the+church+of+god+in+christ

βασιλεία, ας, ἡ (Heraclit. Fgm. 52; Hdt.+) a term relating to royal administration

① the act of ruling

ⓐ gener. kingship, royal power, royal rule (1 Km 15:28; 20:31; Sir 10:8; Jdth 1:1; Esth 3:6; 1 Macc 1:16 al. LXX; En 98:2; TestJob 33:9; Just., Tat., Ath.; οὐ βασιλείαν ἀλλὰ τυράνιδα Mel., P. 49, 354; Orig.) λαβεῖν ἑαυτῷ βασιλείαν obtain royal power (for oneself) Lk 19:12, 15; without dat. Rv 17:12 (cp. Jos., Ant. 13, 220); δοῦναί τινι τὴν β. vs. 17; ἔχειν β. ἐπί τινων vs. 18; ἐποίησεν ἡμᾶς βασιλείαν he gave us royal jurisdiction 1:6; cp. 5:10; royal rule Lk 1:33; 22:29; 23:42 v.l. (ἐν τῇ β. σου in your royal power); Ac 1:6; Hb 1:8 (Ps 44:7); 1 Cor 15:24 (παραδιδόναι as Diod S 1, 43, 6); B 4:4 (Da 7:24). Ps 95:10 (Justin, A I, 41, 4, D. 73: ὁ κύριος ἐβασίλευσεν ἀπὸ τ. ξύλου) is the basis for β. Ἰησοῦ ἐπὶ ξύλου the rule of Jesus on the cross B 8:5 (s. Windisch, Hdb. ad loc.).—Hb 11:33; 1 Cl 61:1.

ⓑ esp. of God’s rule the royal reign of God (usually rendered ‘kingdom of God’, and oft. understood as royal realm but with dilution of the primary component of reigning activity), a chiefly eschatological concept, beginning to appear in the prophets, elaborated in apocalyptic passages (Mi 4:7f; Ps 102:19; 144:11–13; Wsd 6:4; 10:10; Da 3:54; 4:3; cp. SibOr 3:47f.—Diod S 5, 71, 1 Zeus takes over the βασιλεία from Cronus; Sextus 311 κοινωνεῖ βασιλείας θεοῦ σοφὸς ἀνήρ) and taught by Jesus. The expressions vary; β. τοῦ θεοῦ and τῶν οὐρανῶν have essentially the same mng., since Israelites used οὐρανός (-οί) as well as other circumlocutions for θεός (cp. Mt 19:23f; s. Bousset, Rel.³ 314f); the latter term may also emphasize the heavenly origin and nature of the reign.—Dalman, Worte 75–119; JWeiss, D. Predigt Jesu v. Reiche Gottes² 1900, 1–35; ESellin, D. isr.-jüd. Heilandserwartung 1909, D. alt. Prophetismus 1912, 136ff; BDuhm, D. kommende RG 1910; SMowinckel, Psalmenstudien II 1922, 146ff; LDürr, Ursprung u. Ausbau d. isr. Heilandserwartung 1925; Bousset, Rel³ 1926, 213ff; AvGall, βασιλεία τ. θεοῦ 1926; JWissing, Het begrip van het Koningrijk Gods, diss., Leiden 1927; HGressmann, Der Messias 1929; MBuber, Königtum Gottes ’32; PVolz, D. Eschatologie der jüd. Gemeinde im ntl. Zeitalter ’34; Ltzm., D. Weltheiland 1909; TManson, The Teaching of Jesus ’55, 116–284; SAalen, NTS 8, ’61/62, 215–40 (‘house’ or ‘community’ of God); GLadd, JBL 81, ’62, 230–38 (‘realm’); FNötscher, Vom A. zum NT ’62, 226–30 (ethical).

α. β. τῶν οὐρανῶν mostly in Mt: 3:2; 4:17; 5:3, 10, 19f al.; otherw. (Did., Gen. 52, 11; 60, 28) J 3:5 v.l.; AcPl Ha 8, 31.

β. β. τοῦ θεοῦ (cp. Orig., C. Cels. 3, 40, 21) Mt 6:33; 12:28; 21:31, 43; Mk 1:15; 4:11, 26, 30 al.; Lk 4:43; 6:20; 7:28; 8:1 al.; Ac 1:3; 8:12; 14:22; 19:8; 28:23, 31; J 3:3, 5; Ro 14:17 (defined as δικαιοσύνη, εἰρήνη, χαρά); 1 Cor 4:20 al.; Ox 1 verso, 7f; Dg 9:1; B 21:1; Pol 2:3; β. θεοῦ 1 Cor 6:10, cp. 9; 15:50; Gal 5:21; Pol 5:3; β. τοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ θεοῦ Eph 5:5; τοῦ Χριστοῦ 1 Cl 50:3.

γ. β. τοῦ πατρός Mt 13:43; 26:29.

δ. β. αὐτοῦ (=τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου) Mt 13:41; Lk 24:26 v.l.; cp. Col 1:13.

ε. β. τοῦ πατρὸς ἡμῶν Δαυίδ Mk 11:10, since the Davidic kgdm. is to be reestablished under the Son of David, the Messiah (cp. Is 9:5f; Jer 23:5f).

ζ. ἡ β. τοῦ κυρίου B 4:13; ἡ β. αὐτοῦ (=κυρίου) ἡ ἐπουράνιος 2 Ti 4:18; EpilMosq 5; ἡ οὐράνιος β. MPol 22:3; ἡ ἐν οὐρανῷ β. Dg 10:2.

η. αἰώνιος β. τοῦ κυρίου (cp. Da 4:3; Just.; CIG II, 2715a, 3 ἐπὶ τῆς τῶν κυρίων Ῥωμαίων αἰωνίου ἀρχῆς, Dssm., B 277f) 2 Pt 1:11; cp. MPol 20:2.—The greatest blessings conceivable are found in the β. Mt 13:44f. The foll. expr. refer to obtaining it = participate in its benefits: ἅψασθαι τῆς β. B 7:11; δέχεσθαι Mk 10:15; διδόναι Lk 12:32; εἰσέρχεσθαι εἰς τὴν β. Mt 5:20; 7:21; 18:3; 19:23; Mk 10:23ff; Lk 24:26 P⁷⁵ (first hand); J 3:5; Ac 14:22; Hs 9, 12, 3f (HWindisch, D. Sprüche v. Eingehen in d. Reich Gs: ZNW 27, 1928, 163–92); εἰσήκειν εἰς τὴν β. 2 Cl 11:7; ἔρχεσθαι εἰς τὴν β. 9:6; ἑτοιμάζειν Mt 25:34; εὔθετον εἶναι τῇ β. Lk 9:62; εὑρεθῆναι εἰς τὴν β. Hs 9, 13, 2; ζητεῖν Mt 6:33; Lk 12:31; καταξιοῦσθαι τῆς β. 2 Th 1:5; κατοικεῖν ἐν τῇ β. Hs 9, 29, 2; κληρονομεῖν Mt 25:34; 1 Cor 6:9f; 15:50; IPhld 3:3; cp. κληρονόμος τῆς β. Js 2:5; μαθητεύεσθαι τῇ β. Mt 13:52; μεθιστάναι εἰς τὴν β. Col 1:13; φθάνει ἡ β. ἐπί τινα Lk 11:20. The phrase ὁρᾶν τὴν β. see the kgdm.=‘realize the fulfillment of God’s promises to Israel’ occurs Mk 9:1; Lk 9:27; J 3:3; Hs 9, 15, 3. The mysteries of the kgdm. can be revealed to those for whom they are intended Mt 13:11; Mk 4:11; διαγγέλλειν Lk 9:60; διαμαρτυρεῖσθαι Ac 28:23; κηρύσσειν καὶ εὐαγγελίζεσθαι Lk 8:1; sim. 16:16; cp. κηρύσσειν τὸ εὐαγγέλιον τῆς β. Mt 4:23; 9:35; 24:14; κηρύσσειν τὴν β. Lk 9:2; Ac 28:31; λαλεῖν περὶ τῆς β. Lk 9:11. Keep fr. entering: κλείειν Mt 23:13; cp. κλεῖδες τῆς β. 16:19 (s. κλεῖς 1); αἴρειν ἀπό τινος 21:43.—Spoken of as present Mt 12:28; Lk 11:20, perh. also 17:20f (see s.v. ἐντός). Viewed as future, but close at hand ἤγγικεν ἡ β. Mt 3:2; 10:7; Mk 1:15; Lk 10:9, 11; perh. Mk 1:15; ἐγγύς ἐστιν Lk 21:31; ἔρχεται Mt 6:10; Mk 11:10; Lk 11:2; 17:20; μέλλει ἀναφαίνεσθαι 19:11; προσδέχεσθαι τὴν β. Mk 15:43; ἐκδέχεσθαι τὴν β. 2 Cl 12:1; μέλλει ἔρχεσθαι 1 Cl 42:3; ἡ μέλλουσα β. 2 Cl 5:5; ἥξει ἡ β. 12:2. Conceived of as a banquet (Billerb. IV 1154ff): ἀνακλιθῆναι ἐν τῇ β. Mt 8:11; sim. 26:29; Mk 14:25; Lk 13:28f; 22:16, 18, 30; cp. the parables 14:15ff; Mt 22:2ff. Participants in it are called υἱοὶ τῆς β. Mt 8:12 (of mere external connection); 13:38. Prerequisite for participation is μετάνοια Mt 4:17; Mk 1:15; the willingness to become like children Mt 18:3f; 19:14; Mk 10:14f; Lk 18:16f. Only uprightness will inherit the β. Mt 5:20. Degrees and grades 5:19; 18:1, 4. The prosperous have difficulty entering 19:23f; Mk 10:23–25; Lk 18:24f (cp. vs. 29), those who persist in sin have no prospects at all Mt 13:24ff, 36ff, 47ff.—Paul thinks of the β. as someth. that effects changes in pers. resulting in righteousness, peace (w. God) and joy Ro 14:17. It manifests itself in deeds, not in words 1 Cor 4:20. Those committed to sin will not inherit it 6:9f; Gal 5:21; Eph 5:5 (cp. 2 Cl 9:6); the latter passages show that for Paul the kgdm. is essentially future, since Christians await the complete victory of the spirit over the flesh. Cp. also 2 Ti 4:1. Flesh and blood will not inherit it, i.e. bodies under the direction of the spirit of Christ are required for entrance 1 Cor 15:50 (JJeremias, NTS 2, ’56, 151–59). None other than God calls people into it 1 Th 2:12.—HJWesterink, Het Koninkrijk Gods bij Pls ’37.—The most important lit. to 1931 in PFeine, Theol. d. NTs⁷ ’36, 73. Additional lit.: GGloege, Reich Gs u. Kirche im NT 1929; RFrick, D. Gesch. des R.-Gs-Gedankens in d. alten Kirche 1929; EScott, The Kgdm. of God in the NT ’31; H-DWendland, Reichsidee u. Gottesreich ’34; ROtto, Reich Gottes u. Menschensohn ’34 (Eng. tr., The Kgdm. of God and the Son of Man, tr. Filson and Woolf, ’43 and ’51); TW I 562–95; WKümmel, D. Eschatologie der Evangelien ’36, Verheissg. u. Erfüllg. ’45 and ’53; JHéring, Le Royaume de Dieu et sa Venue (Jesus, Paul) ’38 and ’59; JTheissing, D. Lehre Jesu v. d. ew. Seligkeit ’40; FGrant, The Gospel of the Kgdm. ’40; JWellhagen, Anden och Riket ’41 (Lk); WMichaelis, D. Herr verzieht nicht d. Verheissung ’42; RLiechtenhan, D. Kommen des RGs nach dem NT ’44; GKnight, From Moses to Paul, ’49, 173–87; WArndt, CTM 21, ’50, 8–29; JBright, The Kgdm. of God: The Biblical Concept and Its Mng. for the Church ’53; RSchnackenburg, Gottes Herrschaft u. Reich,⁴ ’65, tr. JMurray,² ’68; ELadd, Jesus and the Kgdm., ’64; NPerrin, The Kgdm. of God in the Teaching of Jesus, ’66; MWolter, NTS 41, ’95, 541–63 [Lk].—OT background: WSchmidt, Königtum Gottes in Ugarit u. Israel, ’61; KBernhardt, D. Problem der altorientalischen Königs-Ideologie im AT, VetusT Suppl. 8, ’61.—Patristics: GLampe, JTS 49, ’48, 58–73.

