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  • 41 White, Sir William Henry

    SUBJECT AREA: Ports and shipping
    [br]
    b. 2 February 1845 Devonport, England
    d. 27 February 1913 London, England
    [br]
    English naval architect distinguished as the foremost nineteenth-century Director of Naval Construction, and latterly as a consultant and author.
    [br]
    Following early education at Devonport, White passed the Royal Dockyard entry examination in 1859 to commence a seven-year shipwright apprenticeship. However, he was destined for greater achievements and in 1863 passed the Admiralty Scholarship examinations, which enabled him to study at the Royal School of Naval Architecture at South Kensington, London. He graduated in 1867 with high honours and was posted to the Admiralty Constructive Department. Promotion came swiftly, with appointment to Assistant Constructor in 1875 and Chief Constructor in 1881.
    In 1883 he left the Admiralty and joined the Tyneside shipyard of Sir W.G. Armstrong, Mitchell \& Co. at a salary of about treble that of a Chief Constructor, with, in addition, a production bonus based on tonnage produced! At the Elswick Shipyard he became responsible for the organization and direction of shipbuilding activities, and during his relatively short period there enhanced the name of the shipyard in the warship export market. It is assumed that White did not settle easily in the North East of England, and in 1885, following negotiations with the Admiralty, he was released from his five-year exclusive contract and returned to public service as Director of Naval Construction and Assistant Controller of the Royal Navy. (As part of the settlement the Admiralty released Philip Watts to replace White, and in later years Watts was also to move from that same shipyard and become White's successor as Director of Naval Construction.) For seventeen momentous years White had technical control of ship production for the Royal Navy. The rapid building of warships commenced after the passing of the Naval Defence Act of 1889, which authorized directly and indirectly the construction of around seventy vessels. The total number of ships built during the White era amounted to 43 battleships, 128 cruisers of varying size and type, and 74 smaller vessels. While White did not have the stimulation of building a revolutionary capital ship as did his successor, he did have the satisfaction of ensuring that the Royal Navy was equipped with a fleet of all-round capability, and he saw the size, displacement and speed of the ships increase dramatically.
    In 1902 he resigned from the Navy because of ill health and assumed several less onerous tasks. During the construction of the Cunard Liner Mauretania on the Tyne, he held directorships with the shipbuilders Swan, Hunter and Wigham Richardson, and also the Parsons Marine Turbine Company. He acted as a consultant to many organizations and had an office in Westminster. It was there that he died in February 1913.
    White left a great literary legacy in the form of his esteemed Manual of Naval Architecture, first published in 1877 and reprinted several times since in English, German and other languages. This volume is important not only as a text dealing with first principles but also as an illustration of the problems facing warship designers of the late nineteenth century.
    [br]
    Principal Honours and Distinctions
    KCB 1895. Knight Commander of the Order of the Danneborg (Denmark). FRS. FRSE. President, Institution of Civil Engineers; Mechanical Engineers; Marine Engineers. Vice- President, Institution of Naval Architects.
    Bibliography
    Further Reading
    D.K.Brown, 1983, A Century of Naval Construction, London.
    FMW

    Biographical history of technology > White, Sir William Henry

  • 42 marriage

    'mæri‹
    1) (the ceremony by which a man and woman become husband and wife: Their marriage took place last week; (also adjective) the marriage ceremony.) boda
    2) (the state of being married; married life: Their marriage lasted for thirty happy years.) matrimonio
    3) (a close joining together: the marriage of his skill and her judgement.) enlace
    - marriage licence
    marriage n matrimonio marriage se refiere al hecho de estar casado. Un matrimonio en el sentido de una pareja casada se llama married couple o, sencillamente, couple
    do you believe in marriage? ¿tú crees en el matrimonio?
    tr['mærɪʤ]
    1 (state, institution) matrimonio
    2 (act, wedding) boda, casamiento, enlace nombre masculino matrimonial
    \
    SMALLIDIOMATIC EXPRESSION/SMALL
    to be related by marriage ser parientes políticos
    to give somebody in marriage dar a alguien en matrimonio
    to take somebody in marriage casarse con alguien, contraer matrimonio con alguien
    marriage bureau agencia matrimonial
    marriage certificate certificado de matrimonio
    marriage guidance terapia de pareja
    marriage licence licencia matrimonial
    marriage of convenience matrimonio de conveniencia
    marriage ['mærɪʤ] n
    1) : matrimonio m
    2) wedding: casamiento m, boda f
    n.
    boda s.f.
    casamiento s.m.
    connubio s.m.
    desposorios s.m.pl.
    enlace s.m.
    himeneo s.m.
    maridaje s.m.
    matrimonio s.m.
    nupcias s.f.pl.
    unión s.f.
    'mærɪdʒ
    1)
    a) u ( act) casamiento m, matrimonio m, enlace m (frml); (before n)

    marriage certificatecertificado m de matrimonio

    b) u c ( relationship) matrimonio m

    marriage TO somebody: her marriage to the poet lasted two years estuvo dos años casada con el poeta; a marriage of convenience un matrimonio de conveniencias; (before n) marriage counseling o (BrE) guidance terapia f de pareja; marriage counselor o (BrE) marriage guidance counsellor — consejero, -ra m,f matrimonial

    2) ( union) (liter) (no pl) maridaje m, unión f
    ['mærɪdʒ]
    1. N
    1) (=state of being married) matrimonio m

    aunt by marriagetía f política

    marriage of conveniencematrimonio m de conveniencia

    to give sb in marriage to — casar a algn con, dar a algn en matrimonio a

    2) (=wedding) boda f, casamiento m ; (fig) unión f
    2.
    CPD

    marriage bed Nlecho m nupcial, tálamo m frm

    marriage bonds NPLlazos mpl or vínculos mpl matrimoniales

    marriage bureau Nagencia f matrimonial

    marriage ceremony Nceremonia f nupcial, matrimonio m

    marriage certificate Npartida f matrimonial or de matrimonio

    marriage counseling N (US)= marriage guidance

    marriage counselor N (US)= marriage guidance counsellor

    marriage guidance Norientación f matrimonial

    marriage licence, marriage license N(US) licencia f matrimonial

    marriage lines NPL(Brit) partida f matrimonial or de matrimonio

    marriage partner Ncónyuge mf, consorte mf

    marriage rate N(índice m de) nupcialidad f

    marriage settlement Ncontrato m matrimonial; (Jur) capitulaciones fpl (matrimoniales)

    marriage vows NPLvotos mpl matrimoniales

    * * *
    ['mærɪdʒ]
    1)
    a) u ( act) casamiento m, matrimonio m, enlace m (frml); (before n)

    marriage certificatecertificado m de matrimonio

    b) u c ( relationship) matrimonio m

    marriage TO somebody: her marriage to the poet lasted two years estuvo dos años casada con el poeta; a marriage of convenience un matrimonio de conveniencias; (before n) marriage counseling o (BrE) guidance terapia f de pareja; marriage counselor o (BrE) marriage guidance counsellor — consejero, -ra m,f matrimonial

    2) ( union) (liter) (no pl) maridaje m, unión f

    English-spanish dictionary > marriage

  • 43 established

    adjective
    1) eingeführt [Geschäft usw.]; bestehend [Ordnung]; etabliert [Schriftsteller]
    2) (accepted) üblich; etabliert [Gesellschaftsordnung]; geltend [Norm]; fest [Brauch]; feststehend [Tatsache]
    3) (Eccl.)

