ash-tree' [m jo]Polish:jasień (arch., S. dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo];jesień (arch.) `ash-tree' [m jo];Old Polish:jasień `ash-tree' [m jo]Slovincian:jȧ̃sȯu̯n `ash-tree' [m o]Upper Sorbian:jaseń `ash-tree' [m jo]Serbo-Croatian:jȁsēn `ash-tree' [m o], jȁsena [Gens];Čak. jȁsen (Vrgada) `ash-tree' [m o], jȁsena [Gens];Čak. jȅsēn (Novi) `ash-tree' [m o];Čak. jȅsen (Orbanići) `(European) ash (tree)' [m o], jȅsena [Gens]Slovene:jásen `ash-tree' [m o], jasẹ́na [Gens];jésen `ash-tree' [m o], jesẹ́na [Gens]Bulgarian:jásen `ash-tree' [m o];ósen (N.) `ash-tree' [m o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: oʔs-en-; oʔs-i-o-Lithuanian:úosis `ash-tree' [m io] 1Latvian:Old Prussian:woasis (EV) `ash-tree'Indo-European reconstruction: Heh₃-s-IE meaning: ash-treeComments: In view of the Baltic forms as well as Ru. ja- ( je- > ja- is common in West Slavic and western South Slavic but not in East Slavic), we must reconstruct *oʔs- < *Heh₃-s- for Balto-Slavic. Unless the West and South Slavic forms with je-/o- continue ja- (cf. Sɫawski SP I: 159), Slavic also offers evidence for the elsewhere in Indo-European widely attested stem shape *Hh₃es. The e-vocalism could be considered an example of Rozwadowski's change (see Andersen 1996).Other cognates:Alb. ah `beech'Notes:\{1\} The Standard Polish form jesion originates from the Mazowian dialect area (Bańkowski 2000: 588). -
9 blě̑dъ
blě̑dъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `pale'Page in Trubačev: II 111-112Old Church Slavic:blědъ `pale' [adj o]Russian:bledój (dial.) `pale' [adj o];blëdyj (dial.) `pale' [adj o]Ukrainian:blidýj `pale' [adj o]Czech:bledý `pale' [adj o]Slovak:bledý `pale' [adj o]Polish:Slovincian:bladḯ `pale' [adj o]Upper Sorbian:blědy `pale, bright' [adj o]Lower Sorbian:blědy `pale' [adj o]Serbo-Croatian:blȉjed `pale' [adj o], blijèda [Nomsf];Čak. blȋd (Vrgada) `pale' [adj o], blīdȁ [Nomsf], blȋdo [Nomsn];Čak. bliȇt (Orbanići) `pale' [adj o], bliedȁ [Nomsf]Slovene:blẹ̑d `pale' [adj o]Bulgarian:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bloiʔd-(u̯)ó-Lithuanian:blaĩvas `whitish, blue, sober' [adj o] 4Indo-European reconstruction: bʰloid-(u̯)o-Page in Pokorny: 160Comments: In view of Winter's law, we would expect to find traces of a glottalic element in Balto-Slavic. The accentuation of Lith. blaivas - the Proto-Slavic form is mobile and therefore inconclusive - offers no evidence for an original acute, however. Pokorny's reconstruction *bhlǝido-s is impossible for Slavic and *bhleh₂ido-s is incompatible with the mobile accentuation of the adjective in Balto-Slavic.Other cognates: -
10 cě̄và
cě̄và Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `shin-bone, tube, bobbin, spool'Page in Trubačev: III 190-191Russian:Czech:céva `vein' [f ā]Old Czech:cěva `tube, spool' [f ā];Slovak:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:Čak. cȋva (Vrgada) `bobbin, spool' [f ā]Slovene:cẹ̑vka `bobbin, spool' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: koi-u-aʔ; ḱoi-u-aʔLithuanian:šaivà `spool' [f ā] 4;šeivà `spool, forearm, shin(-bone)' [f ā] 2/4Latvian:saĩva `bobbin' [f ā];saĩve `bobbin' [f ē] \{2\}Indo-European reconstruction: koi-u-Page in Pokorny: 919-920Comments: Apparently, the Baltic evidence points to *ḱ-, while Slavic hapoints to *k, while *c- < *k- as a result of the second palatalization. The plain velar must have originated in root variants with an s mobile.Other cognates:Skt. aṣṭhīvá(nt)- `shin'\{3\};Notes:\{1\} North Russian attestations of this root showing initial k- are presented in Nikolaev 1988: 142-143. \{2\} Much better attested are sàiva2, saîva2, sàive2 and saîve2. \{3\} This may be a compound containing ast- and cīu̯a- (see Lubotsky 2002). -
11 čàjati