② territory ruled by a king, kingdom (Diod S 4, 68, 4; Appian, Mithrid. 105 §496 ἡ βας. ὅλη=the whole kingdom; OGI 383, 25 [I B.C.]; Ps 67:33; 134:11; Bar 2:4; Tob 1:21; 1 Macc 1:6; 3:27; 2 Macc 9:25; 3 Macc 6:24 al. LXX) Mt 12:25f; 24:7; Mk 3:24; 6:23 (Socrat., Ep. 1, 10 τ. βασιλείας μέρος διδόναι); 13:8; Lk 11:17f; 21:10; αἱ β. τοῦ αἰῶνος τούτου IRo 6:1. In the account of the temptation Mt 4:8; Lk 4:5 (in a manner very different from Jesus, Alexander [Diod S 17, 51, 2] asks his father, Zeus Ammon, for τὴν ἁπάσης τῆς γῆς ἀρχήν and finds a hearing).—EDNT. DELG s.v. βασιλεύς. M-M. TW. Spicq. Sv.

οἰκοδομή, ῆς, ἡ (οἶκος, δέμω ‘build’; rejected by the Atticists [Lob., Phryn. 421; 487ff; WSchmid, Der Attizismus III 1893, 248], but found since Aristot., EN 5, 14, 7; Diod S 1, 46, 4; Plut., Lucull. 518 [39, 2]; IG XIV, 645, 146 [Dorian]; OGI 655, 2 [25 B.C.]; PGrenf I, 21, 17 [126 B.C.]; BGU 699, 3; 894, 2; LXX; En; TestSol; Philo, Mos. 1, 224 v.l., Spec. Leg. 1, 73 v.l.; Joseph. [Schmidt 528f]; Just., D. 86, 6).

① process of building, building, construction

ⓐ lit. (2 Ch 3:2 v.l.; Sir 40:19; Jos., Ant. 11, 59; ViHg 1 [p. 87, 18 Sch.]; Jos., Ant. 11, 59; Theoph. Ant. 3, 22 [p. 246, 24]; Did., Gen. 33, 27) ἐτελέσθη ἡ οἰκοδομή the construction was at an end Hs 9, 5, 1a. ἀνοχὴ τῆς οἰκ. a delay in the building ibid. b; 9, 14, 2. Hv 3, 2, 8 prob. belongs in 2a.

ⓑ fig., of spiritual strengthening (s. οἰκοδομέω 3) edifying, edification, building up.

α. act., w. obj. gen. πρὸς τὴν οἰκ. τῆς ἐκκλησίας for the building up of the church 1 Cor 14:12. ὑπὲρ τῆς ὑμῶν οἰκ. 2 Cor 12:19. Abs. πρὸς οἰκοδομήν for edification Ro 15:2; 1 Cor 14:26; cp. Eph 4:29 (Straub 36). Paul has received his authority fr. the Lord εἰς οἰκοδομὴν καὶ οὐκ εἰς καθαίρεσιν 2 Cor 13:10; cp. 10:8. τὰ τῆς οἰκ. τῆς εἰς ἀλλήλους what makes for the edification of each other Ro 14:19. The letters of Ignatius contain πᾶσαν οἰκοδομήν Pol 13:2. Abstr. for concr. ὁ προφητεύων λαλεῖ οἰκοδομήν the one who prophesies speaks words that edify 1 Cor 14:3.

β. pass. οἰκοδομὴν λαβεῖν receive edification, be edified 1 Cor 14:5. εἰς οἰκ. τ. σώματος τ. Χριστοῦ that the body of Christ might be built up Eph 4:12. εἰς οἰκ. ἑαυτοῦ for its own edification vs. 16 (for the grammar cp. TestJob 11:5 εἰς οἰκονομίαν τῶν πτωχῶν).

② a building as result of a construction process, building, edifice

ⓐ lit.; pl., of secular buildings (Diod S 16, 76, 2; 20, 8, 3) Hs 1:1 (w. ἀγροί, παρατάξεις, οἰκήματα); GJs 9:3; 13:1. Esp. of temple buildings (1 Esdr 5:70) εἰς τὴν οἰκ. ἐλπίζειν put one’s hope in the building alone 16:1. Pl. of various buildings in the temple area Mk 13:1f. αἱ οἰκοδομαὶ τοῦ ἱεροῦ Mt 24:1. Esp. freq. in the imagery of the tower in Hermas (v 3; Hs 9). Yet in many pass. mng. 1a is also prob.: ἡ οἰκ. τοῦ πύργου the tower building (or the building of the tower) Hv 3, 2, 6b; 3, 4, 1f; 3, 5, 1b; 3, 12, 3; Hs 9, 1, 2; 9, 3, 3; 9, 4, 2ff; 9, 5, 2; 9, 17, 4 al. τὰ ἐξώτερα μέρη τῆς οἰκ. the outside of the building Hs 9, 9, 3b. Of the stones: εὔχρηστοι εἰς (τὴν) οἰκ. v 3, 5, 5; 3, 6, 1; 6; also εὔχρηστοι τῇ οἰκ. Hs 9, 15, 6. χρήσιμοι εἰς τὴν οἰκ. τοῦ πύργου v 4, 3, 4. ἀπενεχθῆναι εἰς τὴν οἰκ. Hs 9, 8, 3a. ἀπέρχεσθαι εἰς τὴν οἰκ. Hs 9, 5, 3f; 9, 7, 4a; 6f; 9, 10, 2. ἀποβάλλεσθαι ἐκ (ἀπὸ) τῆς οἰκ. Hs 9, 7, 1; 9, 8, 3b; 9, 9, 5. ἀποδοκιμάζειν ἐκ τῆς οἰκ. Hs 9, 12, 7; pass. (without ἐκ) 9, 23, 3; ἁρμόζειν εἰς τὴν οἰκ. v 3, 6, 5; 3, 7, 5; pass. Hs 9, 4, 3; 9, 8, 5ff; 9, 9, 4; 9, 15, 4. βάλλειν εἰς τὴν οἰκ. Hs 9, 7, 4; 6; 9, 8, 2a; pass. 9, 7, 5; 9, 10, 1; 9, 30, 2. δοκιμάζειν τὴν οἰκ. Hs 9, 5, 2b. εἰσέρχεσθαι εἰς τὴν οἰκ. Hs 9, 12, 4; 9, 13, 4. ἐκλέγεσθαι εἰς τὴν οἰκ. Hs 9, 9, 3a. ἐπιδιδόναι εἰς τὴν οἰκ. Hs 9, 4, 5; 8; 9, 15, 5; pass. 9, 4, 6. ἐπιθυμεῖν τὴν οἰκ. Hs 9, 9, 7. ἐπιτίθεσθαι εἰς τὴν οἰκ. v 3, 5, 2. ἐργάζεσθαι εἰς τὴν οἰκ. work at the building Hs 9, 6, 2b. εὑρεθῆναι εἰς τὴν οἰκ. Hs 9, 6, 4. ὁ ἐφεστὼς εἰς τὴν οἰκ. Hs 9, 6, 2a. κατανοεῖν τὴν οἰκ. examine the building Hs 9, 5, 7; 9, 6, 3. συναρμόζεσθαι εἰς τὴν οἰκ. τοῦ πύργου Hs 9, 16, 7. τιθέναι εἰς τὴν οἰκ. v 3, 2, 6a; 7; Hs 9, 7, 2; 9, 8, 2b; pass. v 3, 5, 4; Hs 9, 6, 8; 9, 8, 4; 9, 9, 2; 9, 13, 6; 9, 16, 1; 9, 17, 3; 9, 29, 4; 9, 30, 1. τίθεσθαι ἐκ τῆς οἰκ. Hs 9, 8, 1. ὑπάγειν εἰς τὴν οἰκ. v 3, 5, 1a; 3; 3, 6, 2; Hs 9, 3, 3f. χρᾶσθαι εἰ τὴν οἰκ. v 3, 2, 8.

ⓑ Hermas hesitates betw. the literal and nonliteral uses of οἰκ. but the fol. passages are quite nonliteral (οἱ τοῦ χριστιανισμοῦ Orig., C. Cels. 3, 28, 8): θεοῦ οἰκοδομή ἐστε you are God’s building 1 Cor 3:9 (AFridrichsen [s. γεώργιον]; on the imagery Straub 85–88). In Eph 2:21 the Christian community is called an οἰκοδομή, more definitely a ναὸς ἅγιος ἐν κυρίῳ that is erected on the foundation of the apostles and prophets w. Christ Jesus as cornerstone (HSchlier, Christus u. d. Kirche im Eph 1930).—Of Christians ὄντες λίθοι ναοῦ πατρὸς ἡτοιμασμένοι εἰς οἰκοδομὴν θεοῦ πατρός since you are stones for the Father’s temple, made ready for the building of God the Father IEph 9:1.—Fig., in another way, of the glorified body of the departed Christian οἰκοδομὴν ἐκ θεοῦ ἔχομεν, οἰκίαν ἀχειροποίητον we have a building fr. God, a house not made w. hands 2 Cor 5:1; Rv 21:18 v.l. (for ἐνδώμησις). S. on οἰκητήριον 2.—Lit. on οἰκοδομέω end.—DELG s.v. δέμω. M-M. EDNT. TW. Sv.

παρίστημι/παριστάνω (the word since Hom.+; the later form παριστάνω [Ro 6:13, 16; but παρίστησι 1 Cor 8:8 v.l.; Ath. 33, 1] since Polyb. et al.; Epict. 3, 22, 87; SIG 589, 46 [196 B.C.]; 814, 36 [67 A.D.]; 1109, 76.—B-D-F §93; Mlt-H. 202) pres. inf. παραστᾶν (Tat. 33, 1; Ath. 11, 3), ptc. pl. παριστῶντες (Tat. 1, 3—B-D-F §93); fut. παραστήσω; 1 aor. παρέστησα; 2 aor. παρέστην; pf. παρέστηκα, ptc. παρεστηκώς or παρεστώς; plpf. παρειστήκειν; inf. παρεστάναι (Dt 18:5; PsSol 2:36). Mid.: fut. παραστήσομαι. Pass.: 1 aor. παρεστάθην.

① trans. (pres., impf., fut., 1 aor. act.) to cause to be present in any way

ⓐ place beside, put at someone’s disposal τινά or τί τινι someone or someth. to someone (Demetr.: 722 Fgm. 7 Jac.; Socrates of Rhodes [I B.C.]: 192 Fgm. 1 p. 927, 25 Jac. [in Athen. 4, 148b]; Lucian, D. Mar. 6, 2) παραστήσει μοι λεγιῶνας Mt 26:53. τὶ someth. (cp. 2 Macc 12:3 v.l. σκάφη) κτήνη provide riding animals Ac 23:24. For protection παρέστησεν αὐτῇ τοὺς υἱούς αὐτοῦ he placed his sons at her side=Joseph placed Mary in the care of his sons GJs 18:1. Here belongs παραστήσατε ἑαυτοὺς τῷ θεῷ Ro 6:13b. W. dat. and double acc. (of the obj. and the pred.) ᾧ παριστάνετε ἑαυτοὺς δούλους (εἰς ὑπακοήν) to whomever you yield yourselves as slaves (to obey him; w. acc., followed by εἰς=to or for [s. MTreu, Alkaios ’52, p. 12]) vs. 16; μηδὲ παριστάνετε τὰ μέλη ὑμῶν ὅπλα ἀδικίας τῇ ἁμαρτίᾳ vs. 13a; cp. vs. 19ab.