    established church/religion — Staatskirche/-religion, die

    * * *
    adjective (settled or accepted: established customs.) bestehend
    * * *
    es·tab·lished
    [ɪˈstæblɪʃt, esˈ-]
    adj attr
    1. (standard) bestehend
    it is \established practice... es ist üblich,...
    there are \established procedures for dealing with emergencies es gibt feste Verfahrensweisen, nach denen in Notfällen vorgegangen wird
    \established institution feste Einrichtung
    \established law geltendes Recht
    \established use [behördlich anerkannte] lang bestehende Grundstücksnutzung
    2. (proven) nachgewiesen
    \established fact gesicherte [o feststehende] Tatsache
    3. (accepted) anerkannt, akzeptiert
    \established authority anerkannte Autorität
    Shakespeare is part of the \established canon in English literature Shakespeare gehört zu den Standardwerken der englischen Literatur
    4. (founded) gegründet
    \established in 1990 1990 gegründet
    * * *
    [I'stblɪʃt]
    adj
    order, authority, religion bestehend, etabliert; rules bestehend; business, company etabliert, eingeführt; clientele fest; reputation gesichert; tradition althergebracht; name, brand etabliert

    this is our established procedure —

    a well established businessein fest etabliertes or gut eingeführtes Geschäft

    or favorite (US)die indische Küche hat sich einen festen Platz als Lieblingsessen erobert

    it's an established fact that... —

    * * *
    1. bestehend (Gesetze etc)
    2. etabliert, eingeführt (Geschäft)
    3. feststehend, unzweifelhaft, anerkannt (Tatsache etc)
    4. zum festen Personal gehörend:
    established official planmäßiger Beamter;
    established staff (auch als pl konstruiert) Stammpersonal n
    5. Established Church Staatskirche f
    est. abk
    3. WIRTSCH, MATH estimated
    4. GEOG estuary
    * * *
    adjective
    1) eingeführt [Geschäft usw.]; bestehend [Ordnung]; etabliert [Schriftsteller]
    2) (accepted) üblich; etabliert [Gesellschaftsordnung]; geltend [Norm]; fest [Brauch]; feststehend [Tatsache]
    3) (Eccl.)

    established church/religion — Staatskirche/-religion, die

    * * *
    adj.
    errichtet adj.

    English-german dictionary > established

  • 44 institutionalize

    institutionalize [‚ɪnstɪˈtju:∫nəlaɪz]
       a. [+ person] placer dans une institution
       b. [+ procedure, custom, event] institutionnaliser
    * * *
    [ˌɪnstɪ'tjuːʃənəlaɪz], US [-tuː-]
    1) ( place in care) placer [quelqu'un] dans un établissement spécialisé; ( in mental hospital) interner

    to become institutionalized[patient] être marqué par la vie réglementée d'un établissement spécialisé

    2) ( establish officially) institutionnaliser, donner un caractère officiel à

    institutionalized[racism, violence] institutionnalisé

    English-French dictionary > institutionalize

  • 45 open

    open [ˈəʊpən]
       a. ( = not closed) ouvert
       b. ( = not enclosed) [car, carriage] découvert
    in the open air [eat] en plein air ; [live, walk] au grand air ; [sleep] à la belle étoile
       c. ( = unrestricted) [economy] ouvert ; [meeting, trial] public (- ique f)
       d. ( = available) [post, job] vacant
       e. ( = frank) ouvert ; [admiration, envy] non dissimulé
    2. noun
       a. out in the open ( = out of doors) dehors en plein air
    to come out into the open [fact] apparaître au grand jour ; [scandal] éclater au grand jour
    why can't we do it out in the open? ( = not secretly) pourquoi ne pouvons-nous pas le faire ouvertement ?
       a. ouvrir
       b. ( = begin) [+ meeting, exhibition, trial] ouvrir ; [+ conversation] entamer ; [+ new building, institution] inaugurer
       a. [door, book, eyes, flower] s'ouvrir ; [shop, museum, bank] ouvrir
       b. ( = begin) [meeting, match] commencer ; [trial] s'ouvrir
    open-ended, open-end (US) adjective [ticket] open inv ; [question] ouvert
    open learning noun enseignement universitaire à la carte, notamment par correspondance
    open-plan adjective sans cloison ; [office] paysagé
    open-standard adjective open-standard, en standard ouvert
    [passage, tunnel, street] s'élargir
       a. [new shop, business] s'ouvrir ; [new career] commencer ; [opportunity] se présenter
       b. ( = confide)
    ouvrir ; [+ blocked road] dégager ; [+ possibilities] offrir
    ━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
    L' Open University est une université ouverte à tous et fonctionnant essentiellement sur le principe du téléenseignement: cours par correspondance et émissions de radio et de télévision diffusées par la BBC. Ces enseignements sont complétés par un suivi pédagogique et par des stages, qui se tiennent généralement en été.
    * * *
    ['əʊpən] 1.
    1) ( outside)

    in the open — dehors, en plein air

    in/into the open — en terrain découvert; fig

    3) (also Open) Sport (tournoi m) open m
    2.
    1) ( not closed) [door, box, book, eyes, shirt, wound, flower] ouvert; [arms, legs] écarté; ( to the public) [bank, bridge, meeting] ouvert

    to burst ou fly open — s'ouvrir brusquement

    the door was partly ou half open — la porte était entrouverte

    to be open[road] être ouvert (à la circulation); [canal, harbour] être ouvert (à la navigation); [telephone line, frequency] être libre

    3) ( not covered) [car, carriage] découvert, décapoté; [mine, sewer] à ciel ouvert

    open toexposé à [air, wind, elements]

    it is open to question whether — on peut douter que (+ subj)

    5) ( accessible) (jamais épith) [job, position] libre, vacant; [access, competition] ouvert à tous; [meeting, session] public/-ique
    6) ( candid) [person, discussion, declaration, statement] franc/franche ( about à propos de)
    7) ( blatant) [hostility, contempt] non dissimulé; [disagreement, disrespect] manifeste
    8) ( undecided)

    open ticket — ( for traveller) billet m ouvert

    9) ( with spaces) [weave] ajouré
    10) Sport [contest] open
    11) Music [string] à vide
    12) Linguistics ouvert
    3.
    1) ( cause not to be closed) gen ouvrir

    to open a door slightly ou a little — entrouvrir une porte

    2) ( begin) entamer [discussions, meeting]; ouvrir [account, enquiry, show, shop]
    3) ( inaugurate) inaugurer [shop, bridge]; ouvrir [exhibition]
    4.
    1) ( become open) [door, flower, curtain] s'ouvrir

    to open into ou onto something — [door, window] donner sur quelque chose

    open wide! — ( at dentist's) ouvrez grand!

    to open slightly ou a little — [window, door] s'entrouvrir

    2) Commerce ( operate) [shop, bar] ouvrir
    3) ( begin) [meeting, discussion, play] commencer ( with par)

    to open by doing[person] commencer par faire

    4) ( have first performance) [film] sortir (sur les écrans); [exhibition] ouvrir
    5) ( be first speaker) [person] ouvrir le débat
    7) Finance [shares] débuter
    Phrasal Verbs:

    English-French dictionary > open

  • 46 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

  • 47 Clegg, Samuel

    [br]
    b. 2 March 1781 Manchester, England
    d. 8 January 1861 Haverstock Hill, Hampstead, London, England
    [br]
    English inventor and gas engineer.
    [br]
    Clegg received scientific instruction from John Dalton, the founder of the atomic theory, and was apprenticed to Boulton \& Watt. While at their Soho factory in Birmingham, he assisted William Murdock with his experiments on coal gas. He left the firm in 1804 and set up as a gas engineer on his own account. He designed and installed gas plant and lighting in a number of factories, including Henry Lodge's cotton mill at Sowerby Bridge and in 1811 the Jesuit College at Stoneyhurst in Lancashire, the first non-industrial establishment to be equipped with gas lighting.
    Clegg moved to London in 1813 and successfully installed gas lighting at the premises of Rudolf Ackermann in the Strand. His success in the manufacture of gas had earned him the Royal Society of Arts Silver Medal in 1808 for furthering "the art of gas production", and in 1813 it brought him the appointment of Chief Engineer to the first gas company, the Chartered Gas, Light \& Coke Company. He left in 1817, but remained in demand to set up gas works and advise on the formation of gas companies. Throughout this time there flowed from Clegg a series of inventions of fundamental importance in the gas industry. While at Lodge's mill he had begun purifying gas by adding lime to the gas holder, and at Stoneyhurst this had become a separate lime purifier. In 1815, and again in 1818, Clegg patented the wet-meter which proved to be the basis for future devices for measuring gas. He invented the gas governor and, favouring the horizontal retort, developed the form which was to become standard for the next forty years. But after all this, Clegg joined a concern in Liverpool which failed, taking all his possessions with it. He made a fresh start in Lisbon, where he undertook various engineering works for the Portuguese government. He returned to England to find railway construction gathering pace, but he again backed a loser by engaging in the ill-fated atmospheric-rail way project. He was finally discouraged from taking part in further enterprises, but he received a government appointment as Surveying Officer to conduct enquiries in connection with the various Bills on gas that were presented to Parliament. Clegg also contributed to his son's massive treatise on the manufacture of coal gas.
    [br]
    Principal Honours and Distinctions
    Royal Society of Arts Silver Medal 1808.
    Further Reading
    Minutes of Proceedings of the Institution of Civil Engineers (1862) 21:552–4.
    S.Everard, 1949, The History of the Gas light and Coke Company, London: Ernest Benn.
    LRD

    Biographical history of technology > Clegg, Samuel

  • 48 Merivale, John Herman

    [br]
    b. mid-nineteenth century
    d. after 1895
    [br]
    English mining educator.
    [br]
    J.H.Merivale had the distinction of being elected to the first English professorship in mining when a chair in this subject was endowed by a group of prominent coal-mine owners at the Durham College of Science, Newcastle upon Tyne (then the University of Durham, but subsequently to become the nucleus of the University of Newcastle). He was the son of Dean Merivale, a distinguished Roman historian, and had been educated at Winchester. He had been the first student to register to train as a mining engineer at the school of science in Durham. He served as Professor for fifteen years, resigning in 1895 to become Manager of the Broomhill collieries. About a hundred students attended his classes in 1887–8, and the College acquired a reputation for supplying more Government Inspectors of Mines than any other institution.
    [br]
    Further Reading
    R.A.Buchanan, 1989, The Engineers, p. 173. C.E.Whiting, 1932, University of Durham, p. 197.
    AB

    Biographical history of technology > Merivale, John Herman

  • 49 degree

    ------------------------------------------------------------
    [English Word] degree
    [English Plural] degrees
    [Swahili Word] cheo
    [Swahili Plural] vyeo
    [Part of Speech] noun
    [Class] 7/8
    ------------------------------------------------------------
    [English Word] degree
    [Swahili Word] daraja
    [Swahili Plural] madaraja
    [Part of Speech] noun
    ------------------------------------------------------------
    [English Word] degree
    [English Plural] degrees
    [Swahili Word] uzi
    [Swahili Plural] nyuzi
    [Part of Speech] noun
    [Class] 11/10
    ------------------------------------------------------------
    [English Word] degree (academic)
    [English Plural] degrees
    [Swahili Word] digrii
    [Swahili Plural] digrii
    [Part of Speech] noun
    [Class] 9/10
    [Derived Language] English
    [Derived Word] degree
    [English Definition] award conferred by an educational institution signifying that the recipient has satisfactorily completed a course of study
    [Swahili Definition] shahada
    ------------------------------------------------------------
    [English Word] degree (academic)
    [English Plural] degrees
    [Swahili Word] shahada
    [Swahili Plural] mashahada
    [Part of Speech] noun
    [Class] 5/6
    [English Example] (s)he received a degree in economics
    [Swahili Example] Alipata shahada ya uchumi
    ------------------------------------------------------------
    [English Word] degree (of temperature)
    [English Plural] degrees
    [Swahili Word] digrii
    [Swahili Plural] digrii
    [Part of Speech] noun
    [Class] 9/10
    [Derived Language] English
    [Derived Word] degree
    [English Definition] a unit of temperature on a specified scale
    [Terminology] meteorology
    ------------------------------------------------------------
    [English Word] degree (rank)
    [Swahili Word] ngazi
    [Swahili Plural] ngazi
    [Part of Speech] noun
    [Class] 9/10
    [English Example] Given his(her) rank, he was unable to recognize the habits that had become prevalant
    [Swahili Example] na mazoea yale yalivyokithiri, yeye hakuweza kuyamaizi katika ukweli na ngazi zake [Muk]
    ------------------------------------------------------------
    [English Word] to a high degree
    [Swahili Word] top
    [Part of Speech] adverb
    [Derived Word] Engl.
    ------------------------------------------------------------

    English-Swahili dictionary > degree

  • 50 permanent

    adjective
    fest [Sitz, Bestandteil, Mitglied]; beständig, ewig [Werte]; ständig [Plage, Meckern, Adresse, Kampf]; Dauer[gast, -stellung, -visum]; bleibend [Folge, Schaden]

    somebody/something is a permanent fixture — jemand/etwas gehört zum Inventar

    * * *
    ['pə:mənənt]
    (lasting; not temporary: After many years of travelling, they made a permanent home in England.) ständig
    - academic.ru/89985/permanently">permanently
    - permanence
    - permanent wave
    * * *
    per·ma·nent
    [ˈpɜ:mənənt, AM ˈpɜ:r-]
    I. adj inv
    1. (lasting indefinitely) permanent, ständig; agreement unbefristet; relationship dauerhaft
    \permanent abode [or address] fester Wohnsitz
    \permanent appointment Ernennung f auf Lebenszeit
    \permanent committee ständiger Ausschuss
    \permanent damage/hearing loss bleibender Schaden/Hörverlust
    \permanent disability bleibende Behinderung
    \permanent display Dauerausstellung f
    \permanent ink unlöschbare Tinte
    \permanent job Dauerstellung f
    \permanent member ständiges Mitglied
    \permanent peace dauerhafter Frieden
    \permanent position/site fester Standort
    \permanent press bügelfreie Kleidung
    \permanent tooth fester Zahnersatz
    \permanent teeth die zweiten Zähne
    \permanent way BRIT Bahnkörper m
    2. (continual) ständig, permanent
    II. n Dauerwelle f
    * * *
    ['pɜːmənənt]
    1. adj
    1) (= lasting) ständig, permanent; arrangement, position, building fest; job, relationship, dye, effect, solution dauerhaft; damage bleibend; agreement unbefristet

    to earn oneself a permanent place in historysich (dat) einen bleibenden Platz in der Geschichte verdienen

    I hope this is not going to become permanent — ich hoffe, das wird kein Dauerzustand

    he is a permanent fixture hereer gehört schon mit zum Inventar

    permanent residence/address — ständiger or fester Wohnsitz

    2) (= constant) supply permanent; staff fest angestellt; member ständig

    I'm not permanent hereich bin hier nicht fest angestellt

    2. n (US)
    See:
    = perm
    * * *
    permanent [-nənt]
    A adj (adv permanently)
    1. ständig (Ausschuss etc), permanent, (fort)dauernd, fortwährend, anhaltend, bleibend, dauerhaft, Dauer…:
    permanent assets WIRTSCH feste Anlagen, Anlagevermögen n;
    permanent condition Dauerzustand m;
    Permanent Court of Arbitration Ständiger Schiedsgerichtshof (in Den Haag);
    permanent deformation bleibende Verformung;
    permanent echo (Radar) Festzeichen n;
    permanent effect Dauerwirkung f;
    permanent institution Dauereinrichtung f (a. fig);
    permanent magnet PHYS Permanentmagnet m;
    permanent memory COMPUT permanenter Speicher;
    permanent-press bügelfrei, formbeständig;
    permanent protection Dauerschutz m;
    permanent secretary POL Br ständiger (fachlicher) Staatssekretär;
    permanent solution Dauerlösung f;
    permanent wave Dauerwelle f;
    permanent white CHEM Permanent-, Barytweiß n;
    permanent way BAHN Br Bahnkörper m, Oberbau m; fixture 1 a, residence 1
    2. MIL ortsfest (Geschützstellung etc)
    B s US Dauerwelle f
    * * *
    adjective
    fest [Sitz, Bestandteil, Mitglied]; beständig, ewig [Werte]; ständig [Plage, Meckern, Adresse, Kampf]; Dauer[gast, -stellung, -visum]; bleibend [Folge, Schaden]

    somebody/something is a permanent fixture — jemand/etwas gehört zum Inventar

    * * *
    adj.
    bleibend adj.
    dauerhaft adj.
    gleichmäßig adj.