čàjati Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: aPage in Trubačev: IV 10-11Old Church Slavic:Russian:čájat' `expect, hope for' [verb], čáju [1sg], čáet [3sg] \{1\}Serbo-Croatian:čȁjati `wait' [verb]Slovene:čȃjati `wait' [verb], čȃjem [1sg]Indo-European reconstruction: kweh₁i-e/o-Certainty: +Page in Pokorny: 636Comments: Its has been a matter of dispute (see LIV s.v. * kʷei-) whether or not the root contains a laryngeal. Even though Dybo (1968: 205, 234, 236) classifies čajati as (c), it seems to me that the evidence warrants the reconstruction of AP (a), which in my framework implies the former presence of a laryngeal.Other cognates:Skt. cā́yati `perceive, observe' [verb];Notes:\{1\} Also AP (a) in Old Russian, with traces of (c) (Zaliznjak 1985: 133). -
12 debelъ
debelъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `fat'Page in Trubačev: IV 201-202Church Slavic:Russian:debélyj `plump, corpulent' [adj o];debëlyj (dial.) `healthy, strong, plump, corpulent' [adj o]Serbo-Croatian:dèbeo `fat' [adj o];Čak. dȅbē (Vrgada) `fat' [adj o], debelà̀ [Nomsf]Slovene:débeɫ `fat, big, strong' [adj o], debę́la [Nomsf]Bulgarian:debél `fat, strong' [adj o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: deb-Latvian:depsis `small, fat boy'Old Prussian:Certainty: -Comments: Formally, the Balto-Slavic and the Germanic forms do not match, considering that in the case of PIE *b the Balto-Slavic evidence would violate Winter's law. It is by no means necessary, however, to assume that this etymon is of Indo-European origin.Other cognates: -
13 dikъ
dikъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `wild'Page in Trubačev: V 29-30Church Slavic:Russian:díkij `wild' [adj o], diká [Nomsf], díko [Nomsn]Old Russian:Slovak:diký (Kott) `wild' [adj o]Polish:Upper Sorbian:dźiki `wild' [adj o]Lithuanian:dỹkas `empty, idle, for free, vacant' [adj o] 4Latvian:Comments: Perhaps cognate with Skt. dayi `fly (of birds, chariots, horses, gods)'. In view of the evidence for circumflex long i, the East Baltic forms, may be borrowings from Slavic, but the semantic difference (for which cf. Du. woest `desolate' -> `uncultivated, rough, wild') is conspicuous. Note that East Latv. dìeks2, if correctly interpreted, may reflect * deik-.Notes:\{1\} Both dîks2 and dìks2 are attested. In principle this combination points to dìks. In East Latvian, there are also forms reflecting dìeks2. -
14 dǫ̀ti
dǫ̀ti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `blow'Page in Trubačev: V 99-100Old Church Slavic:dъměše sę (Supr.) `swelled' [3sgimpf]Russian:Old Russian:Czech:Polish:dąć `blow' [verb], dmę [1sg]Serbo-Croatian:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: domʔtei; dumʔteiLithuanian:dùmti `blow' [verb]Indo-European reconstruction: dʰ(o)mH-Page in Pokorny: 247Other cognates:Skt. dhámati `blow' [verb]Notes:\{1\} This verb may theoretically belong to *duti, but the Old Russian evidence renders this unlikely. -
15 drě̄màti
drě̄màti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `doze, slumber'Page in Trubačev: V 108-109Old Church Slavic:\{1\}Church Slavic:drěmati `doze, slumber' [verb]Russian:dremát' `doze, slumber' [verb], dremljú [1sg], drémljet [3sg]Czech:dřímati `doze, slumber' [verb]Slovak:Polish:drzemać `doze, slumber' [verb]Slovincian:dřìe̯măc `doze, slumber' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:drijèmati `doze, slumber' [verb], drȉjemām [1sg], drȉjemljēm [1sg];Čak. drīmȁti (Vrgada) `doze, slumber' [verb], drĩml̨eš [2sg]Slovene:drẹ́mati `doze, slumber' [verb], drẹ́mam [1sg], drẹ́mljem [3sg]Bulgarian:drémja `doze, slumber' [verb]Comments: It has been suggested that the Slavic root *drěm- is a contamination of * dreh₁-, cf. Skt. ni-drāyā́t (Br) 3sg. opt. `may sleep, slumber', and * dremß-, cf. Lat. dormīre `sleep'. A reconstruction * dreh₁m is in conflict with the accentual evidence, however. It is therefore more likely that *drěmati has a secondary lengthened grade vowel, which is not uncommon in intensives (cf. Klingenschmitt 1989: 81).Other cognates:Skt. ni-drāyā́t (Br) `sleep, slumber' [3sopa];Notes: -