ⓑ present, represent

α. lit. τινά τινι someone to someone παρέστησαν τὸν Παῦλον αὐτῷ Ac 23:33. παρθένον ἁγνὴν παραστῆσαι τῷ Χριστῷ 2 Cor 11:2. Of the ‘presentation’ of Jesus in the Temple Lk 2:22 (Billerb. II 120–23. Cp. also Olympiodorus, Life of Plato, ed. AWestermann 1850 p. 1: of Plato, said to be of transcendent origin, λαβόντες οἱ γονεῖς βρέφος ὄντα τεθείκασιν ἐν τῷ Ὑμηττῷ βουλόμενοι ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ τοῖς ἐκεῖ θεοῖς … θῦσαι=his parents took him when he was an infant and placed him on Hymettus with the intent to sacrifice … to the gods there). W. dat. of pers., acc. of obj., and pred. acc. οἷς παρέστησεν ἑαυτὸν ζῶντα to whom he presented himself alive Ac 1:3; without a dat., which is supplied fr. the context παρέστησεν αὐτὴν ζῶσαν 9:41.

β. fig. παραστήσω σε κατὰ πρόσωπόν σου I will show you to yourself face to face 1 Cl 35:10 (Ps 49:21).

ⓒ ‘present’ becomes almost equivalent to make, render (Plut., Mor. 676c [ἡ πίσσα] τὸν οἶνον εὔποτον παρίστησι) ἵνα παραστήσῃ αὐτὸς ἑαυτῷ ἔνδοξον τὴν ἐκκλησίαν that (Christ) might render the church glorious before himself Eph 5:27. σπούδασον σεαυτὸν δόκιμον παραστῆσαι τῷ θεῷ 2 Ti 2:15. παραστῆσαι ὑμᾶς ἁγίους κατενώπιον αὐτοῦ to make you holy before him Col 1:22. ἵνα παραστήσωμεν πάντα ἄνθρωπον τέλειον ἐν Χριστῷ that we may make everyone complete in Christ vs. 28.

ⓓ as a t.t. in the language of sacrifice offer, bring, present (παριστάναι θυσίαν, θύματα etc.: Epici p. 41, 49 B.=p. 19, 16 K.; Polyb. 16, 25, 7; Diod S 3, 72, 1; Lucian, Sacr. 13; Jos., Bell. 2, 89, Ant. 4, 113; SIG 589, 46 [196 B.C.]; 694, 49; 736, 70; OGI 456, 20; 764, 23; 38. The mid. is also used in this way since X., An. 6, 1, 22) fig. παραστῆσαι τὰ σώματα θυσίαν ζῶσαν offer bodies as a living sacrifice Ro 12:1.

ⓔ as a legal t.t. bring before (a judge) (Sb 4512, 82 [II B.C.]; OGI 669, 49; BGU 163, 3; 341, 14; 747 II, 26; 759, 22; 1139, 18). Some would prefer to understand 1 Cor 8:8 in this sense: βρῶμα ἡμᾶς οὐ παραστήσει τῷ θεῷ food will not bring us before (the judgment seat of) God. Likew. ἡμᾶς ἐγερεῖ καὶ παραστήσει σὺν ὑμῖν he will raise us and bring us, together with you, before him (=before his judgment seat) 2 Cor 4:14. But the forensic mng. is not certain in either of these places, and the sense is prob. bring before God = bring close to God (cp. Rtzst., ZNW 13, 1912, 19f).

ⓕ prove, demonstrate (Lysias 12, 51; X., Oec. 13, 1; Epict. 2, 23, 47; 2, 26, 4; Jos., Ant. 4, 47, Vi. 27; PLips 64, 34) οὐδὲ παραστῆσαι δύνανταί σοι περὶ ὧν νυνὶ κατηγοροῦσίν μου nor can they prove to you the accusations they are now making against me Ac 24:13.—On the 1 aor. pass. Hs 8, 4, 1 s. 2aγ end.

② intr. (mid. and perf., plpf., 2 aor. act., but s. also aγ end) to be present in any way, be present

ⓐ pres., fut., aor. (TestJos 2:6; 20:6; TestSol 6:1 and C 12:1; TestAbr A 20 p. 103, 19 [Stone p. 54]; ApcMos 35; Mel., P. 62, 450).

α. approach, come τινί (to) someone (Philo, De Jos. 94) Ac 9:39; 27:23 (Plut., Lysander 444 [20, 7] αὐτῷ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους παραστῆναι τὸν Ἄμμωνα).—Also as a t.t. of legal usage appear before, come before (s. 1e above.—Chariton 6, 6, 4 παρέστην δικαστηρίῳ) Καίσαρί σε δεῖ παραστῆναι you must appear before the Emperor (as judge) Ac 27:24; cp. 2 Ti subscr. πάντες παραστησόμεθα τῷ βήματι τοῦ θεοῦ (v.l. Χριστοῦ) Ro 14:10. πάντας δεῖ παραστῆναι τῷ βήματι τοῦ Χριστοῦ Pol 6:2.

β. of appearing with hostile intent (Appian, Illyr. 17 §51) abs. παρέστησαν οἱ βασιλεῖς τῆς γῆς Ac 4:26 (Ps 2:2).

γ. come to the aid of, help, stand by τινί someone (Hom. et al.; X., Cyr. 5, 3, 19 al.; PKöln VI, 245, 22 σὺ δὲ θεὰ παρίστασο ‘and you, Goddess, be at my side’, w. suggestion of a relationship between Athena and Odysseus [for parallels and lit. s. ‘Ptocheia’ or ‘Odysseus in Disguise at Troy’ (=ASP 31), ed. MParca ’91, 59]; Mitt-Wilck. II/2, 372 VI, 7; 12; Jos., Bell. 2, 245; SibOr 8, 407) Ro 16:2. ὁ κύριός μοι παρέστη 2 Ti 4:17 (cp. PHerm 125b, 8 [III A.D.] θεὸς παρίσταταί σοι; Jos., Ant. 1, 341; SibOr 3, 705).—The 1 aor. pass. παρεστάθην αὐτῷ Hs 8, 4, 1 is prob. used in act. sense I took a position beside him (so as to be ready for service).

ⓑ perf. and plpf. (En 14:22; PsSol 2:36; TestSol 14:2 al.; TestAbr A 7 p. 84, 29 [Stone p. 16]; Just., D. 9, 1)

α. of personal beings stand ( near or by), be present τινί (with) someone (LXX; TestJob 24:10; Jos., Bell. 2, 281) Ac 1:10; 1 Cl 34:6 (Da 7:10 Theod.). ἐνώπιόν τινος stand before someone (1 Km 16:21; TestAbr A 7 p. 84, 29f [Stone p. 16]) οὗτος παρέστηκεν ἐνώπιον ὑμῶν ὑγιής Ac 4:10.—Mostly in the ptc.: modifying a noun and followed by an indication of place: ὁ κεντυρίων ὁ παρεστηκὼς ἐξ ἐναντίας αὐτοῦ Mk 15:39 (cp. 1 Macc 11:68 S). Γαβριὴλ ὁ παρεστηκὼς ἐνώπιον τοῦ θεοῦ Lk 1:19 (cp. Jdth 4:14; Tob 12:15 S). Without indication of place (Diod S 17, 66, 7 παρεστὼς Φιλώτας=Philotas, who stood nearby; Diog. L. 2, 102; Aberciusins. 17; EpArist 19) εἷς παρεστηκὼς τῶν ὑπηρετῶν one of the servants who was standing by J 18:22. ἰδὼν τὸν μαθητὴν παρεστῶτα when he saw the disciple standing near 19:26. (ἄγγελοι) λειτουργοῦσιν παρεστῶτες 1 Cl 34:5. παρεστὼς ὁ κύριος MPol 2:2. οἱ παρεστῶτες αὐτῷ those standing near him Ac 23:2.—Subst. οἱ παρεστηκότες (PPetr II, 4, 6, 13 [III B.C.]) or οἱ παρεστῶτες (Diog. L. 9, 27) the bystanders, the spectators, those present Mk 14:47, 69f; 15:35 (vv.ll. παρεστώτων, ἑστηκότων); Lk 19:24; Ac 23:4; in vs. 2 the widely attested rdg. adds a dat.: τοῖς παρεστῶσιν αὐτῷ (cp. POxy 1204, 13 ὁ παρεστώς σοι).

β. of a point of time be here, have come (Il. 16, 853; Demosth. 18, 90; 21, 101) παρέστηκεν ὁ θερισμός the time for the harvest is here Mk 4:29.

γ. as an agricultural t.t. (cp. OGI 56, 68 ὅταν ὁ πρώϊμος σπόρος παραστῇ; PLille 8, 5) someth. like be fully grown σταφυλὴ παρεστηκυῖα a ripe grape (in contrast to ὄμφαξ) 1 Cl 23:4=2 Cl 11:3 (quot. of unknown orig.).—M-M. DELG s.v. ἵημι. TW.

παρίστημι/παριστάνω (the word since Hom.+; the later form παριστάνω [Ro 6:13, 16; but παρίστησι 1 Cor 8:8 v.l.; Ath. 33, 1] since Polyb. et al.; Epict. 3, 22, 87; SIG 589, 46 [196 B.C.]; 814, 36 [67 A.D.]; 1109, 76.—B-D-F §93; Mlt-H. 202) pres. inf. παραστᾶν (Tat. 33, 1; Ath. 11, 3), ptc. pl. παριστῶντες (Tat. 1, 3—B-D-F §93); fut. παραστήσω; 1 aor. παρέστησα; 2 aor. παρέστην; pf. παρέστηκα, ptc. παρεστηκώς or παρεστώς; plpf. παρειστήκειν; inf. παρεστάναι (Dt 18:5; PsSol 2:36). Mid.: fut. παραστήσομαι. Pass.: 1 aor. παρεστάθην.

① trans. (pres., impf., fut., 1 aor. act.) to cause to be present in any way

ⓐ place beside, put at someone’s disposal τινά or τί τινι someone or someth. to someone (Demetr.: 722 Fgm. 7 Jac.; Socrates of Rhodes [I B.C.]: 192 Fgm. 1 p. 927, 25 Jac. [in Athen. 4, 148b]; Lucian, D. Mar. 6, 2) παραστήσει μοι λεγιῶνας Mt 26:53. τὶ someth. (cp. 2 Macc 12:3 v.l. σκάφη) κτήνη provide riding animals Ac 23:24. For protection παρέστησεν αὐτῇ τοὺς υἱούς αὐτοῦ he placed his sons at her side=Joseph placed Mary in the care of his sons GJs 18:1. Here belongs παραστήσατε ἑαυτοὺς τῷ θεῷ Ro 6:13b. W. dat. and double acc. (of the obj. and the pred.) ᾧ παριστάνετε ἑαυτοὺς δούλους (εἰς ὑπακοήν) to whomever you yield yourselves as slaves (to obey him; w. acc., followed by εἰς=to or for [s. MTreu, Alkaios ’52, p. 12]) vs. 16; μηδὲ παριστάνετε τὰ μέλη ὑμῶν ὅπλα ἀδικίας τῇ ἁμαρτίᾳ vs. 13a; cp. vs. 19ab.

ⓑ present, represent

α. lit. τινά τινι someone to someone παρέστησαν τὸν Παῦλον αὐτῷ Ac 23:33. παρθένον ἁγνὴν παραστῆσαι τῷ Χριστῷ 2 Cor 11:2. Of the ‘presentation’ of Jesus in the Temple Lk 2:22 (Billerb. II 120–23. Cp. also Olympiodorus, Life of Plato, ed. AWestermann 1850 p. 1: of Plato, said to be of transcendent origin, λαβόντες οἱ γονεῖς βρέφος ὄντα τεθείκασιν ἐν τῷ Ὑμηττῷ βουλόμενοι ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ τοῖς ἐκεῖ θεοῖς … θῦσαι=his parents took him when he was an infant and placed him on Hymettus with the intent to sacrifice … to the gods there). W. dat. of pers., acc. of obj., and pred. acc. οἷς παρέστησεν ἑαυτὸν ζῶντα to whom he presented himself alive Ac 1:3; without a dat., which is supplied fr. the context παρέστησεν αὐτὴν ζῶσαν 9:41.