    English-german dictionary > permanent

  • 51 public

    1. adjective

    public assembly — Volksversammlung, die

    a public danger/service — eine Gefahr für die/ein Dienst an der Allgemeinheit

    in the public eyeim Blickpunkt der Öffentlichkeit

    make something publicetwas publik (geh.) od. bekannt machen

    2. noun, no pl.; constr. as sing. or pl.
    1) (the people) Öffentlichkeit, die; Allgemeinheit, die

    the general publicdie Allgemeinheit; die breite Öffentlichkeit

    member of the public — Bürger, der/Bürgerin, die

    be open to the publicfür den Publikumsverkehr geöffnet sein

    2) (section of community) Publikum, das; (author's readers also) Leserschaft, die
    3)

    in public(publicly) öffentlich; (openly) offen

    behave oneself in publicsich in der Öffentlichkeit benehmen

    * * *
    (of, for, or concerning, the people (of a community or nation) in general: a public library; a public meeting; Public opinion turned against him; The public announcements are on the back page of the newspaper; This information should be made public and not kept secret any longer.) öffentlich
    - academic.ru/58855/publicly">publicly
    - publicity
    - publicize
    - publicise
    - public holiday
    - public house
    - public relations
    - public service announcement
    - public spirit
    - public-spirited
    - public transport
    - in public
    - the public
    - public opinion poll
    * * *
    pub·lic
    [ˈpʌblɪk]
    I. adj inv
    \public approval allgemeine Zustimmung
    in the \public interest im Interesse der Öffentlichkeit
    2. (for the people) library öffentlich
    \public baths esp BRIT öffentliches Bad
    \public institution öffentliche Einrichtung
    3. (not private) öffentlich
    \public announcement/hearing öffentliche Bekanntmachung/Anhörung
    to go \public with sth etw öffentlich bekanntgeben [o bekanntmachen]
    to make sth \public etw öffentlich bekanntgeben; (esp in writing) etw veröffentlichen
    4. (state) öffentlich, staatlich
    \public building öffentliches Gebäude
    the company is going \public das Unternehmen wird in eine Aktiengesellschaft umgewandelt
    \public offering öffentliches Zeichnungsangebot
    \public placing AM öffentliche Platzierung
    II. n + sing/pl vb
    the \public die Öffentlichkeit, die Allgemeinheit
    a member of the \public jemand aus der Öffentlichkeit
    the general \public die allgemeine Öffentlichkeit
    the American/British/Canadian \public die amerikanische/britische/kanadische Öffentlichkeit
    the Great British P\public BRIT ( hum fam) die breite britische Öffentlichkeit
    2. (patrons) Anhängerschaft f; of newspapers Leser(innen) m(f); of TV Zuschauer(innen) m(f), Publikum nt
    3. (not in private) Öffentlichkeit f
    in \public in der Öffentlichkeit, öffentlich
    * * *
    ['pʌblɪk]
    1. adj
    support, pressure, subsidy öffentlich; official öffentlich, staatlich

    at public expenseaus öffentlichen Mitteln

    public pressureDruck m der Öffentlichkeit

    it's rather public herees ist nicht gerade privat hier

    he is a public figure or personer ist eine Persönlichkeit des öffentlichen Lebens

    to make sth public — etw bekannt geben, etw publik machen; (officially) etw öffentlich bekannt machen

    2. n sing or pl
    Öffentlichkeit f

    in public — in der Öffentlichkeit; speak also, agree, admit öffentlich

    our/their etc public — unser/ihr etc Publikum

    the ( general) public — die (breite) Öffentlichkeit

    the viewing public — das Fernsehpublikum, die Zuschauer pl

    the reading/sporting public — die lesende/sportinteressierte Öffentlichkeit

    the racing publicdie Freunde pl des Rennsports

    the great American/British public (iro) — die breite amerikanische/britische Öffentlichkeit

    * * *
    public [ˈpʌblık]
    A adj (adv publicly)
    a) öffentlich (stattfindend)
    b) öffentlich, allgemein bekannt
    c) öffentlich (Einrichtung, Straße etc)
    d) Staats…, staatlich:
    it’s a bit too public here hier sind (mir) zu viele Leute;
    go public sich an die Öffentlichkeit wenden, an die Öffentlichkeit treten ( beide:
    with mit); WIRTSCH sich in eine Aktiengesellschaft umwandeln;
    make public publik machen, bekannt machen;
    public accountant WIRTSCH US Wirtschaftsprüfer(in);
    public-address system Lautsprecheranlage f;
    over the public-address system über Lautsprecher;
    public appearance Auftreten n in der Öffentlichkeit;
    make one’s first public appearance zum ersten Mal öffentlich auftreten;
    public assistance US Sozialhilfe f;
    public bar Br Schankraum m (eines Pubs);
    public bill PARL Gesetzesvorlage, die öffentliche Angelegenheiten betrifft;
    public (limited) company WIRTSCH Br Aktiengesellschaft f;
    public convenience bes Br öffentliche Toilette, Bedürfnisanstalt f;
    public corporation öffentlich-rechtliche Körperschaft;
    public debt bes US öffentliche Schuld, Staatsschuld f;
    public defender JUR US Offizial-, Pflichtverteidiger(in);
    public domain US Staatsländereien pl, staatlicher Grundbesitz; (Internet) frei verfügbare Software;
    be in the public domain JUR US nicht mehr (durch Copyright od Patent) geschützt sein;
    public enemy Staatsfeind(in);
    public enterprise staatliches Unternehmertum;
    be in the public eye im Blickpunkt der Öffentlichkeit stehen;
    public expenditure Ausgaben pl der öffentlichen Hand, Staatsausgaben pl;
    at the public expense auf Kosten des Steuerzahlers;
    public figure Persönlichkeit f des öffentlichen Lebens;
    public finances Staatsfinanzen;
    public gallery PARL Zuschauertribüne f;
    public health öffentliches Gesundheitswesen;
    public health policy Gesundheitspolitik f;
    public health service US staatlicher Gesundheitsdienst;
    public holiday gesetzlicher Feiertag;
    public house Br Gaststätte f;
    public information Unterrichtung f der Öffentlichkeit;
    be in the public interest im öffentlichen Interesse liegen;
    public law öffentliches Recht;
    public lending right Anspruch m (eines Autors) auf eine Bibliotheksabgabe;
    public library öffentliche Bücherei, Volksbücherei f;
    public life das öffentliche Leben;
    retire ( oder withdraw) from public life sich ins Privatleben zurückziehen;
    public ownership Staatseigentum n (of an dat);
    public policy JUR Rechtsordnung f;
    against public policy sittenwidrig;
    public pressure (der) Druck der Öffentlichkeit;
    public purse Staatskasse f;
    public relations pl auch als sg konstruiert) Public Relations pl, Öffentlichkeitsarbeit f;
    public relations department Public-Relations-Abteilung f;
    public relations officer Öffentlichkeitsreferent(in);
    public sale öffentliche Versteigerung, Auktion f;
    public school Br Public School f (Privatschule der Sekundarstufe mit angeschlossenem Internat); US staatliche Schule;
    public sector WIRTSCH öffentlicher Sektor;
    public securities WIRTSCH Staatspapiere;
    public servant Angestellte(r) m/f(m) im öffentlichen Dienst;
    public service öffentlicher Dienst; US Bereitstellung f von Versorgungsdiensten;
    public-service corporation US öffentlicher Versorgungsbetrieb;
    public spending Ausgaben pl der öffentlichen Hand, Staatsausgaben pl;
    public spirit Gemeinsinn m;
    public-spirited mit Gemeinsinn (Person), von Gemeinsinn zeugend (Handlung etc);
    be public-spirited Gemeinsinn haben;
    public transport öffentliches Verkehrswesen; öffentliche Verkehrsmittel pl;
    public utility öffentlicher Versorgungsbetrieb;
    public works staatliche Bauprojekte; notary, nuisance 3, opinion 2, prosecutor
    B s
    1. in public in der Öffentlichkeit, öffentlich
    2. (auch als pl konstruiert)
    a) (die) Öffentlichkeit:
    appear before the public an die Öffentlichkeit treten;
    be open to (members of) the public der Öffentlichkeit zugänglich sein;
    exclude the public JUR die Öffentlichkeit ausschließen; general A 3
    b) Publikum n, (eines Autors auch) Leserschaft f:
    bring sb’s pictures to a large public jemandes Bilder einer breiten Öffentlichkeit bekannt machen
    pub. abk
    1. public öffentl.
    * * *
    1. adjective

