Перевод: со словенского на английский

с английского на словенский

while+as

  • 1 cě̄và

    cě̄và Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `shin-bone, tube, bobbin, spool'
    Page in Trubačev: III 190-191
    Russian:
    cévka `bobbin, spool, (esp. hollow) bone, (dial.) shin-bone' [f ā];
    kévka (Arx., Psk.) `bobbin, spool, (esp. hollow) bone, (dial.) shin-bone' [f ā] \{1\}
    Czech:
    céva `vein' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    cěva `tube, spool' [f ā];
    cieva `tube, spool' [f ā];
    cievka `small tube' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    cieva `tube, vein' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    cywa `spool, reed' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    Čak. cȋva (Vrgada) `bobbin, spool' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    cẹ̑vka `bobbin, spool' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: koi-u-aʔ; ḱoi-u-aʔ
    Lithuanian:
    šaivà `spool' [f ā] 4;
    šeivà `spool, forearm, shin(-bone)' [f ā] 2/4
    Latvian:
    saĩva `bobbin' [f ā];
    saĩve `bobbin' [f ē] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: koi-u-
    Page in Pokorny: 919-920
    Comments: Apparently, the Baltic evidence points to *ḱ-, while Slavic hapoints to *k, while *c- < *k- as a result of the second palatalization. The plain velar must have originated in root variants with an s mobile.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. aṣṭhīvá(nt)- `shin'
    \{3\};
    Est. kääv `spool';
    OHG scina `shin' [f];
    OE scīa `shin'
    Notes:
    \{1\} North Russian attestations of this root showing initial k- are presented in Nikolaev 1988: 142-143. \{2\} Much better attested are sàiva2, saîva2, sàive2 and saîve2. \{3\} This may be a compound containing ast- and cīu̯a- (see Lubotsky 2002).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > cě̄và

  • 2 čeprav

    although, even, though, while

    Slovenian-english dictionary > čeprav

  • 3 medtem ko

    whereas, while

    Slovenian-english dictionary > medtem ko

  • 4 aviti

    aviti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `show'
    Page in Trubačev: I 94-95
    Old Church Slavic:
    javiti `show, reveal' [verb];
    aviti `show, reveal' [verb]
    Russian:
    javít' `show, display' [verb], javljú [1sg], jávit [3sg]
    Czech:
    jeviti `show' [verb]
    Polish:
    jawić (obs.) `show' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jáviti `inform' [verb], jȃvīm [1sg];
    Čak. jå̑vȉti (Vrgada) `inform?' [verb], jå̃viš [2sg];
    Čak. jāvȉt (Vrgada) `(se) greet, answer' [verb], jãve [3sg]
    Slovene:
    jáviti `announce' [verb], jávim [1sg]
    Lithuanian:
    ovytis `appear' [verb], ovijasi [3sg] \{1\}
    Page in Pokorny: 78
    Notes:
    \{1\} Lith. (arch.) ovytis `appear' derives from the i-stem which must underlie ovyje `in reality'. Fraenkel (I: 519) claims that ovytis `appear; rage' and Latv. âvîtiês `talk nonsense, get up to mischief' are inherited words cognate with óvaidas (< *avi-vaidas) `rowdy, braggart', while Lith. jė́vaidas (< *jeva-vaidas) `ghost' and Latv. jàvîtiês or jâvîtiês `to behave like an idiot' are borrowings from Slavic (see also Anikin: 22). I am not convinced that this solution, which seems to rely exclusively on the presence or absence of j-, is correct. Moreover, it is not obvious that ovytis `appear' and ovytis (also jõvytis) `rage' are cognates. It seems quite possible that Lith. óvaidas must be connected with Ukr. (dial.) jávida `devil', Ru. (dial.) jávidь `snake'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > aviti