β. fig. παραστήσω σε κατὰ πρόσωπόν σου I will show you to yourself face to face 1 Cl 35:10 (Ps 49:21).

ⓒ ‘present’ becomes almost equivalent to make, render (Plut., Mor. 676c [ἡ πίσσα] τὸν οἶνον εὔποτον παρίστησι) ἵνα παραστήσῃ αὐτὸς ἑαυτῷ ἔνδοξον τὴν ἐκκλησίαν that (Christ) might render the church glorious before himself Eph 5:27. σπούδασον σεαυτὸν δόκιμον παραστῆσαι τῷ θεῷ 2 Ti 2:15. παραστῆσαι ὑμᾶς ἁγίους κατενώπιον αὐτοῦ to make you holy before him Col 1:22. ἵνα παραστήσωμεν πάντα ἄνθρωπον τέλειον ἐν Χριστῷ that we may make everyone complete in Christ vs. 28.

ⓓ as a t.t. in the language of sacrifice offer, bring, present (παριστάναι θυσίαν, θύματα etc.: Epici p. 41, 49 B.=p. 19, 16 K.; Polyb. 16, 25, 7; Diod S 3, 72, 1; Lucian, Sacr. 13; Jos., Bell. 2, 89, Ant. 4, 113; SIG 589, 46 [196 B.C.]; 694, 49; 736, 70; OGI 456, 20; 764, 23; 38. The mid. is also used in this way since X., An. 6, 1, 22) fig. παραστῆσαι τὰ σώματα θυσίαν ζῶσαν offer bodies as a living sacrifice Ro 12:1.

ⓔ as a legal t.t. bring before (a judge) (Sb 4512, 82 [II B.C.]; OGI 669, 49; BGU 163, 3; 341, 14; 747 II, 26; 759, 22; 1139, 18). Some would prefer to understand 1 Cor 8:8 in this sense: βρῶμα ἡμᾶς οὐ παραστήσει τῷ θεῷ food will not bring us before (the judgment seat of) God. Likew. ἡμᾶς ἐγερεῖ καὶ παραστήσει σὺν ὑμῖν he will raise us and bring us, together with you, before him (=before his judgment seat) 2 Cor 4:14. But the forensic mng. is not certain in either of these places, and the sense is prob. bring before God = bring close to God (cp. Rtzst., ZNW 13, 1912, 19f).

ⓕ prove, demonstrate (Lysias 12, 51; X., Oec. 13, 1; Epict. 2, 23, 47; 2, 26, 4; Jos., Ant. 4, 47, Vi. 27; PLips 64, 34) οὐδὲ παραστῆσαι δύνανταί σοι περὶ ὧν νυνὶ κατηγοροῦσίν μου nor can they prove to you the accusations they are now making against me Ac 24:13.—On the 1 aor. pass. Hs 8, 4, 1 s. 2aγ end.

② intr. (mid. and perf., plpf., 2 aor. act., but s. also aγ end) to be present in any way, be present

ⓐ pres., fut., aor. (TestJos 2:6; 20:6; TestSol 6:1 and C 12:1; TestAbr A 20 p. 103, 19 [Stone p. 54]; ApcMos 35; Mel., P. 62, 450).

α. approach, come τινί (to) someone (Philo, De Jos. 94) Ac 9:39; 27:23 (Plut., Lysander 444 [20, 7] αὐτῷ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους παραστῆναι τὸν Ἄμμωνα).—Also as a t.t. of legal usage appear before, come before (s. 1e above.—Chariton 6, 6, 4 παρέστην δικαστηρίῳ) Καίσαρί σε δεῖ παραστῆναι you must appear before the Emperor (as judge) Ac 27:24; cp. 2 Ti subscr. πάντες παραστησόμεθα τῷ βήματι τοῦ θεοῦ (v.l. Χριστοῦ) Ro 14:10. πάντας δεῖ παραστῆναι τῷ βήματι τοῦ Χριστοῦ Pol 6:2.

β. of appearing with hostile intent (Appian, Illyr. 17 §51) abs. παρέστησαν οἱ βασιλεῖς τῆς γῆς Ac 4:26 (Ps 2:2).

γ. come to the aid of, help, stand by τινί someone (Hom. et al.; X., Cyr. 5, 3, 19 al.; PKöln VI, 245, 22 σὺ δὲ θεὰ παρίστασο ‘and you, Goddess, be at my side’, w. suggestion of a relationship between Athena and Odysseus [for parallels and lit. s. ‘Ptocheia’ or ‘Odysseus in Disguise at Troy’ (=ASP 31), ed. MParca ’91, 59]; Mitt-Wilck. II/2, 372 VI, 7; 12; Jos., Bell. 2, 245; SibOr 8, 407) Ro 16:2. ὁ κύριός μοι παρέστη 2 Ti 4:17 (cp. PHerm 125b, 8 [III A.D.] θεὸς παρίσταταί σοι; Jos., Ant. 1, 341; SibOr 3, 705).—The 1 aor. pass. παρεστάθην αὐτῷ Hs 8, 4, 1 is prob. used in act. sense I took a position beside him (so as to be ready for service).

ⓑ perf. and plpf. (En 14:22; PsSol 2:36; TestSol 14:2 al.; TestAbr A 7 p. 84, 29 [Stone p. 16]; Just., D. 9, 1)

α. of personal beings stand ( near or by), be present τινί (with) someone (LXX; TestJob 24:10; Jos., Bell. 2, 281) Ac 1:10; 1 Cl 34:6 (Da 7:10 Theod.). ἐνώπιόν τινος stand before someone (1 Km 16:21; TestAbr A 7 p. 84, 29f [Stone p. 16]) οὗτος παρέστηκεν ἐνώπιον ὑμῶν ὑγιής Ac 4:10.—Mostly in the ptc.: modifying a noun and followed by an indication of place: ὁ κεντυρίων ὁ παρεστηκὼς ἐξ ἐναντίας αὐτοῦ Mk 15:39 (cp. 1 Macc 11:68 S). Γαβριὴλ ὁ παρεστηκὼς ἐνώπιον τοῦ θεοῦ Lk 1:19 (cp. Jdth 4:14; Tob 12:15 S). Without indication of place (Diod S 17, 66, 7 παρεστὼς Φιλώτας=Philotas, who stood nearby; Diog. L. 2, 102; Aberciusins. 17; EpArist 19) εἷς παρεστηκὼς τῶν ὑπηρετῶν one of the servants who was standing by J 18:22. ἰδὼν τὸν μαθητὴν παρεστῶτα when he saw the disciple standing near 19:26. (ἄγγελοι) λειτουργοῦσιν παρεστῶτες 1 Cl 34:5. παρεστὼς ὁ κύριος MPol 2:2. οἱ παρεστῶτες αὐτῷ those standing near him Ac 23:2.—Subst. οἱ παρεστηκότες (PPetr II, 4, 6, 13 [III B.C.]) or οἱ παρεστῶτες (Diog. L. 9, 27) the bystanders, the spectators, those present Mk 14:47, 69f; 15:35 (vv.ll. παρεστώτων, ἑστηκότων); Lk 19:24; Ac 23:4; in vs. 2 the widely attested rdg. adds a dat.: τοῖς παρεστῶσιν αὐτῷ (cp. POxy 1204, 13 ὁ παρεστώς σοι).

β. of a point of time be here, have come (Il. 16, 853; Demosth. 18, 90; 21, 101) παρέστηκεν ὁ θερισμός the time for the harvest is here Mk 4:29.

γ. as an agricultural t.t. (cp. OGI 56, 68 ὅταν ὁ πρώϊμος σπόρος παραστῇ; PLille 8, 5) someth. like be fully grown σταφυλὴ παρεστηκυῖα a ripe grape (in contrast to ὄμφαξ) 1 Cl 23:4=2 Cl 11:3 (quot. of unknown orig.).—M-M. DELG s.v. ἵημι. TW.

ἀπό (Hom.+) prep. w. gen. (see the lit. on ἀνά, beg., also for ἀπό: KDieterich, IndogF 24, 1909, 93–158; LfgrE s.v.). Basic sense ‘separation from’ someone or someth., fr. which the other uses have developed. In the NT it has encroached on the domain of Att. ἐκ, ὑπό, παρά, and the gen. of separation; s. Mlt. 102; 246; Mlt-Turner 258f.

① a marker to indicate separation from a place, whether person or thing, from, away from

ⓐ w. all verbs denoting motion, esp. those compounded w. ἀπό: ἀπάγεσθαι, ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι, ἀπελαύνειν, ἀπέρχεσθαι, ἀπολύεσθαι, ἀποπλανᾶσθαι, ἀποστέλλειν, ἀποφεύγειν, ἀποχωρεῖν, ἀποχωρίζεσθαι; but also w. ἀνίστασθαι, διαστῆναι, διέρχεσθαι, ἐκδημεῖν, ἐκκινεῖν, ἐκπλεῖν, ἐκπορεύεσθαι, ἐξέρχεσθαι, ἐξωθεῖν, ἐπιδιδόναι, μεταβαίνειν, μετατίθεσθαι, νοσφίζειν, παραγίνεσθαι, πλανᾶσθαι, πορεύεσθαι, ὑπάγειν, ὑποστρέφειν, φεύγειν; s. the entries in question.

ⓑ w. all verbs expressing the idea of separation ἐκβάλλειν τὸ κάρφος ἀ. τοῦ ὀφθαλμοῦ remove the splinter fr. the eye Mt 7:4 v.l. (for ἐκ). ἐξέβαλον ἀπὸ τῆς πήρας αὐτῶν δῶρα they set forth gifts out of their travel bags GJs 21:3. ἀπολύεσθαι ἀ. ἀνδρός be divorced fr. her husband Lk 16:18, cp. Ac 15:33. ἀποκυλίειν, ἀπολαμβάνεσθαι, ἀποστρέφειν, ἐπιστρέφεσθαι, ἐπανάγειν, αἴρειν, ἀφαιρεῖν, ἀπολέσθαι, μερίζειν et al., s. the pertinent entries. So also κενὸς ἀ. τινος Hs 9, 19, 2. ἔρημος ἀ. τινος (Jer 51:2) 2 Cl 2:3. W. verbs which express the concept of separation in the wider sense, like loose, free, acquit et al. ἀπορφανίζειν, ἀποσπᾶν, διεγείρεσθαι, δικαιοῦν, ἐκδικοῦν, ἐλευθεροῦν, λούειν, λύειν, λυτροῦν, ῥαντίζειν, σαλεύειν, στέλλειν, σῴζειν, φθείρειν, s. the entries; hence also ἀθῷος (Sus 46 Theod. v.l.) Mt 27:24. καθαρὸς ἀ. τινος (Tob 3:14; but s. Dssm. NB 24 [BS 196; 216]) Ac 20:26; cp. Kuhring 54.

ⓒ verbs meaning be on guard, be ashamed, etc., take ἀπό to express the occasion or object of their caution, shame, or fear; so αἰσχύνεσθαι, βλέπειν, μετανοεῖν, προσέχειν, φοβεῖσθαι, φυλάσσειν, φυλάσσεσθαι; s. 5 below.

ⓓ w. verbs of concealing, hiding, hindering, the pers. from whom someth. is concealed is found w. ἀπό; so κρύπτειν τι ἀπό τινος, παρακαλύπτειν τι ἀπό τινος, κωλύειν τι ἀπό τινος; s. the entries.

ⓔ in pregnant constr. like ἀνάθεμα εἶναι ἀ. τοῦ Χριστοῦ be separated fr. Christ by a curse Ro 9:3. μετανοεῖν ἀ. τ. κακίας (Jer 8:6) Ac 8:22. ἀποθνῄσκειν ἀ. τινος through death become free from Col 2:20. φθείρεσθαι ἀ. τ. ἁπλότητος be ruinously diverted from wholehearted commitment 2 Cor 11:3. Cp. Hs 6, 2, 4.