    public assembly — Volksversammlung, die

    a public danger/service — eine Gefahr für die/ein Dienst an der Allgemeinheit

    make something publicetwas publik (geh.) od. bekannt machen

    2. noun, no pl.; constr. as sing. or pl.
    1) (the people) Öffentlichkeit, die; Allgemeinheit, die

    the general public — die Allgemeinheit; die breite Öffentlichkeit

    member of the public — Bürger, der/Bürgerin, die

    2) (section of community) Publikum, das; (author's readers also) Leserschaft, die
    3)

    in public (publicly) öffentlich; (openly) offen

    * * *
    adj.
    allgemein adj.
    allgemein bekannt adj.
    öffentlich adj. n.
    Publikum -s n.
    Öffentlichkeit f.

    English-german dictionary > public

  • 52 rot

    1. noun
    1) see 2. 1): Verrottung, die; Fäulnis, die; Verwesung, die; (fig.): (deterioration) Verfall, der

    stop the rot(fig.) dem Verfall Einhalt gebieten

    the rot has set in(fig.) der Verfall hat eingesetzt; see also academic.ru/22689/dry_rot">dry rot

    2) (coll.): (nonsense) Quark, der (salopp)

    rot!Blödsinn! (ugs.)

    2. intransitive verb,
    - tt-
    1) (decay) verrotten; [Fleisch, Gemüse, Obst:] verfaulen; [Leiche:] verwesen; [Holz:] faulen; [Zähne:] schlecht werden
    2) (fig.): (go to ruin) verrotten
    3. transitive verb,
    - tt- verrotten lassen; verfaulen lassen [Fleisch, Gemüse, Obst]; faulen lassen [Holz]; verwesen lassen [Leiche]; zerstören [Zähne]
    Phrasal Verbs:
    * * *
    [rot] 1. past tense, past participle - rotted; verb
    (to make or become bad or decayed: The fruit is rotting on the ground; Water rots wood.) verfaulen(lassen)
    2. noun
    1) (decay: The floorboards are affected by rot.) die Fäulnis
    2) (nonsense: Don't talk rot!) der Quatsch
    - rotten
    - rottenness
    - rotter
    * * *
    [rɒt, AM rɑ:t]
    I. n no pl
    1. (process) Fäulnis f
    2. (decayed matter) Verfaultes nt, Verwestes nt
    3. BRIT (process of deterioration)
    the \rot der Verfall
    the \rot set in when he started taking drugs es ging mit ihm bergab, als er anfing, Drogen zu nehmen
    4. BOT Fäule f
    5. (in sheep) Leberfäule f
    6. ( fam or dated) Blödsinn m fam
    to talk \rot Blödsinn reden fam
    II. interj ( fam or dated) Blödsinn! fam, so ein Quatsch! fam
    III. vi
    <- tt->
    1. (decay) verrotten; teeth, meat verfaulen; woodwork vermodern
    to leave sb to \rot in jail ( fig) jdn im Gefängnis verrotten lassen fig
    3. BRIT ( dated fam: joke) Quatsch [o ÖSTERR bes Blödsinn] erzählen fam
    IV. vt
    <- tt->
    1. (cause to decay)
    to \rot sth etw vermodern lassen
    to \rot sb jdn verulken [o ÖSTERR aufziehen]
    * * *
    [rɒt]
    1. n
    1) (in teeth, plants, wood) Fäulnis f no pl

    to stop the rot (lit, fig)den Fäulnisprozess aufhalten

    See:
    dry rot
    2) (inf: rubbish) Quatsch m (inf), Blödsinn m (inf)
    2. vi
    (wood, material, rope) verrotten, faulen; (teeth, plant) verfaulen; (fig) verrotten

    to rot in jailim Gefängnis verrotten

    3. vt
    verfaulen lassen
    * * *
    rot [rɒt; US rɑt]
    A v/i
    1. auch rot away (ver)faulen, (-)modern (a. fig im Gefängnis), verrotten, verwesen:
    rot off abfaulen
    2. auch rot away GEOL verwittern
    3. fig (auch moralisch) verkommen, verrotten
    4. BOT, VET an Fäule leiden
    B v/t
    1. (ver)faulen lassen
    2. BOT, VET mit Fäule anstecken
    C s
    1. a) Fäulnis f, Verwesung f
    b) Fäule f
    c) (etwas) Verfaultes: dry rot
    2. a) BOT, VET Fäule f
    b) VET liver rot
    3. besonders Br umg Quatsch m, Blödsinn m, Unsinn m:
    * * *
    1. noun
    1) see 2. 1): Verrottung, die; Fäulnis, die; Verwesung, die; (fig.): (deterioration) Verfall, der

    stop the rot(fig.) dem Verfall Einhalt gebieten

    the rot has set in(fig.) der Verfall hat eingesetzt; see also dry rot

    2) (coll.): (nonsense) Quark, der (salopp)

    rot!Blödsinn! (ugs.)

    2. intransitive verb,
    - tt-
    1) (decay) verrotten; [Fleisch, Gemüse, Obst:] verfaulen; [Leiche:] verwesen; [Holz:] faulen; [Zähne:] schlecht werden
    2) (fig.): (go to ruin) verrotten
    3. transitive verb,
    - tt- verrotten lassen; verfaulen lassen [Fleisch, Gemüse, Obst]; faulen lassen [Holz]; verwesen lassen [Leiche]; zerstören [Zähne]
    Phrasal Verbs:
    * * *
    n.
    Quatsch m.
    Verwesung f. v.
    verfaulen v.
    verwesen v.