16 drǫgъ
drǫ́gъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bar, pole'Page in Trubačev: V 129-130Old Church Slavic:drǫgy (Euch.) `sticks' [Inspm o]Czech:Slovak:drúh (dial.) `bar, club' [m o]Polish:drąg `bar' [m o], drąga [Gens]Slovincian:drȯ́ųg `bar, pole' [m o], drȯ́ųga [Gens]Serbo-Croatian:drȗg `rail' [m o]Slovene:drǫ̑g `bar, latticed side of a cart' [m o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: drongosLithuanian:drañgas `pole (used as a lever)' [m o];dránga `pole (used as a lever), edge (of a cart)' [f ā]Comments: On the basis of the Balto-Slavic and Germanic evidence, we may reconstruct * dʰrongʰ-. The limited distribution of the etymon and the fact that we find variants without a nasal or with root-final *k leads us to consider non-Indo-European origin.Other cognates: -
17 drьkolь
drьkolь; drьkolьje Grammatical information: m. i; n. io Proto-Slavic meaning: `stick, club'Page in Trubačev: V 139-140Old Church Slavic:Russian:drekól'e `staves' [n io]Czech:drkolí (Jungmann) `wooden rattle, club' [n io] \{1\}Serbo-Croatian:Slovene:dŕkoɫ `truncheon, baton' [m o];dŕkǝlj `truncheon, baton' [m jo]Page in Pokorny: 214Comments: In all likelihood a compound of drъ `wood' (-> *dȇrvo) and * kol- `stab' (-> * kolti). Unlike the ESSJa, I have reconstructed * drьkolь, * drьkolьje because the evidence points to ь. I agree, however, that the form originally may have had *ъ (cf. Vaillant 1928).Notes: -
18 drьkolьje
drьkolь; drьkolьje Grammatical information: m. i; n. io Proto-Slavic meaning: `stick, club'Page in Trubačev: V 139-140Old Church Slavic:Russian:drekól'e `staves' [n io]Czech:drkolí (Jungmann) `wooden rattle, club' [n io] \{1\}Serbo-Croatian:Slovene:dŕkoɫ `truncheon, baton' [m o];dŕkǝlj `truncheon, baton' [m jo]Page in Pokorny: 214Comments: In all likelihood a compound of drъ `wood' (-> *dȇrvo) and * kol- `stab' (-> * kolti). Unlike the ESSJa, I have reconstructed * drьkolь, * drьkolьje because the evidence points to ь. I agree, however, that the form originally may have had *ъ (cf. Vaillant 1928).Notes: -
19 dura
dura Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'Page in Trubačev: V 160Belorussian:dzjurá `hole' [f ā]Ukrainian:djúra `hole' [f ā]Czech:d'úra (E. Mor. dial.) `hole' [f ā];Polish:Old Polish:Slovincian:ʒu̇̂ră `hole' [f ā]Page in Pokorny: 206Comments: West Slavic cognate of * dyra (the Ukr. and Bel. forms are borrowings from Polish). According to Sɫawski (SEJP I: 208-209), there is evidence for a Polish form dzióra. This form may derive from OPl. drać, 1sg. dziorę, or may continue an older noun * dora from the same root, which was then influenced by the Polish verb (similarly Baudouin de Courtenay apud Berneker 1899: 150 fn.). -
20 dьbrь
dьbrь Grammatical information: f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `valley, ravine'Page in Trubačev: V 176-177Old Church Slavic:Russian:débri `jungle, thickets, dense forest' [Nompf i]Old Czech:debř `valley' [f i]Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:Slovene:Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: dʰubʰ-r-i-Certainty: -Comments: I have reconstructed * dьbrь on the strength of the Old Church Slavic and East Slavic evidence, but is plausible that the original form was * dъbrь (-> *dъnò), cf. OPl. debrz. Secondary forms with *i also occur in Baltic, e.g. Latv. dibęns `bottom' alongside dubęns.Other cognates:
- 1
- 2
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