ⓕ as a substitute for the partitive gen. (Hdt. 6, 27, 2; Thu. 7, 87, 6; PPetr III, 11, 20; PIand 8, 6; Kuhring 20; Rossberg 22; Johannessohn, Präp. 17) τίνα ἀ. τῶν δύο; Mt 27:21, cp. Lk 9:38; 19:39 (like PTebt 299, 13; 1 Macc 1:13; 3:24; Sir 6:6; 46:8). τὰ ἀ. τοῦ πλοίου pieces of the ship Ac 27:44. ἐκχεῶ ἀ. τοῦ πνεύματός μου Ac 2:17f (Jo 3:1f). λαμβάνειν ἀ. τ. καρπῶν get a share of the vintage Mk 12:2 (cp. Just., A I, 65, 5 μεταλαβεῖν ἀπὸ τοῦ … ἄρτου).—Of foods (as in Da 1:13, 4:33a; 2 Macc 7:1) ἐσθίειν ἀ. τ. ψιχίων eat some of the crumbs Mt 15:27; Mk 7:28. χορτάζεσθαι ἀ. τινος eat one’s fill of someth. Lk 16:21. αἴρειν ἀ. τῶν ἰχθύων pick up the remnants of the fish Mk 6:43. ἐνέγκατε ἀ. τ. ὀψαρίων bring some of the fish J 21:10 (the only instance of this usage in J; s. M-EBoismard, Le chapitre 21 de Saint Jean: RB 54 [’47] 492).—Of drink (cp. Sir 26:12) πίνειν ἀπὸ τ. γενήματος τῆς ἀμπέλου drink the product of the vine Lk 22:18.

② to indicate the point from which someth. begins, whether lit. or fig.

ⓐ of place from, out from (Just., D. 86, 1 ἀπὸ τῆς πέτρας ὕδωρ ἀναβλύσαν ‘gushing out of the rock’) σημεῖον ἀ. τ. οὐρανοῦ a sign fr. heaven Mk 8:11. ἀ. πόλεως εἰς πόλιν from one city to another Mt 23:34. ἀπʼ ἄκρων οὐρανῶν ἕως ἄκρων αὐτῶν (Dt 30:4; Ps 18:7) from one end of heaven to the other 24:31, cp. Mk 13:27. ἀπʼ ἄνωθεν ἕως κάτω from top to bottom Mt 27:51. ἀρξάμενοι ἀ. Ἰερουσαλήμ beginning in Jerusalem Lk 24:47 (s. also Lk 23:5; Ac 1:22; 10:37). ἀφʼ ὑμῶν ἐξήχηται ὁ λόγος τ. κυρίου the word of the Lord has gone out from you and sounded forth 1 Th 1:8. ἀπὸ βορρᾶ, ἀπὸ νότου in the north, in the south (PCairGoodsp 6, 5 [129 B.C.] ἐν τῷ ἀπὸ νότου πεδίῳ; Mitt-Wilck. I/2, 11A col. 1, 12f [123 B.C.] τὸ ἀπὸ νότου τῆς πόλεως χῶμα; ln. 7 ἀπὸ βορρᾶ τῆς πόλεως; 70, 16 al.; Josh 18:5; 19:34; 1 Km 14:5) Rv 21:13.

ⓑ of time from … (on), since (POxy 523, 4; Mel., HE 4, 26, 8; s. Kuhring 54ff).

α. ἀ. τῶν ἡμερῶν Ἰωάννου from the days of John Mt 11:12. ἀ. τῆς ὥρας ἐκείνης 9:22. ἀπʼ ἐκείνης τ. ἡμέρας (Jos., Bell. 4, 318, Ant. 7, 382) Mt 22:46; J 11:53. ἔτη ἑπτὰ ἀ. τῆς παρθενίας αὐτῆς for seven years fr. the time she was a virgin Lk 2:36. ἀ. ἐτῶν δώδεκα for 12 years 8:43. ἀ. τρίτης ὥρας τῆς νυκτός Ac 23:23. ἀ. κτίσεως κόσμου Ro 1:20. ἀ. πέρυσι since last year, a year ago 2 Cor 8:10; 9:2.—ἀπʼ αἰῶνος, ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς, ἀπʼ ἄρτι (also ἀπαρτί and ἄρτι), ἀπὸ καταβολῆς κόσμου, ἀπὸ τότε, ἀπὸ τοῦ νῦν; s. the pertinent entries.

β. w. the limits defined, forward and backward: ἀπὸ … ἕως (Jos., Ant. 6, 364) Mt 27:45. ἀπὸ … ἄχρι Phil 1:5. ἀπὸ … μέχρι Ac 10:30; Ro 5:14; 15:19.

γ. ἀφʼ ἧς (sc. ὥρας or ἡμέρας, which is found Col 1:6, 9; but ἀφʼ ἧς became a fixed formula: ParJer 7:28; Plut., Pelop. [285] 15, 5; s. B-D-F §241, 2) since Lk 7:45 (Renehan ’75, 36f); Ac 24:11; 2 Pt 3:4 (cp. X., Hell. 4, 6, 6; 1 Macc 1:11). ἀφʼ οὗ (sc.—as in X., Cyr. 1, 2, 13—χρόνου; Att. ins in Meisterhans.³-Schw. and s. Witkowski, index 163; ἀφʼ οὗ is also a formula) since, when once (X., Symp. 4, 62; Demetr.: 722 Fgm. 1, 16 Jac.; Lucian, Dial. Mar. 15, 1; Ex 5:23 GrBar 3:6) Lk 13:25; 24:21; Rv 16:18 (cp. Da 12:1; 1 Macc 9:29; 16:24; 2 Macc 1:7; TestAbr B 13 p. 117, 23; GrBar; Jos., Ant. 4, 78). τρία ἔτη ἀφʼ οὗ (cp. Tob 5:35 S) Lk 13:7. ἀφότε s. ὅτε 1aγ end.

ⓒ the beg. of a series from … (on).

α. ἀρξάμενος ἀ. Μωϋσέως καὶ ἀ. πάντων τ. προφητῶν beginning w. Moses and all the prophets Lk 24:27. ἕβδομος ἀ. Ἀδάμ Jd 14 (Diod S 1, 50, 3 ὄγδοος ὁ ἀπὸ τοῦ πατρός [ancestor]; Appian, Mithrid. 9 §29 τὸν ἕκτον ἀπὸ τοῦ πρώτου Μιθριδάτην; Arrian, Anab. 7, 12, 4; Diog. L. 3, 1: Plato in the line of descent was ἕκτος ἀπὸ Σόλωνος; Biogr. p. 31: Homer δέκατος ἀπὸ Μουσαίου). ἀ. διετοῦς καὶ κατωτέρω Mt 2:16 (cp. Num 1:20; 2 Esdr 3:8).

β. w. both beg. and end given ἀπὸ … ἕως (Sir 18:26; 1 Macc 9:13) Mt 1:17; 23:35; Ac 8:10. Sim., ἀ. δόξης εἰς δόξαν fr. glory to glory 2 Cor 3:18.

③ to indicate origin or source, from

ⓐ lit., with verbs of motion

α. down from πίπτειν ἀ. τραπέζης Mt 15:27. καθεῖλεν δυνάστας ἀ. θρόνων God has dethroned rulers Lk 1:52.

β. from ἔρχεσθαι ἀ. θεοῦ J 3:2; cp. 13:3; 16:30. παραγίνεται ἀ. τῆς Γαλιλαίας Mt 3:13; ἀ. ἀνατολῶν ἥξουσιν 8:11 (Is 49:12; 59:19); ἀ. τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἐπορεύετο 24:1; ἀ. Παμφυλίας Ac 15:38. ἐγείρεσθαι ἀ. τ. νεκρῶν be raised from the dead Mt 14:2.

ⓑ lit., to indicate someone’s local origin from (Hom. et al.; Soph., El. 701; Hdt. 8, 114; ins [RevArch 4 sér. IV 1904 p. 9 ἀπὸ Θεσσαλονίκης]; pap [HBraunert, Binnenwanderung ’64, 384, s.v.; PFlor 14, 2; 15, 5; 17, 4; 22, 13 al.]; Judg 12:8; 13:2; 17:1 [all three acc. to B]; 2 Km 23:20 al.; Jos., Bell. 3, 422, Vi. 217; Just., A I, 1 τῶν ἀπὸ Φλαουί̈ας Νέας πόλεως; s. B-D-F §209, 3; Rob. 578) ἦν ἀ. Βηθσαϊδά he was from B. J 1:44; cp. 12:21. ὄχλοι ἀ. τῆς Γαλιλαίας crowds fr. Galilee Mt 4:25. ἄνδρες ἀ. παντὸς ἔθνους Ac 2:5. ἀνὴρ ἀ. τοῦ ὄχλου a man fr. the crowd Lk 9:38. ὁ προφήτης ὁ ἀ. Ναζαρέθ Mt 21:11. οἱ ἀ. Κιλικίας the Cilicians Ac 6:9. οἱ ἀδελφοὶ οἱ ἀ. Ἰόππης 10:23 (Musaeus 153 παρθένος ἀπʼ Ἀρκαδίας; Just., A I, 58, 1 Μακρίωνα … τὸν ἀπὸ Πόντου). οἱ ἀ. Θεσσαλονίκης Ἰουδαῖοι 17:13. οἱ ἀ. τῆς Ἰταλίας the Italians Hb 13:24, who could be inside as well as outside Italy (cp. Dssm., Her. 33, 1898, 344, LO 167, 1 [LAE 200, 3]; Mlt. 237; B-D-F §437).—Rather denoting close association οἱ ἀ. τῆς ἐκκλησίας members of the church Ac 12:1; likew. 15:5 (cp. Plut., Cato Min. 4, 2 οἱ ἀπὸ τ. στοᾶς φιλόσοφοι; Ps.-Demetr. c. 68 οἱ ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ=his [Isocrates’] pupils; Synes., Ep. 4 p. 162b; 66 p. 206c; PTebt 33, 3 [112 B.C.], Ῥωμαῖος τῶν ἀπὸ συγκλήτου; Ar. 15, 1 Χριστιανοὶ γενεαλογοῦνται ἀπὸ … Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ; Ath.).—To indicate origin in the sense of material fr. which someth. is made (Hdt. 7, 65; Theocr. 15, 117; IPriene 117, 72 ἀπὸ χρυσοῦ; 1 Esdr 8:56; Sir 43:20 v.l.) ἔνδυμα ἀ. τριχῶν καμήλου clothing made of camel’s hair Mt 3:4.

ⓒ fig., w. verbs of asking, desiring, to denote the pers. of or from whom a thing is asked (Ar. 11, 3): δανίσασθαι ἀπό τινος borrow fr. someone Mt 5:42. ἐκζητεῖν ἀ. τῆς γενεᾶς ταύτης Lk 11:51. ἀπαιτεῖν τι ἀπό τινος Lk 12:20. ζητεῖν τι ἀπό τινος 1 Th 2:6. λαμβάνειν τι ἀπό τινος Mt 17:25f; 3J 7.

ⓓ fig., w. verbs of perceiving, to indicate source of the perception (Lysias, Andoc. 6; Ps.-Aristot., De Mundo 6, 399b ἀπʼ αὐτῶν τῶν ἔργων θεωρεῖται ὁ θεός; Appian, Liby. 104 §493 ἀπὸ τῆς σφραγῖδος=[recognize a corpse] by the seal-ring; Demetr.: 722 Fgm. 2, 1 στοχάζεσθαι ἀπὸ τῶν ὀνομάτων; Just., D. 60, 1 τοῦτο νοοῦμεν ἀπὸ τῶν λόγων τῶν προλελεγμένων; 100, 2 ἀπὸ τῶν γραφῶν): ἀ. τῶν καρπῶν αὐτῶν ἐπιγνώσεσθε αὐτούς by their fruits you will know them Mt 7:16, 20. μανθάνειν παραβολὴν ἀ. τῆς συκῆς learn a lesson from the fig tree 24:32; Mk 13:28. ἀπὸ τῶν σπερμάτων μὴ ποιεῖσθαι τὴν παραβολήν if we are not to derive our parable solely from reference to seeds (cp. 1 Cor 15:37) AcPlCor 2:28.—Also μανθάνειν τι ἀπό τινος learn someth. fr. someone Gal 3:2; Col 1:7.