    English-german dictionary > rot

  • 53 smear

    1. transitive verb
    1) (daub) beschmieren; (put on or over) schmieren

    smear cream/ointment over one's body/face — sich (Dat.) den Körper/das Gesicht mit Creme/Salbe einreiben

    smeared with bloodblutbeschmiert od. -verschmiert

    2) (smudge) verwischen; verschmieren
    3) (fig.): (defame) in den Schmutz ziehen
    2. noun
    1) (blotch) [Schmutz]fleck, der
    2) (fig.): (defamation)

    a smear on him/ his [good] name — eine Beschmutzung seiner Person/seines [guten] Namens

    * * *
    [smiə] 1. verb
    1) (to spread (something sticky or oily) over a surface: The little boy smeared jam on the chair.) schmieren
    2) (to make or become blurred; to smudge: He brushed against the newly painted notice and smeared the lettering.) verschmieren
    3) (to try to discredit (a person etc) by slandering him: He has been spreading false stories in an attempt to smear us.) verleumden
    2. noun
    1) (a mark made by smearing.) der Fleck
    2) (a piece of slander.) die Verleumdung
    * * *
    [smɪəʳ, AM smɪr]
    I. vt
    1. (spread messily)
    to \smear sth on [or over] sth etw mit etw dat beschmieren
    2. (attack reputation)
    to \smear sb/sth jdn/etw verunglimpfen
    to \smear sb's good name jds guten Namen beschmutzen
    II. n
    1. (blotch) Fleck m
    \smear of ketchup Ketchupfleck m
    2. (public accusations) Verleumdung f
    \smear campaign Verleumdungskampagne f
    3. MED (smear test) Abstrich m
    * * *
    [smɪə(r)]
    1. n
    verschmierter Fleck; (fig) Beschmutzung f, Verleumdung f; (MED) Abstrich m

    he had smears of blood/grease on his hands — er hatte blut-/fettbeschmierte Hände

    this left a smear on the institution —

    2. vt
    1) grease, ointment schmieren; (= spread) verschmieren; (= mark, make dirty) beschmieren; face, body einschmieren
    2) (fig) person verunglimpfen; sb's reputation, name beschmutzen, besudeln; organization in den Schmutz ziehen
    3. vi
    (glass) verschmieren; (print) verschmiert or verwischt werden; (ballpoint pen) schmieren; (paint, ink) verlaufen
    * * *
    smear [smıə(r)]
    A v/t
    1. eine Achse etc schmieren
    2. Fett (auf)schmieren (on auf akk)
    3. die Haut etc einschmieren
    4. etwas beschmieren:
    a) bestreichen ( with mit)
    b) besudeln:
    smeared with blood blutverschmiert
    5. eine Schrift etc verschmieren, -wischen
    6. fig
    a) jemandes Ruf besudeln
    b) jemanden verleumden, durch den Schmutz ziehen
    7. SPORT US umg überfahren (hoch besiegen)
    B v/i schmieren, sich verwischen
    C s
    1. Schmiere f
    2. (Fett-, Schmutz) Fleck m
    3. fig Besud(e)lung f, Verunglimpfung f
    4. MED Abstrich m:
    take a smear einen Abstrich machen
    * * *
    1. transitive verb
    1) (daub) beschmieren; (put on or over) schmieren

    smear cream/ointment over one's body/face — sich (Dat.) den Körper/das Gesicht mit Creme/Salbe einreiben

    smeared with bloodblutbeschmiert od. -verschmiert

    2) (smudge) verwischen; verschmieren
    3) (fig.): (defame) in den Schmutz ziehen
    2. noun
    1) (blotch) [Schmutz]fleck, der
    2) (fig.): (defamation)

    a smear on him/ his [good] name — eine Beschmutzung seiner Person/seines [guten] Namens

    * * *
    n.
    Abstrich -e (Medizin) m. v.
    anschmieren v.
    schmieren v.
    verschmieren v.
    verwischen v.
    wischen v.

    English-german dictionary > smear

  • 54 marriage

    ['mærɪdʒ]
    n
    (relationship, institution) małżeństwo nt; ( wedding) ślub m
    * * *
    ['mæri‹]
    1) (the ceremony by which a man and woman become husband and wife: Their marriage took place last week; ( also adjective) the marriage ceremony.) małżeństwo, ślub
    2) (the state of being married; married life: Their marriage lasted for thirty happy years.) małżeństwo
    3) (a close joining together: the marriage of his skill and her judgement.) mariaż
    - marriage licence

    English-Polish dictionary > marriage

  • 55 Soares, Mário Alberto Nobre Lopes

    (1924-)
       Lawyer, staunch oppositionist to the Estado Novo, a founder of Portugal's Socialist Party (PS), key leader of post-1974 democratic Portugal, and twice-elected president of the republic (1986-91; 1991-96). Mário Soares was born on 7 December 1924, in Lisbon, the son of an educator and former cabinet officer of the ill-fated First Republic. An outstanding student, Soares received a degree in history and philosophy from the University of Lisbon (1951) and his law degree from the same institution (1957). A teacher and a lawyer, the young Soares soon became active in various organizations that opposed the Estado Novo, starting in his student days and continuing into his association with the PS. He worked with the organizations of several oppositionist candidates for the presidency of the republic in 1949 and 1958 and, as a lawyer, defended a number of political figures against government prosecution in court. Soares was the family attorney for the family of General Humberto Delgado, murdered on the Spanish frontier by the regime's political police in 1965. Soares was signatory and editor of the "Program for the Democratization of the Republic" in 1961, and, in 1968, he was deported by the regime to São Tomé, one of Portugal's African colonies.
       In 1969, following the brief liberalization under the new prime minister Marcello Caetano, Soares returned from exile in Africa and participated as a member of the opposition in general elections for the National Assembly. Although harassed by the PIDE, he was courageous in attacking the government and its colonial policies in Africa. After the rigged election results were known, and no oppositionist deputy won a seat despite the Caetano "opening," Soares left for exile in France. From 1969 to 1974, he resided in France, consulted with other political exiles, and taught at a university. In 1973, at a meeting in West Germany, Soares participated in the (re)founding of the (Portuguese) Socialist Party.
       The exciting, unexpected news of the Revolution of 25 April 1974 reached Soares in France, and soon he was aboard a train bound for Lisbon, where he was to play a major role in the difficult period of revolutionary politics (1974-75). During a most critical phase, the "hot summer" of 1975, when a civil war seemed in the offing, Soares's efforts to steer Portugal away from a communist dictatorship and sustained civil strife were courageous and effective. He found allies in the moderate military and large sectors of the population. After the abortive leftist coup of 25 November 1975, Soares played an equally vital role in assisting the stabilization of a pluralist democracy.
       Prime minister on several occasions during the era of postrevolu-tionary adjustment (1976-85), Soares continued his role as the respected leader of the PS. Following 11 hectic years of the Lusitanian political hurly-burly, Soares was eager for a change and some rest. Prepared to give up leadership of the factious PS and become a senior statesman in the new Portugal, Mário Soares ran for the presidency of the republic. After serving twice as elected president of the republic, he established the Mário Soares Foundation, Lisbon, and was elected to the European Parliament.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Soares, Mário Alberto Nobre Lopes