  • 5 čitati

    čitati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `read, count'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 123
    Russian:
    čitát' `read' [verb], čitáju [1sg]
    Czech:
    čítati `read, count, suppose' [verb]
    Slovak:
    čítat' `read' [verb]
    Polish:
    czytać `read' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    čìtati `read' [verb], čìtām [1sg];
    Čak. čȉtati (Vrgada) `read' [verb], čȉtå̄š [2sg];
    Čak. čȉtat (Orbanići) `read' [verb], čȉtan [1sg] \{1\}
    Slovene:
    čítati `read' [verb], čítam [1sg]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)keit-; (s)koit-
    Lithuanian:
    skaitýti `read, count' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: (s)kweit-; (s)kwoit-
    Page in Pokorny: 637
    Other cognates:
    Skt. cétati `perceive, take notice of' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Orbanići, čȉtat is on the verge of ousting štȅt, 1sg. štȅn, while in Vrgada the native verb is štȉti, 1sg. štȉjen. In Novi, we find štȁt, 1sg. štén, 2sg. štȅš. These forms seem to point to *čьtěti / * čьtati, 1sg. *čьtǫ, cf. Sln. čtẹ́ti `read', štẹ́ti `count'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čitati

  • 6 drebà

    drobà II; drobìna II; drebà Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sediment, brewer's yeast, dregs, entrails'
    Page in Trubačev: V 105, 117, 118-119
    Russian:
    drobá (dial.) `sediment, brewer's yeast, dregs' [f ā];
    drobína (dial.) `sediment, brewer's yeast, dregs' [f ā];
    drebá (dial.) `sediment, brewer's yeast, dregs' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dróba (RSA) `entrails' [f ā];
    dròbina (Vuk) `entrails, tripe' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    drabnà (dial.) `sleet, dough, mud' [f ā] 4
    Latvian:
    drabenes `sediment of malt after brewing process' [f ē]
    Comments: Unlike the ESSJa, I have separated *drobà II `sediment, dregs, entrails' from *drobà I `crumb, small fry, small livestock', etc. It can be argued that the meanings `dregs' and `crumbs' may be covered by the designation `remnants', but for the root of drobà I the notion `small, fine' seems essential, while drobà II is about thick, weak masses. We may reconstruct a European root * dʰrabʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. draf `lees, yeast' [n];
    Nw. drav `sediment of malt after brewing process' [n];
    OHG trebir `pig's swill' [Nompm];
    MoDu. draf `pig's swill'
    ;
    MoIr. draoib `mud, mire' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > drebà

  • 7 dužь

    dužь Grammatical information: adj. jo Proto-Slavic meaning: `strong'
    Page in Trubačev: V 167-168
    Russian:
    djúžij `sturdy, hefty, robust, healthy' [adj jo];
    dúžij (dial.) `strong, healthy' [adj jo]
    Old Russian:
    djúžij `strong' [adj jo]
    Belorussian:
    dúžy `strong, vigorous' [adj jo]
    Ukrainian:
    dúžyj `strong, healthy' [adj jo]
    Czech:
    duží (rare) `firm, strong' [adj jo]
    Slovak:
    dúži `strong, big, healthy' [adj jo]
    Polish:
    duży `big, (16th-18th c., dial. ) strong' [adj jo];
    dużo `much, many, (16th-18th c.) very' [adv] \{1\}
    Lithuanian:
    daũg `much, many' [adv];
    daugi (OLith.) `much, many' [adv] ;
    daũgia (dial.) `much, many' [adv]
    Latvian:
    daũdz(i) `much, many' [adv]
    Comments: If the Polish forms are "Ruthenianisms", there is no objection against positing a root containing a nasal, cf. dęga, dęglъ(jь)i, nedǫgъ. On the other hand, the parallellism between Pl. dużo and Lith. daũgia is suggestive. Possibly, the roots *dǫg- and *dug- were confused (cf. Shevelov 1964: 321-322, ESSJa 25: 126). The latter root may reflect *dʰougʰ-, cf. Go. daug `is useful'.
    Notes:
    \{1\} According to Bańkowski (II: 312), duży `strong' and dużo (duże) `very', which are attested since the 16th century, originate from Ukrainian. Duży `big' is recorded sporadically from 1600 onwards and more frequently since the 18th century, while dużo `much, many' occurs only since the 18th century.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dužь

  • 8 dyra

    dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 205
    Russian:
    dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    dyrja `hole' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    dară `hole, prison' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-
    Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dyra

  • 9 dyr'a

    dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 205
    Russian:
    dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    dyrja `hole' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    dară `hole, prison' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-
    Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dyr'a