ⓔ γράψαι ἀφʼ ὧν ἠδυνήθην, lit., write from what I was able, i.e. as well as I could B 21:9 (cp. Tat. 12, 5 οὐκ ἀπὸ γλώττης οὐδὲ ἀπὸ τῶν εἰκότων οὐδὲ ἀπʼ ἐννοιῶν etc.).

④ to indicate distance fr. a point, away from, for μακρὰν ἀ. τινος far fr. someone, ἀπὸ μακρόθεν fr. a great distance s. μακράν, μακρόθεν. ἀπέχειν ἀπό τινος s. ἀπέχω 4. W. detailed measurements (corresp. to Lat. ‘a’, s. B-D-F §161, 1; Rob. 575; WSchulze, Graeca Latina 1901, 15ff; Hdb. on J 11:18; Appian, Bell. Civ. 3, 12 §42; CB I/2, 390 no. 248) ἦν Βηθανία ἐγγὺς τῶν Ἱεροσολύμων ὡς ἀπὸ σταδίων δεκατέντε Bethany was near Jerusalem, about 15 stades (less than 3 km.) away J 11:18. ὡς ἀπὸ πηχῶν διακοσίων about 200 cubits (c. 90 meters) 21:8. ἀπὸ σταδίων χιλίων ἑξακοσίων about 1600 stades (c. 320 km.) Rv 14:20; cp. Hv 4, 1, 5 (for other examples of this usage, s. Rydbeck 68).—Hebraistically ἀπὸ προσώπου τινός (Gen 16:6; Jer 4:26; Jdth 2:14; Sir 21:2; 1 Macc 5:34; En 103:4; Just., A I, 37, 1 ἀπὸ προσώπου τοῦ πατρὸς ἐλέχθησαν διὰ Ἠσαίου … οἵδε οἱ λόγοι ‘in the name of the father … through Isaiah’; 38, 1 al.)=מִפְּנֵי פ׳ ( away) from the presence of someone 2 Th 1:9 (Is 2:10, 19, 21); Rv 12:14 (B-D-F §140; 217, 1; Mlt-H. 466).

⑤ to indicate cause, means, or outcome

ⓐ gener., to show the reason for someth. because of, as a result of, for (numerous ref. in FBleek on Hb 5:7; PFay 111, 4; POxy 3314, 7 [from falling off a horse]; Jdth 2:20; 4 [6] Esdr [POxy 1010]; AscIs 3:13; Jos., Ant. 9, 56) οὐκ ἠδύνατο ἀ. τοῦ ὄχλου he could not because of the crowd Lk 19:3; cp. Mk 2:4 D. οὐκ ἐνέβλεπον ἀπὸ τῆς δόξης τοῦ φωτός I could not see because of the brilliance of the light Ac 22:11. ἀ. τοῦ πλήθους τ. ἰχθύων J 21:6 (M-EBoismard, ad loc.: s. 1f end). ἀ. τοῦ ὕδατος for the water Hs 8, 2, 8. ἀ. τῆς θλίψεως because of the persecution Ac 11:19. οὐαὶ τῷ κόσμῳ ἀ. τ. σκανδάλων Mt 18:7 (s. B-D-F §176, 1; Mlt. 246). εἰσακουσθεὶς ἀ. τῆς εὐλαβείας heard because of his piety Hb 5:7 (but the text may be corrupt; at any rate it is obscure and variously interpr.; besides the comm. s. KRomaniuk, Die Gottesfürchtigen im NT: Aegyptus 44, ’64, 84; B-D-F §211; Rob. 580; s. on εὐλάβεια).

ⓑ to indicate means with the help of, with (Hdt. et al.; Ael. Aristid. 37, 23 K.=2 p. 25 D.; PGM 4, 2128f σφράγιζε ἀπὸ ῥύπου=seal with dirt; En 97:8) γεμίσαι τὴν κοιλίαν ἀ. τ. κερατίων fill one’s stomach w. the husks Lk 15:16 v.l. (s. ἐκ 4aζ; cp. Pr 18:20). οἱ πλουτήσαντες ἀπʼ αὐτῆς Rv 18:15 (cp. Sir 11:18).

ⓒ to indicate motive or reason for, from, with (Appian, Bell. Civ. 5, 13 §52 ἀπʼ εὐνοίας=with goodwill; 1 Macc 6:10; pap exx. in Kuhring 35) κοιμᾶσθαι ἀ. τῆς λύπης sleep from sorrow Lk 22:45. ἀ. τῆς χαρᾶς αὐτοῦ Mt 13:44; cp. Lk 24:41; Ac 12:14. ἀ. τοῦ φόβου κράζειν Mt 14:26, ἀ. φόβου καὶ προσδοκίας with fear and expectation Lk 21:26. Hence verbs of fearing, etc., take ἀ. to show the cause of the fear (s. above 1c) μὴ φοβεῖσθαι ἀ. τ. ἀποκτεννόντων τὸ σῶμα not be afraid of those who kill only the body Mt 10:28; Lk 12:4 (cp. Jdth 5:23; 1 Macc 2:62; 3:22; 8:12; En 106:4).

ⓓ to indicate the originator of the action denoted by the verb from (Trag., Hdt. et al.) ἀ. σοῦ σημεῖον ἰδεῖν Mt 12:38. γινώσκειν ἀπό τινος learn fr. someone Mk 15:45. ἀκούειν ἀ. τοῦ στόματός τινος hear fr. someone’s mouth, i.e. fr. him personally Lk 22:71 (Dionys. Hal. 3, 8 ἀ. στόματος ἤκουσεν); cp. Ac 9:13; 1J 1:5. τὴν ἀ. σοῦ ἐπαγγελίαν a promise given by you Ac 23:21 (cp. Ath. 2, 3 ταῖς ἀπὸ τῶν κατηγόρων αἰτίαις ‘the charges made by the accusers’). ἀφʼ ἑνὸς ἐγενήθησαν Hb 11:12. Prob. παραλαμβάνειν ἀ. τοῦ κυρίου 1 Cor 11:23 is to be understood in the same way: Paul is convinced that he is taught by the Lord himself (for direct teaching s. EBröse, Die Präp. ἀπό 1 Cor 11:23: StKr 71, 1898, 351–60; Dssm.; BWeiss; Ltzm.; H-DWendland. But for indirect communication: Zahn et al.). παραλαβὼν ἀπὸ τῶν θυγατέρων Φιλίππου, ὅτι Papias (11:2); opp. παρειληφέναι ὑπὸ τῶν θ. Φ. (2:9).—Of the more remote cause ἀπʼ ἀνθρώπων from human beings (as opposed to transcendent revelation; w. διʼ ἀνθρώπου; cp. Artem. 1, 73 p. 66, 11 ἀπὸ γυναικῶν ἢ διὰ γυναικῶν; 2, 36 p. 135, 26) Gal 1:1. ἀ. κυρίου πνεύματος fr. the Lord, who is the Spirit 2 Cor 3:18. ἔχειν τι ἀπό τινος have (received) someth. fr. someone 1 Cor 6:19; 1 Ti 3:7; 1J 2:20; 4:21.—In salutation formulas εἰρήνη ἀ. θεοῦ πατρός ἡμῶν peace that comes from God, our father Ro 1:7; 1 Cor 1:3; 2 Cor 1:2; Gal 1:3; Eph 1:2; cp. 6:23; Phil 1:2; Col 1:2; 1 Th 1:1 v.l.; 2 Th 1:2; 1 Ti 1:2; 2 Ti 1:2; Tit 1:4; Phlm 3. σοφία ἀ. θεοῦ wisdom that comes fr. God 1 Cor 1:30. ἔπαινος ἀ. θεοῦ praise fr. God 4:5. καὶ τοῦτο ἀ. θεοῦ and that brought about by God Phil 1:28. The expr. εἰρήνη ἀπὸ ‘ὁ ὢν καὶ ὁ ἦν καὶ ὁ ἐρχόμενος’ Rv 1:4 is quite extraordinary. It may be an interpretation of the name Yahweh already current, or an attempt to show reverence for the divine name by preserving it unchanged, or simply one more of the grammatical peculiarities so frequent in Rv (Meyer⁶-Bousset 1906, 159ff; Mlt. 9, note 1; cp. PParis 51, 33 ἀπὸ ἀπηλιότης; Mussies 93f, 328).

ⓔ to indicate responsible agents for someth., from, of

α. the self, st. Gk. usage (Thu. 5, 60, 1; X., Mem. 2, 10, 3; Andoc., Orat. 2, 4 οὗτοι οὐκ ἀφʼ αὑτῶν ταῦτα πράττουσιν; Diod S 17, 56; Num 16:28; 4 Macc 11:3; En 98:4; TestAbr A 15 p. 95, 26 [Stone p. 38]; 18 p. 101, 6 [Stone p. 50]; Just., A I, 43, 8) the expr. ἀφʼ ἑαυτοῦ (pl. ἀφʼ ἑαυτῶν) of himself and ἀπʼ ἐμαυτοῦ of myself are common Lk 12:57; 21:30; 2 Cor 3:5, esp. so in J: 5:19, 30; 8:28; 10:18; 15:4.—7:17f; 11:51; 14:10; 16:13; 18:34. So also ἀπʼ ἐμαυτοῦ οὐκ ἐλήλυθα I did not come of myself (opp. the Father sent me) 7:28; 8:42.

β. fr. others. W. verbs in the pass. voice or pass. mng. ὑπό is somet. replaced by ἀπό (in isolated cases in older Gk. e.g. Thu. 1, 17 et al. [Kühner-G. II/1 p. 457f]; freq. in later Gk.: Polyb. 1, 79, 14; Hero I 152, 6; 388, 11; Nicol. Dam.: 90 Fgm. 130, 130 Jac.; IG XII/5, 29, 1; SIG 820, 9; PLond III, 1173, 12 p. 208; BGU 1185, 26; PFlor 150, 6 ἀ. τῶν μυῶν κατεσθιόμενα; PGM 4, 256; Kuhring 36f; 1 Macc 15:17; Sir 16:4; ParJer 1:1 ᾐχμαλωτεύθησαν … ἀπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως; Philo, Leg. All. 3, 62; Just., A I, 68, 6 ἐπιστολὴν … γραφεῖσάν μοι ἀπὸ Σερήνου, D. 121, 3 ἀπὸ παντὸς [γένους] μετάνοιαν πεποιῆσθαι. See B-D-F §210; Rob. 820; GHatzidakis, Einl. in d. neugriech. Gramm. 1892, 211; AJannaris, An Histor. Gk. Grammar 1897, §1507). Yet just at this point the textual tradition varies considerably, and the choice of prep. is prob. at times influenced by the wish to express special nuances of mng. Lk 8:29b v.l. (ὑπό text); 43b (ὑπό v.l.); 10:22 D; ἀποδεδειγμένος ἀ. τ. θεοῦ attested by God Ac 2:22. ἐπικληθεὶς Βαρναβᾶς ἀ. (ὑπό v.l.) τ. ἀποστόλων named B. by the apostles 4:36. κατενεχθεὶς ἀ. τοῦ ὕπνου overcome by sleep 20:9. ἀθετούμενος ἀπὸ τῶν παραχαρασσόντων τὰ λόγια αὐτοῦ inasmuch as (Jesus) is being rejected by those who falsify his words AcPlCor 2:3. νεκροῦ βληθέντος ἀπὸ τῶν υἱῶν Ἰσραὴλ ἐπʼ αὐτά when a corpse was cast upon them (the bones of Elisha) 2:32. In such cases ἀπό freq. denotes the one who indirectly originates an action, and can be transl. at the hands of, by command of: πολλὰ παθεῖν ἀ. τ. πρεσβυτέρων suffer much at the hands of the elders Mt 16:21; cp. Lk 9:22; 17:25, where the emphasis is to be placed on παθεῖν, not on ἀποδοκιμασθῆναι. In ἀ. θεοῦ πειράζομαι the thought is that the temptation is caused by God, though not actually carried out by God Js 1:13. ἡτοιμασμένος ἀ. τοῦ θεοῦ prepared by God’s command, not by God in person Rv 12:6.