  • 56 send

    send vtr ( prét, pp sent)
    1 ( dispatch) gen envoyer [letter, parcel, goods, message, person] ; Radio envoyer [signal] ; to send help envoyer des secours ; to send sth to sb, to send sb sth envoyer qch à qn ; to send sth to the cleaner's faire nettoyer qch ; to send sb to do sth envoyer qn faire qch ; she sent him to the supermarket for some milk elle l'a envoyé au supermarché acheter du lait ; they'll send a car for you ils enverront une voiture vous chercher ; to send sb home (from school, work) renvoyer qn chez lui ; to send sb to bed envoyer qn se coucher ; to send sb to prison mettre qn en prison ; send her my love! embrasse-la de ma part ; send them my regards/best wishes transmettez-leur mes amitiés/meilleurs vœux ; Kirsten sends her regards tu as le bonjour de Kirsten ; ( more formally) vous avez les amitiés de Kirsten ; to send word that faire dire que ;
    2 ( cause to move) envoyer ; the explosion sent debris in all directions l'explosion a envoyé des débris dans toutes les directions ; the blow sent him crashing to the ground le coup l'a envoyé rouler par terre ; the noise sent people running in all directions le bruit a fait courir les gens dans toutes les directions ; to send share prices soaring/plummeting faire monter/s'effondrer le cours des actions ; the impact sent the car over the cliff le choc a fait basculer la voiture du haut de la falaise ; the collision sent the car straight into a wall/into a hedge la collision a été si forte que la voiture a embouti un mur/est rentrée dans une haie ; the fire sent flickers of light across the room le feu lançait des lueurs à travers la pièce ; to send shivers down sb's spine donner froid dans le dos à qn ;
    3 ( cause to become) rendre ; to send sb mad/berserk rendre qn fou/fou furieux ; to send sb into a rage mettre qn dans une rage folle ; to send sb to sleep endormir qn ; to send sb into fits of laughter faire éclater de rire qn ;
    4 ( excite) she really sends me! elle me botte or m'emballe vraiment! ; this music really sends me! cette musique me botte or me plaît vraiment!
    to send sb packing , to send sb about her/his business envoyer balader qn
    send [sb/sth] along, send along [sb/sth] envoyer ; send him/the documents along to room three envoyez-le/les documents à la salle trois.
    send away:
    send away for [sth] commander [qch] par correspondance ;
    send [sb/sth] away faire partir, renvoyer [person] ;
    to send a child away to boarding school envoyer un enfant en pension ; to send an appliance away to be mended envoyer un appareil chez le fabricant pour le faire réparer.
    send down:
    send [sb/sth] down, send down [sb/sth] envoyer ; send him down to the second floor dites-lui de descendre au deuxième étage ; can you send it down to me? pouvez-vous me le faire parvenir? ;
    send [sb] down
    1 GB Univ renvoyer [qn] de l'université (for pour ; for doing pour avoir fait) ;
    2 GB ( put in prison) mettre or envoyer qn en prison ; he was sent down for ten years for armed robbery il a été condamné à dix ans pour vol à main armée.
    send for:
    send for [sb/sth] appeler, faire venir [doctor, taxi, plumber] ; demander [reinforcements] ; the headmaster has sent for you le directeur te réclame.
    send forth [sb/sth] littér envoyer [messenger, army, ray of light].
    send in:
    send [sb/sth] in, send in [sb/sth] envoyer [letter, form] ; envoyer [police, troops] ; faire entrer [visitor] ; to send in one's application poser sa candidature.
    send off:
    send off for [sth] commander [qch] par correspondance ;
    send [sth] off, send off [sth] ( post) envoyer, expédier [letter, parcel, form] ;
    send [sb] off, send off [sb] Sport expulser [player] (for pour ; for doing pour avoir fait) ;
    send [sb] off to envoyer [qn] à [shops, school] ; to send [sb] off to do envoyer [qn] faire.
    send on:
    send [sb] on (ahead) Mil ( as scout) envoyer [qn] en éclaireur ; send him on ahead to open up the shop dites-lui de partir devant ouvrir le magasin ;
    send [sth] on, send on [sth]
    1 ( send in advance) expédier [qch] à l'avance [luggage] ;
    2 ( forward) faire suivre [letter, mail].
    send out:
    send out for [sth] envoyer quelqu'un chercher [sandwich, newspaper] ;
    send [sth] out, send out [sth]
    1 ( post) envoyer [letters, leaflets] ;
    2 ( emit) émettre [light, heat, flames] ; ( produce) [tree, plant] produire [leaf, bud, creeper] ;
    send [sb] out faire sortir [pupil] ;
    send [sb] out for envoyer [qn] chercher [pizza, sandwich].
    send round GB:
    send [sb/sth] round, send round [sb/sth]
    1 ( circulate) faire circuler [letter, memo etc] ;
    2 ( cause to go) envoyer [person, object] ; I've sent him round to my neighbour's je l'ai envoyé chez le voisin.
    send up:
    send [sth] up ( post) envoyer ; send your ideas up to the BBC envoyez vos idées à la BBC ;
    send [sb] up US ( put in prison) mettre or envoyer [qn] en prison ;
    send [sb/sth] up, send up [sb/sth]
    1 (into sky, space) envoyer [astronaut, probe] ;
    2 ( to upper floor) you can send him up now vous pouvez lui dire de monter maintenant ; can you send it up to me? pouvez-vous me le faire parvenir? ;
    3 GB ( parody) parodier [person, institution].

    Big English-French dictionary > send

  • 57 past

    past [pɑ:st]
    1 noun
    (a) (former time) passé m;
    to live in the past vivre dans le passé;
    the great empires of the past les grands empires de l'histoire;
    it is a thing of the past (institution, custom) ça n'existe plus; (relationship) c'est du passé; (is old-fashioned) c'est périmé;
    those days are a thing of the past cette époque est révolue;
    politeness seems to have become a thing of the past la politesse semble être une chose démodée
    (b) (background → of person) passé m;
    woman with a past femme f qui a vécu ou qui a un passé chargé;
    town with a past ville f historique;
    our country's glorious past le glorieux passé de notre pays
    (c) Grammar passé m;
    in the past au passé
    (a) (former, gone by → life) antérieur; (→ quarrels, differences) vieux (vieille), d'autrefois; (→ generation, centuries, mistakes, event) passé;
    in centuries past autrefois;
    the time for negotiating is past l'heure n'est plus à la négociation;
    those days are past ces temps sont révolus;
    from past experience par expérience;
    in past time or times past autrefois, (au temps) jadis;
    to be past (ended) être passé ou terminé;
    the crisis is now past la crise est maintenant passée;
    the past mayors of the town les anciens maires de la ville
    (b) (last) dernier;
    the past week la semaine dernière ou passée;
    the past two months les deux derniers mois;
    this past month has been very busy le mois qui vient de s'achever a été très chargé;
    I've not been feeling well for the past few days ça fait quelques jours que je ne me sens pas très bien;
    he has spent the past five years in China il a passé ces cinq dernières années en Chine
    (c) Grammar passé
    (a) (in time) après;
    it's ten/quarter/half past six il est six heures dix/et quart/et demie;
    it is past four (o'clock) il est quatre heures passées;
    it's quarter past the hour il est le ou et quart;
    it's already past midnight il est déjà plus de minuit ou minuit passé;
    it's long or way past my bedtime je devrais être au lit depuis longtemps;
    he's past fifty il a plus de cinquante ans, il a dépassé la cinquantaine;
    she's past the adolescent stage ce n'est plus une adolescente;
    these beans are past their best ces haricots ne sont plus très frais
    (b) (further than) plus loin que, au-delà de;
    just past the bridge un peu plus loin que le pont, un peu au-delà du pont;
    turn right just past the school prenez à droite juste après l'école;
    he can't count past ten il ne sait compter que jusqu'à dix;
    I didn't manage to get past the first page je n'ai pas réussi à lire plus d'une page;
    he knocked the ball past the defender il a envoyé la balle derrière le défenseur
    (c) (in front of) devant;
    he walked right past my table il est passé juste devant ma table;
    he walked past me without saying hello il est passé devant moi sans me saluer
    (d) (beyond scope of) au-delà de;
    it's past all understanding ça dépasse l'entendement;
    their demands are past all reason leurs exigences sont totalement démesurées;
    past endurance insupportable;
    that's past all belief c'est incroyable
    I'm past caring ça ne me fait plus ni chaud ni froid;
    I'm past work (too old) je ne suis plus d'âge à travailler; (too ill) je ne peux plus travailler;
    familiar to be past it (person) avoir passé l'âge ; (car, machine) avoir fait son temps ;
    I wouldn't put it past him il en est bien capable;
    I wouldn't put anything past this government ce gouvernement est capable de tout ou du pire
    to go past passer;
    they ran past ils passèrent en courant;
    the years flew past les années passaient à une vitesse prodigieuse
    one night about three years past une nuit il y a environ trois ans;
    it had long past struck midnight minuit avait sonné depuis longtemps
    autrefois, dans le temps
    ►► past master expert m;
    humorous he's a past master at doing as little as possible il est passé maître dans l'art d'en faire le moins possible;
    Grammar past participle participe m passé;
    Grammar past perfect plus-que-parfait m;
    Grammar past tense passé m;
    in the past tense au passé