  • 10 esetь

    esetь Grammatical information: f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `rack for drying grain'
    Page in Trubačev: -
    Russian:
    osét' `granary, rack for drying grain' [f i]
    Belorussian:
    (v)ósec' (W.), aséc' (W.) `granary, drying shed' [f i];
    osëtka (dial.) `granary', asëtka (dial.) `spot in granary for drying sheafs' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    ósit' (dial.) `granary' [f i]
    Polish:
    jesieć (dial.) `grain sieve' [f i];
    osieć (E. dial.) `granary' [f i];
    jesiótka (dial.) `grain sieve' [f ā];
    osiótka (W dial.) `granary' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: eś-et-i-
    Lithuanian:
    akė́čios `harrow' [Nompf ā] 1;
    ekė́čios (dial.) `harrow' [Nompf ā] 1 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    ecê(k)šas `harrow' [Nompf ā]
    Old Prussian:
    aketes `harrow'
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂oḱ-et-i-
    IE meaning: harrow
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: This is another case where we find Balto-Slavic evidence for *e- corresponding to *a- or *o- in other branches of Indo-European (Rozwadowski's change). Toporov regards the k of the Baltic forms as evidence for a western technological borrowing (I: 67). Since the Baltic and Germanic forms mean exactly the same, while the Slavic forms are semantically more remote, this is a serious option.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ὀξίνα (Hes.) `an agricultural implement with iron teeth, drawn by oxen' [f];
    Lat. occa `harrow' [f];
    OHG egida `harrow' [f];
    OE eg(e)ʮe `harrow' [f];
    OW ocet `harrow' [f];
    Fi. äës `harrow'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Standard Lithuanian form with a- may stem from the territory where the development e- > a- occurred. In any case, the attestations of the form with e- (see the LKŽ, s.v.) indicate that there are Lithuanian forms completely matching Latv. ecêšas.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > esetь

  • 11 glabati

    glabati Grammatical information: v.
    Page in Trubačev: VI 114
    Belorussian:
    glabac' `rake together, gather, rob' [verb] \{1\}
    Polish:
    gɫabać (dial.) `seize, rake together, appropriate' [verb] \{1\}
    Serbo-Croatian:
    glȁbati `gnaw' [verb]
    Bulgarian:
    glábam `eat while picking out the best bits' [verb]
    Comments: The Belorussian and Polish forms are apparently alterations of *grab-.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > glabati

  • 12 kasati

    kasati Grammatical information: v.
    Page in Trubačev: IX 155-156
    Old Church Slavic:
    kasati sę `touch' [verb], kasajǫ sę [1sg]
    Russian:
    kasát'sja `touch' [verb]
    Czech:
    kasati `roll, roll up' [verb]
    Polish:
    kasać (obs., dial.) `grab, aspire, climb, prepare' [verb]
    Old Polish:
    kasać `fold back, tuck up' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    kȁsati `trot, walk hastily' [verb]
    Slovene:
    kasati `go while shaking one's head (horses)' [verb], kasam [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    kasáe se `concerns' [verb]
    Lithuanian:
    kasýti `scratch constantly' [verb]
    Latvian:
    kasît `plane, rake, scratch' [verb]
    Page in Pokorny: 585

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > kasati

  • 13 majati

    majati; mavati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `wave, beckon'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 133-135, XVIII 21-22
    Old Church Slavic:
    namaiaaxǫ (Supr.) `beckoned' [3pl ipf]
    Church Slavic:
    pomavati (RuCS) `give a signal with one's hand or head' [verb]
    Russian:
    májat' `exhaust, harass' [verb];
    mavat' (dial.) `wave' [verb]
    Old Russian:
    majati `beckon, agitate, vibrate' [verb];
    pomavati `give a signal with one's hand or head' [verb]
    Czech:
    mávati `wave' [verb]
    Slovak:
    mávat' `wave' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    mawaś `wave, rock' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁjati `beckon, keep, detain' [verb]
    Slovene:
    májati `move about, shake' [verb], májam [1sg], májem [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    mája `dawdle, detain' [verb]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: maH-
    Lithuanian:
    móti `beckon' [verb]
    Latvian:
    mãt `beckon' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂-
    IE meaning: beckon
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: It is clear that *majati and *mavati continue one and the same verb, j and v being "Hiatustilger". While majati `to beckon' cannot be separated from Lith. móti, Latv. mãt `id.', majati `to detain, to tire, to exhaust' has been linked to Germanic forms like OHG muoan and Go. afmauiʮs (cf. Stang 1972: 35). The respective roots in Pokorny are mā- (693) and mō- (746). If we assume that *majati indeed continues *meh₂- as well as *meh₃- (LIV: 382), we have to settle for semantic arguments. Since it is also possible to argue on semantic grounds that *majati ultimately continues *meh₂- `to beckon' only (Trubačëv XVII 134), it is to a certain extent a matter of choice which solution one prefers.
    Other cognates:
    Go. afmauiʮs `tired' [ppp];
    OHG muoan `alarm, worry' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > majati