⑥ In a few expr. ἀπό helps to take the place of an adverb. ἀπὸ μέρους, s. μέρος 1c.—ἡμέρᾳ ἀφʼ ἡμέρας day by day GJs 12:3.—ἀπὸ μιᾶς (acc. to Wlh., Einl.² 26, an Aramaism, min ḥădā˒=at once [s. MBlack, An Aramaic Approach³, ’67, 113]; but this does not explain the fem. gender, found also in the formulaic ἐπὶ μιᾶς Maxim. Tyr. 6, 3f En 99:9 [s. SAalen, NTS 13, ’67, 3] and in Mod. Gk. μὲ μιᾶς at once [Thumb §162 note 2]. PSI 286, 22 uses ἀπὸ μιᾶς of a payment made ‘at once’; on the phrase s. New Docs 2, 189. Orig. γνώμης might have been a part of the expr. [Philo, Spec. Leg. 3, 73], or ὁρμῆς [Thu. 7, 71, 6], or γλώσσης [Cass. Dio 44, 36, 2], or φωνῆς [Herodian 1, 4, 8]; cp. ἀπὸ μιᾶς φωνῆς Plut., Mor. 502d of an echo; s. B-D-F §241, 6) unanimously, alike, in concert Lk 14:18. Sim. ἀπὸ τ. καρδιῶν fr. (your) hearts, sincerely Mt 18:35.—Himerius, Or. 39 [=Or. 5], 6 has as a formula διὰ μιᾶς, probably = continuously, uninterruptedly, Or. 44 [=Or. 8], 2 fuller διὰ μιᾶς τῆς σπουδῆς=with one and the same, or with quite similar zeal.—M-M.

οἰκοδομέω (οἰκοδόμος; Hdt.; ins, pap, LXX, En, EpArist, Philo, Joseph., Test12Patr) impf. ᾠκοδόμουν; fut. οἰκοδομήσω; 1 aor. ᾠκοδόμησα also without augment οἰκοδόμησα (ApcMos 40; on the augment s. W-S. §12, 5a; Mlt-H. 191); pf. ᾠκοδόμηκα LXX; plpf. 3 sg. ᾠκοδομήκει (Just., D. 127, 3). Pass.: impf. 3 sg. ᾠκοδομεῖτο; 1 fut. οἰκοδομηθήσομαι; 1 aor. ᾠκοδομήθην (v.l.) or οἰκοδομήθην (other edd., J 2:20); perf. inf. ᾠκοδομῆσθαι (οἰ-Lk 6:48b); ptc. οἰκοδομημένος (Ox 1 recto, 15f [GTh 32]); ᾠκοδομημένος Hv 3, 2, 6; plpf. 3 sg. ᾠκοδόμητο.

① to construct a building, build

ⓐ w. obj. acc. build, erect (oft. pap [Mayser II/2 p. 315, 30ff]; Jos., Ant. 15, 403 al.; Did., Gen 29, 7) οἰκίαν (Diod S 14, 116, 8; Lucian, Charon 17) Lk 6:48a. τὰς οἰκοδομάς GJs 9:3; pass. (Sb 5104, 2 [163 B.C.] οἰκία ᾠκοδομημένη; PAmh 51, 11; 23) Lk 6:48b. πύργον (Is 5:2) Mt 21:33; Mk 12:1; Lk 14:28; Hs 9, 3, 1; 4; 9, 12, 6; pass. Hv 3, 2, 4ff; 3, 3, 3; 3, 5, 5; 3, 8, 9; Hs 9, 3, 2; 9, 5, 2; 9, 9, 7; cp. 9, 9, 4. ναόν Mk 14:58; 16:3 (Is 49:17); pass. J 2:20 (Heliodorus Periegeta of Athens [II B.C.]: 373 Fgm. 1 Jac. says of the Acropolis: ἐν ἔτεσι ε̄ παντελῶς ἐξεποιήθη; Orig., C. Cels. 5, 33, 13); 16:6 (cp. below; the ‘scripture’ pass. is interpreted spiritually). ἀποθήκας Lk 12:18 (opp. καθαιρεῖν; s. this 2aα). τοὺς τάφους τῶν προφητῶν the tombs of the prophets Mt 23:29 (s. EKlosterman² ad loc.). τὰ μνημεῖα τῶν προφητῶν the monuments for the prophets Lk 11:47 (μνημεῖον 1).—οἰκ. τινί τι build someth. for someone (Gen 8:20; Ex 1:11; Ezk 16:24) συναγωγὴν οἰκ. τινί Lk 7:5. οἰκ. τινὶ οἶκον Ac 7:47, 49; 16:2 (the last two Is 66:1).—W. the obj. acc. and foll. by ἐπί w. acc. or w. gen: τὴν οἰκίαν ἐπὶ τὴν πέτραν build the house on the rock Mt 7:24. ἐπὶ τὴν ἄμμον on the sand vs. 26 (proverbial: Plut. VII p. 463, 10 Bern. εἰς ψάμμον οἰκοδομεῖς). πόλις ἐπὶ τ. ὄρους Lk 4:29 (cp. Jos., Ant. 8, 97). ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν 6:49. πόλις οἰκοδομημένη ἐπʼ ἄκρον ὄρους ὑψηλοῦ a city that is built on the top of a high mountain Ox 1 recto, 15f (GTh 32). πύργος ἐπὶ ὑδάτων Hv 3, 3, 5; ἐπὶ τὴν πέτραν Hs 9, 14, 4 (opp. χαμαὶ οὐκ ᾠκοδόμηται).

ⓑ abs.

α. when the obj. can be supplied fr. the context (Did., Gen. 33, 27) Lk 11:48; 14:30.—Cp. Hv 3, 1, 7; 3, 4, 1a; 3, 10, 1; Hs 9, 4, 1.

β. but also entirely without an obj. (Theoph. Ant. 2, 13 [p. 132, 4f]) ᾠκοδόμουν they erected buildings Lk 17:28. οἱ οἰκοδομοῦντες the builders, the masons (after Ps 117:22) Mt 21:42; Mk 12:10; Lk 20:17; Ac 4:11 v.l.; 1 Pt 2:7; 6:4. Also with no ref. to the Ps passage: Hs 9, 4, 4; 9, 6, 6.

γ. οἱ λίθοι οἱ ἤδη ᾠκοδομημένοι the stones already used in the building Hv 3, 5, 2; cp. Hs 9, 6, 3.

ⓒ build up again, restore, a sense that οἰκ. can receive fr. the context (Josh 6:26; Ps 50:20; 68:36) Mt 26:61; 27:40; Mk 15:29; 16:3 (Is 49:17).—S. also 2.

② to construct in a transcendent sense (as in Hermas passages given under 1, where the tower is a symbol of the church) build: of the building up of the Christian congregation/church (cp. Ruth 4:11; θεμελιώσαντες καὶ οἰκοδομήσαντες οἱ μακάριοι ἀπόστολοι τὴν ἐκκλησίαν Iren. 3, 3, 3 [Harv. II 10, 1]) ἐπὶ ταύτῃ τῇ πέτρᾳ οἰκοδομήσω μου τὴν ἐκκλησίαν on this rock I will build my congregation/church Mt 16:18. ὡς λίθοι ζῶντες οἰκοδομεῖσθε οἶκος πνευματικός like living stones let yourselves be built up (pass.) or build yourselves up (mid., so Goodsp., Probs. 194f) into a spiritual house 1 Pt 2:5. Paul refers to missionary work where another Christian has begun activities as ἐπʼ ἀλλότριον θεμέλιον οἰκ. building on another’s foundation Ro 15:20. He also refers to his negative view of law in relation to the Christ-event as a building, and speaks of its refutation as a tearing down (καταλύειν), and of returning to it as a rebuilding (s. 1c above) Gal 2:18. This is prob. where 11:1 belongs, where (followed by citations of Scripture) it is said of the Israelites that they do not accept the baptism that removes sin, but ἑαυτοῖς οἰκοδομήσουσιν will build up someth. for themselves. In another pass. B calls the believer a πνευματικὸς ναὸς οἰκοδομούμενος τῷ κυρίῳ a spiritual temple built for the Lord 16:10; cp. vs. 6f.—Hermas’ temple-building discourse mentions angels entrusted by God with οἰκοδομεῖν building up or completion of his whole creation Hv 3, 4, 1b.—(In this connection cp. Orig., C. Cels. 4, 38, 16 γυνὴ οἰκοδομηθεῖσα ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ [of Eve]).

③ to help improve ability to function in living responsibly and effectively, strengthen, build up, make more able. οἰκ. is thus used in a nonliteral sense and oft. without consciousness of its basic mng. (Straub p. 27), somewhat like edify in our moral parlance (this extended use is found as early as X., Cyr. 8, 7, 15 and in LXX: Ps 27:5; Jer 40:7. Also TestBenj 8:3.—JWeiss on 1 Cor 8:1). Of the Lord, who is able to strengthen the believers Ac 20:32. Of the congregation, which was being built up 9:31.—Esp. in Paul: ἡ ἀγάπη οἰκοδομεῖ love builds up (in contrast to γνῶσις, which ‘puffs up’) 1 Cor 8:1 (=Dg 12:5). πάντα ἔξεστιν, ἀλλʼ οὐ πάντα οἰκοδομεῖ everything is permitted, but not everything is beneficial 10:23. ὁ λαλῶν γλώσσῃ ἑαυτὸν οἰκοδομεῖ• ὁ δὲ προφητεύων ἐκκλησίαν οἰκοδομεῖ 14:4; cp. vs. 17. οἰκοδομεῖτε εἷς τὸν ἕνα strengthen one another 1 Th 5:11. In 1 Cor 8:10 the apostle is prob. speaking ironically, w. ref. to the ‘strong’ party at Corinth, who declare that by their example they are benefiting the ‘weak’: οὐχὶ ἡ συνείδησις αὐτοῦ οἰκοδομηθήσεται εἰς τὸ τὰ εἰδωλόθυτα ἐσθίειν; will not his conscience be ‘strengthened’ so that he will eat meat offered to idols? (difft. MargaretThrall, TU 102, ’68, 468–72).—Of Paul’s letters, by which δυνηθήσεσθε οἰκοδομεῖσθαι εἰς τὴν δοθεῖσαν ὑμῖν πίστιν you will be able to build yourselves up in the faith that has been given you Pol 3:2.—HCremer, Über den bibl. Begriff der Erbauung 1863; HScott, The Place of οἰκοδομή in the NT: PT 2, 1904, 402–24; HBassermann, Über den Begriff ‘Erbauung’: Zeitschr. für prakt. Theol. 4 1882, 1–22; CTrossen, Erbauen: ThGl 6, 1914, 804ff; PVielhauer, Oikodome (d. Bild vom Bau vom NT bis Clem. Alex.), diss. Hdlbg. ’39; PBonnard, Jésus-Christ édifiant son Église ’48.—B. 590. DELG s.v. δέμω. M-M. TW. Sv.

ἁγιάζω 1 aor. ἡγίασα, impv. ἁγίασον; pf. ἡγίακα 2 Ch 7:16; Jer 1:5. Pass.: 1 fut. ἁγιασθήσομαι; 1 aor. ἡγιάσθην, impv. ἁγιασθήτω; pf. ἡγίασμαι, ptc. ἡγιασμένος 1 Cl 46:2 (LXX; Philo, Leg. All. 1, 18, Spec. Leg. 1, 67. Quite rare in extra-Bibl. usage, where ἁγίζω is the usual form; but s. PGM 4, 522 ἁγιασθείς; Cat. Cod. Astr. VII 178, 1; 27; Anecd. Gr. p. 328, 1ff and Herm. Wr. 1, 32 συναγιάζειν. Cp. also καθαγιάζειν under 3 below).