    Un panorama unique de l'anglais et du français > past

  • 58 weak

    weak [wi:k]
    (a) (physically → animal, person) faible; (→ health) fragile, délicat; (→ eyes, hearing) faible, mauvais;
    to become or to get or to grow weak or weaker s'affaiblir;
    we were weak with or from hunger nous étions affaiblis par la faim;
    he felt weak with fear il avait les jambes molles de peur;
    I went weak at the knees mes jambes se sont dérobées sous moi, j'avais les jambes en coton;
    British it's always the weakest who go to the wall ce sont toujours les plus faibles qui trinquent;
    pejorative the weaker sex le sexe faible
    (b) (morally, mentally) mou (molle), faible;
    he's far too weak to be a leader il est beaucoup trop mou pour être un meneur;
    in a weak moment dans un moment de faiblesse;
    to be weak in the head être faible d'esprit
    (c) (feeble → argument, excuse) faible, peu convaincant; (→ army, government, institution) faible, impuissant; (→ structure) fragile, peu solide; (→ light, signal, currency, economy) faible; (market) en baisse, baissier;
    she managed a weak smile elle a réussi à sourire faiblement;
    she answered in a weak voice elle répondit d'une voix faible;
    to have a weak hand (in cards) avoir des cartes faibles;
    he's the weak or weakest link (in the chain) c'est lui le maillon faible de la chaîne
    (d) (deficient, poor → pupil, subject) faible;
    I'm weak in geography, geography is my weak subject je suis faible en géographie;
    she's rather weak on discipline elle est plutôt laxiste
    (e) (chin) fuyant; (mouth) tombant
    (f) (acid, solution) faible; (drink, tea) léger; Cars & Technology (mixture) pauvre
    (g) Grammar & Linguistics (verb) faible, régulier; (syllable) faible, inaccentué
    the weak les faibles mpl

    Un panorama unique de l'anglais et du français > weak

  • 59 Ayre, Sir Amos Lowrey

    SUBJECT AREA: Ports and shipping
    [br]
    b. 23 July 1885 South Shields, England
    d. 13 January 1952 London, England
    [br]
    English shipbuilder and pioneer of the inter-war "economy" freighters; Chairman of the Shipbuilding Conference.
    [br]
    Amos Ayre grew up on the Tyne with the stimulus of shipbuilding and seafaring around him. After an apprenticeship as a ship draughtsman and distinction in his studies, he held responsible posts in the shipyards of Belfast and later Dublin. His first dramatic move came in 1909 when he accepted the post of Manager of the new Employment Exchange at Govan, then just outside Glasgow. During the First World War he was in charge of fleet coaling operations on the River Forth, and later was promoted Admiralty District Director for shipyard labour in Scotland.
    Before the conclusion of hostilities, with his brother Wilfrid (later Sir Wilfrid Ayre) he founded the Burntisland Shipbuilding Company in Fife. Setting up on a green field site allowed the brothers to show innovation in design, production and marketing. Such was their success that the new yard was busy throughout the Depression, building standard ships which incorporated low operating costs with simplicity of construction.
    Through public service culminating in the 1929 Safety of Life at Sea Conference, Amos Ayre became recognized not only as an eminent naval architect, but also as a skilled negotiator. In 1936 he was invited to become Chairman of the Shipbuilding Conference and thereby virtual leader of the industry. As war approached he planned with meticulous care the rearrangement of national shipbuilding capacity, enabling Britain to produce standard hulls ranging from the legendary TID tugs to the standard freighters built in Sunderland or Port Glasgow. In 1939 he became Director of Merchant Shipbuilding, a position he held until 1944, when with typical foresight he asked to be released to plan for shipbuilding's return to normality.
    [br]
    Principal Honours and Distinctions
    Knighted 1937. KBE 1943. Officer of the Order of Orange-Nassau.
    Bibliography
    1919, "The theory and design of British shipbuilding", The Syren and Shipping, London.
    Further Reading
    Wilfrid Ayre, 1968, A Shipbuilders Yesterdays, Fife (published privately). James Reid, 1964, James Lithgow, Master of Work, London.
    Maurice E.Denny, 1955, "The man and his work" (First Amos Ayre Lecture), Transactions of the Institution of Naval Architects vol. 97.
    FMW

    Biographical history of technology > Ayre, Sir Amos Lowrey

  • 60 Cayley, Sir George

    SUBJECT AREA: Aerospace
    [br]
    b. 27 December 1773 Scarborough, England
    d. 15 December 1857 Brompton Hall, Yorkshire, England
    [br]
    English pioneer who laid down the basic principles of the aeroplane in 1799 and built a manned glider in 1853.
    [br]
    Cayley was born into a well-to-do Yorkshire family living at Brompton Hall. He was encouraged to study mathematics, navigation and mechanics, particularly by his mother. In 1792 he succeeded to the baronetcy and took over the daunting task of revitalizing the run-down family estate.
    The first aeronautical device made by Cayley was a copy of the toy helicopter invented by the Frenchmen Launoy and Bienvenu in 1784. Cayley's version, made in 1796, convinced him that a machine could "rise in the air by mechanical means", as he later wrote. He studied the aerodynamics of flight and broke away from the unsuccessful ornithopters of his predecessors. In 1799 he scratched two sketches on a silver disc: one side of the disc showed the aerodynamic force on a wing resolved into lift and drag, and on the other side he illustrated his idea for a fixed-wing aeroplane; this disc is preserved in the Science Museum in London. In 1804 he tested a small wing on the end of a whirling arm to measure its lifting power. This led to the world's first model glider, which consisted of a simple kite (the wing) mounted on a pole with an adjustable cruciform tail. A full-size glider followed in 1809 and this flew successfully unmanned. By 1809 Cayley had also investigated the lifting properties of cambered wings and produced a low-drag aerofoil section. His aim was to produce a powered aeroplane, but no suitable engines were available. Steam-engines were too heavy, but he experimented with a gunpowder motor and invented the hot-air engine in 1807. He published details of some of his aeronautical researches in 1809–10 and in 1816 he wrote a paper on airships. Then for a period of some twenty-five years he was so busy with other activities that he largely neglected his aeronautical researches. It was not until 1843, at the age of 70, that he really had time to pursue his quest for flight. The Mechanics' Magazine of 8 April 1843 published drawings of "Sir George Cayley's Aerial Carriage", which consisted of a helicopter design with four circular lifting rotors—which could be adjusted to become wings—and two pusher propellers. In 1849 he built a full-size triplane glider which lifted a boy off the ground for a brief hop. Then in 1852 he proposed a monoplane glider which could be launched from a balloon. Late in 1853 Cayley built his "new flyer", another monoplane glider, which carried his coachman as a reluctant passenger across a dale at Brompton, Cayley became involved in public affairs and was MP for Scarborough in 1832. He also took a leading part in local scientific activities and was co-founder of the British Association for the Advancement of Science in 1831 and of the Regent Street Polytechnic Institution in 1838.
    [br]
    Bibliography
    Cayley wrote a number of articles and papers, the most significant being "On aerial navigation", Nicholson's Journal of Natural Philosophy (November 1809—March 1810) (published in three numbers); and two further papers with the same title in Philosophical Magazine (1816 and 1817) (both describe semi-rigid airships).
    Further Reading
    L.Pritchard, 1961, Sir George Cayley, London (the standard work on the life of Cayley).
    C.H.Gibbs-Smith, 1962, Sir George Cayley's Aeronautics 1796–1855, London (covers his aeronautical achievements in more detail).
    —1974, "Sir George Cayley, father of aerial navigation (1773–1857)", Aeronautical Journal (Royal Aeronautical Society) (April) (an updating paper).
    JDS

    Biographical history of technology > Cayley, Sir George

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