  • 14 mavati

    majati; mavati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `wave, beckon'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 133-135, XVIII 21-22
    Old Church Slavic:
    namaiaaxǫ (Supr.) `beckoned' [3pl ipf]
    Church Slavic:
    pomavati (RuCS) `give a signal with one's hand or head' [verb]
    Russian:
    májat' `exhaust, harass' [verb];
    mavat' (dial.) `wave' [verb]
    Old Russian:
    majati `beckon, agitate, vibrate' [verb];
    pomavati `give a signal with one's hand or head' [verb]
    Czech:
    mávati `wave' [verb]
    Slovak:
    mávat' `wave' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    mawaś `wave, rock' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁjati `beckon, keep, detain' [verb]
    Slovene:
    májati `move about, shake' [verb], májam [1sg], májem [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    mája `dawdle, detain' [verb]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: maH-
    Lithuanian:
    móti `beckon' [verb]
    Latvian:
    mãt `beckon' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂-
    IE meaning: beckon
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: It is clear that *majati and *mavati continue one and the same verb, j and v being "Hiatustilger". While majati `to beckon' cannot be separated from Lith. móti, Latv. mãt `id.', majati `to detain, to tire, to exhaust' has been linked to Germanic forms like OHG muoan and Go. afmauiʮs (cf. Stang 1972: 35). The respective roots in Pokorny are mā- (693) and mō- (746). If we assume that *majati indeed continues *meh₂- as well as *meh₃- (LIV: 382), we have to settle for semantic arguments. Since it is also possible to argue on semantic grounds that *majati ultimately continues *meh₂- `to beckon' only (Trubačëv XVII 134), it is to a certain extent a matter of choice which solution one prefers.
    Other cognates:
    Go. afmauiʮs `tired' [ppp];
    OHG muoan `alarm, worry' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mavati

  • 15 màlъ

    màlъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `small, little'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 173-178
    Old Church Slavic:
    malъ `small, little' [adj o]
    Russian:
    mályj `small, little' [adj o]
    Czech:
    malý `small, little' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    malý `small, little' [adj o]
    Polish:
    maɫy `small, little' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁo `small, little' [adj o];
    Čak. må̃lī (Vrgada) `small, little' [adj o];
    Čak. mȃli (Orbanići) `small, little' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    mȃli `small, little' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    mal (BTR) `small, little' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: moh₁-lo-
    Page in Pokorny: 724
    Comments: The question is whether *màlъ can be linked to PIE *melH-, as has been advocated by Varbot, for instance (1972: 63). In view of the acute root vowel, I consider this unlikely: we would have to posit a lengthened grade root of which the acute intonation is analogical after forms with full or zero grade. Thus, I prefer to reconstruct a root *mH₁-, which in the etymon under discussion is followed by an l-suffix (cf. Vaillant IV, 545, where the root is assumed to be identical with the root of Ru. majat', which I reconstruct as *meH₂-). The Germanic forms would have s mobile and zero grade of the root. Notice that Pokorny classifies CS mělъkъ under 1. mel-, melǝ- `zermalmen, schlagen, mahlen etc.', while OCS malъ can be found under mēlo-, smēlo- `kleines Tier'.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. μη̃λον `small cattle, goat, sheep' [n] \{1\};
    OIr. míl `(small) `animal';
    Go. smals `small, insignificant'
    ;
    OIc. smali `small (live) `stock, sheep'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Doric form also has η.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > màlъ

  • 16 mamiti

    mamiti; maniti \{1\} Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `deceive'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 189-190, 197-199
    Church Slavic:
    mamiti `deceive' [verb];
    maniti `deceive' [verb]
    Russian:
    manít' `beckon, attract, lure;
    (dial.) `deceive, lie, linger, loiter' [verb], manjú [1sg], manít [3sg]
    Czech:
    mámiti `stun, deceive, seduce' [verb]
    Slovak:
    mamit' `stun, deceive' [verb]
    Polish:
    mamić `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb];
    manić (dial.) `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb]
    Slovincian:
    mańic `attract, lure, deceive' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    mamiś `deceive, enchant' [verb];
    maniś `deceive, enchant' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mámiti `attract, lure, seduce' [verb];
    Čak. m̊āmȉti (Vrgada) `attract, lure, seduce' [verb];
    mániti (dial.) `lure' [verb]
    Slovene:
    mámiti `stun, deceive, seduce, fool' [verb], mȃmim [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    mámja `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb];
    mánja (dial.) `deceive' [verb]
    Lithuanian:
    mõnyti `practise sorcery' [verb] \{1\}
    Latvian:
    mãnît `mislead, deceive
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂m-iH-
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: According to Van Wijk (1934: 73), *mamiti is the original denominative verb, while *maniti arose through dissimilation, which was probably favoured by the existence of *manǫti. Van Wijk's hypothesis is supported by the fact that there is more a less a geographical distribution. The form *mamiti occurs in West and South Slavic, whereas *maniti occurs in East Slavic and in certain West and South Slavic regions.
    Notes:
    \{1\} I consider both the Latvian and the Lithuanian forms to be borrowings from Slavic. Endzelīns is inclined to regard Latv. mãnît as an inherited word.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mamiti

  • 17 maniti

    mamiti; maniti \{1\} Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `deceive'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 189-190, 197-199
    Church Slavic:
    mamiti `deceive' [verb];
    maniti `deceive' [verb]
    Russian:
    manít' `beckon, attract, lure;
    (dial.) `deceive, lie, linger, loiter' [verb], manjú [1sg], manít [3sg]
    Czech:
    mámiti `stun, deceive, seduce' [verb]
    Slovak:
    mamit' `stun, deceive' [verb]
    Polish:
    mamić `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb];
    manić (dial.) `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb]
    Slovincian:
    mańic `attract, lure, deceive' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    mamiś `deceive, enchant' [verb];
    maniś `deceive, enchant' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mámiti `attract, lure, seduce' [verb];
    Čak. m̊āmȉti (Vrgada) `attract, lure, seduce' [verb];
    mániti (dial.) `lure' [verb]
    Slovene:
    mámiti `stun, deceive, seduce, fool' [verb], mȃmim [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    mámja `deceive, seduce, lead astray' [verb];
    mánja (dial.) `deceive' [verb]
    Lithuanian:
    mõnyti `practise sorcery' [verb] \{1\}
    Latvian:
    mãnît `mislead, deceive
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂m-iH-
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: According to Van Wijk (1934: 73), *mamiti is the original denominative verb, while *maniti arose through dissimilation, which was probably favoured by the existence of *manǫti. Van Wijk's hypothesis is supported by the fact that there is more a less a geographical distribution. The form *mamiti occurs in West and South Slavic, whereas *maniti occurs in East Slavic and in certain West and South Slavic regions.
    Notes:
    \{1\} I consider both the Latvian and the Lithuanian forms to be borrowings from Slavic. Endzelīns is inclined to regard Latv. mãnît as an inherited word.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > maniti

  • 18 matorъ

    matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 244-249
    Church Slavic:
    matorъ `old' [adj o]
    Russian:
    matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];
    materój `full-grown' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    matǫ́r `old' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-
    IE meaning: mother
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. mātūrus `ripe, mature, premature' [adj];
    Lat. mānus `good' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > matorъ

  • 19 materъ

    matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 244-249
    Church Slavic:
    matorъ `old' [adj o]
    Russian:
    matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];
    materój `full-grown' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    matǫ́r `old' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-
    IE meaning: mother
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. mātūrus `ripe, mature, premature' [adj];
    Lat. mānus `good' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > materъ

  • 20 olbǭdь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olbǭdь

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