① set aside someth. or make it suitable for ritual purposes, consecrate, dedicate of things: (Ex 29:27, 37, 44 al.) ἁ. τὸ δῶρον the sacrifice Mt 23:19; 1 Ti 4:5 (AcThom 79 [Aa II/2, 194, 11] τὴν προσφορὰν ἁ.); of profane things make holy by contact w. someth. holy ἁ. τὸν χρυσόν the gold in the temple Mt 23:17.

② include a pers. in the inner circle of what is holy, in both cultic and moral associations of the word, consecrate, dedicate, sanctify (cp. Ex 28:41; Sir 33:12; 45:4; Zeph 1:7). So of Christians, who are consecrated by baptism (cp. Orig., C. Cels. 8, 33, 26 on the Eucharist ἄρτους ἐσθίομεν, σῶμα γενομένους … ἁγιάζον τοὺς μετὰ ὑγιοῦς προθέσεως αὐτῷ χρωμένους); w. ἀπολούσασθαι 1 Cor 6:11. Of the Christian community or church ἵνα αὐτὴν ἁγιάσῃ καθαρίσας τῷ λουτρῷ τοῦ ὕδατος Eph 5:26; sanctify by the blood of a sacrifice, i.e. atone for sins Hb 9:13. Of Christ ἵνα ἁγιάσῃ διὰ τοῦ ἰδίου αἵματος τὸν λαόν 13:12 (ἁ. τὸν λαόν Josh 7:13; Ezk 46:20; λαὸς ἡγιασμένος PsSol 17, 26. ἁ. by blood Ex 29:21); cp. 2:11; 10:10, 29; consecrate, sanctify by contact w. what is holy: unbelievers by a Christian marriage 1 Cor 7:14. Hence Christians are ἡγιασμένοι (cp. Dt 33:3; 4 Macc 17:19) Hb 10:14; Ac 20:32; 26:18; IEph 2:2; ἡ. ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ 1 Cor 1:2; ἡ. ἐν ἀληθείᾳ J 17:19b (cp. Sir 45:4 ἐν πίστει); of Gentile Christians ἐν πνεύματι ἁγίῳ Ro 15:16; the church ἁγιασθεῖσα = ἁγία D 10:5; κλητοὶ ἡ. 1 Cl ins; of an individual σκεῦος ἡγιασμένον 2 Ti 2:21; Paul ἡγιασμένος IEph 12:2. God consecrates his own, incl. Christ J 10:36 (s. Hdb.³ ad loc.), and Christians (cp. schol. on Apollon. Rhod. 3, 62 ἐλεήσας αὐτὸν ὁ Ζεὺς ἁγνίζει=Zeus absolves him, takes away his guilt) 17:17; 1 Th 5:23; the latter through Christ 1 Cl 59:3. Of Jesus ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν (ἐγὼ) ἁγιάζω ἑμαυτόν I dedicate myself for them (the disciples) as an offering J 17:19a (ἁ. of an offering Ex 13:2; Dt 15:19).

③ to treat as holy, reverence of pers. κύριον δὲ τὸν Χριστὸν ἁγιάσατε 1 Pt 3:15 (Is 8:13); of things: ἁγιασθήτω τὸ ὄνομά σου may thy name be held in reverence (cp. Is 29:23; Ezk 36:23; Ps.-Clem., Hom. 13, 4; also gnostic ἁγιασθήτω τὸ θέλημά σου PPrinc 107, 14; PGM 4, 1191f τὸ ὄνομα τὸ ἅγιον τὸ καθηγιασμένον ὑπὸ τ. ἀγγέλων πάντων; 1, 206) Mt 6:9; Lk 11:2; D 8:2 (AFridrichsen, Geheiligt werde dein Name: TT 8, 1917, 1–16; LBrun, Harnack Festschr. 1921, 22–31; RAsting, D. Heiligkeit im Urchristentum 1930, 75–85 w. lit.). τὸ σάββατον B 15:1, 3, 6f (Ex 20:8–11). ἁγιασθῆναι keep oneself holy Rv 22:11.

④ to eliminate that which is incompatible with holiness, purify (Num 6:11 al.) ἁ. ἀπὸ πάσης πονηρίας καὶ ἀπὸ πάσης σκολιότητος Hv 3, 9, 1. This mng. is also prob. in such pass. as Ro 15:16; 1 Cor 1:2; 1 Th 5:23.—V.l. for ἠγαπημένη IRo ins—DELG s.v. ἅζομαι. M-M. TW.

ἐκκλησία, ας, ἡ (ἐκ + καλέω; Eur., Hdt.+)

① a regularly summoned legislative body, assembly, as gener. understood in the Gr-Rom. world (Jos., Ant. 12, 164; 19, 332, Vi. 268) Ac 19:39 (on ‘[regular] statutory assembly’, s. ἔννομος and IBM III/2, p. 141. The term ἐννόμη ἐ. here contrasts w. the usage vss. 32 and 40, in which ἐ. denotes simply ‘a gathering’; s. 2 below. On the ἐ. in Ephesus cp. CIG III, 325; IBM III/1, 481, 340; on the ἐ. in the theater there s. the last-named ins ln. 395; OGI 480, 9).—Pauly-W. V/2, 1905, 2163–2200; RAC IV 905–21 (lit.).

② a casual gathering of people, an assemblage, gathering (cp. 1 Km 19:20; 1 Macc 3:13; Sir 26:5) Ac 19:32, 40.

③ people with shared belief, community, congregation (for common identity, cp. the community of Pythagoras [Hermippus in Diog. L. 8, 41]. Remarkably, in Himerius, Or. 39 [Or. 5], 5 Orpheus forms for himself τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, a group of wild animals, who listen to him, in the Thracian mountains where there are no people), in our lit. of common interest in the God of Israel.

ⓐ of OT Israelites assembly, congregation (Dt 31:30; Judg 20:2; 1 Km 17:47; 3 Km 8:14; PsSol 10:6; TestJob 32:8 τῆς εὐώδους ἐ.; Philo; Jos., Ant. 4, 309; Diod S 40, 3, 6) Hb 2:12 (Ps 21:23); e.g. to hear the law (Dt 4:10; 9:10; 18:16) Ac 7:38.

ⓑ of Christians in a specific place or area (the term ἐ. apparently became popular among Christians in Greek-speaking areas for chiefly two reasons: to affirm continuity with Israel through use of a term found in Gk. translations of the Hebrew Scriptures, and to allay any suspicion, esp. in political circles, that Christians were a disorderly group).

α. of a specific Christian group assembly, gathering ordinarily involving worship and discussion of matters of concern to the community: Mt 18:17; συνερχομένων ὑμῶν ἐν ἐ. when you come together as an assembly 1 Cor 11:18; cp. 14:4f, 12, 19, 28, 35; pl. vs. 34. ἐν ἐ. ἐξομολογεῖσθαι τὰ παραπτώματα confess one’s sins in assembly D 4:14; cp. 3J 6 (JCampbell, JTS 49, ’48, 130–42; for the Johannines s. ESchweizer below). In Ac 15:22 the ‘apostles and elders’ function in the manner of the βουλή or council, the committee of the whole that was responsible in a Gr-Rom. polis for proposing legislation to the assembly of citizens.—Of Christians gathering in the home of a patron house-assembly (‘house-church’) Πρίσκαν καὶ Ἀκύλαν … καὶ τὴν κατʼ οἶκον αὐτῶν ἐ. Ro 16:5; cp. 1 Cor 16:19. Νύμφαν καὶ τὴν κατʼ οἶκον αὐτῆς ἐ. Col 4:15; ἡ κατʼ οἶκόν σου ἐ. Phlm 2.—FFilson, JBL 58, ’39, 105–12; other reff. οἶκος 1aα.—Pl. ἐ. τῶν ἁγίων 1 Cor 14:33; ἐ. τῶν ἐθνῶν Ro 16:4.—1 Ti 5:16 prob. belongs here, s. βαρέω b.

β. congregation or church as the totality of Christians living and meeting in a particular locality or larger geographical area, but not necessarily limited to one meeting place: Ac 5:11; 8:3; 9:31 (so KGiles, NTS 31, ’85, 135–42; s. c below), 11:26; 12:5; 15:3; 18:22; 20:17; cp. 12:1; 1 Cor 4:17; Phil 4:15; 1 Ti 5:16 perh., s. α above; Js 5:14; 3 J 9f; 1 Cl 44:3; Hv 2, 4, 3. More definitely of the Christians in Jerusalem Ac 8:1; 11:22; cp. 2:47 v.l.; 15:4, 22; Cenchreae Ro 16:1; cp. vs. 23; Corinth 1 Cor 1:2; 2 Cor 1:1; 1 Cl ins; 47:6; AcPlCor 1:16; Laodicea Col 4:16; Rv 3:14; Thessalonica 1 Th 1:1; 2 Th 1:1; Colossae Phlm subscr. v.l. Likew. w. other names: Rv 2:1, 8, 12, 18; 3:1, 7; IEph ins; 8:1; IMg ins; ITr ins; 13:1; IRo 9:1; IPhld ins; 10:1; ISm 11:1; Pol ins. Plural: Ac 15:41; 16:5; Ro 16:16; 1 Cor 7:17; 2 Cor 8:18f, 23f; 11:8, 28; 12:13; Rv 2:7, 11, 17, 23, 29; 3:6, 13, 22; 22:16; the Christian community in Judea Gal 1:22; 1 Th 2:14; Galatia Gal 1:2; 1 Cor 16:1; Asia vs. 19; Rv 1:4, and cp. vss. 11 and 20; Macedonia 2 Cor 8:1. κατʼ ἐκκλησίαν in each individual congregation or assembly Ac 14:23 (on the syntax cp. OGI 480, 9 [s. 1 above]: ἵνα τιθῆνται κατʼ ἐκκλησίαν in order that they [the statues] might be set up at each [meeting of the] ἐ.). On κατὰ τ. οὖσαν ἐ. Ac 13:1 cp. εἰμί 1 end.

ⓒ the global community of Christians, (universal) church (s. AvHarnack, Mission I⁴ 420 n. 2 on Ac 12:1): Mt 16:18 (OBetz, ZNW 48, ’57, 49–77: Qumran parallels; s. HBraun, Qumran I, ’66, 30–37); Ac 9:31 (but s. 3bβ); 1 Cor 6:4; 12:28; Eph 1:22; 3:10, 21; 5:23ff, 27, 29, 32 (HSchlier, Christus u. d. Kirche im Eph 1930; also ThBl 6, 1927, 12–17); Col 1:18, 24; Phil 3:6; B 7:11; Hv 2, 2, 6; 2, 4, 1 (with the depiction of the church as an elderly lady cp. Ps.-Demetr. 265 where Hellas, the homeland, is represented as λαβοῦσα γυναικὸς σχῆμα); 3, 3, 3; IEph 5:1f and oft.—The local assembly or congregation as well as the universal church is more specif. called ἐ. τοῦ θεοῦ or ἐ. τ. Χριστοῦ. This is essentially Pauline usage, and it serves to give the current Gk. term its Christian coloring and thereby its special mng.:

α. ἐ. τοῦ θεοῦ (Orig., C. Cels. 1, 63, 22) 1 Cor 1:2; 10:32; 11:16, 22; 15:9; 2 Cor 1:1; Gal 1:13; 1 Th 2:14; 2 Th 1:4; 1 Ti 3:5, 15; Ac 20:28; ITr 2:3; 12:1; IPhld 10:1; ISm ins al.

β. ἐ. τοῦ Χριστοῦ (Orig., C. Cels. 5, 22, 14) Ro 16:16.

γ. both together ἐ. ἐν θεῷ πατρὶ καὶ κυρίῳ Ἰησοῦ Χριστῷ 1 Th 1:1.

δ. ἡ ἐ. ἡ πρώτη ἡ πνευματική the first, spiritual church (conceived in a Platonic sense as preexistent) 2 Cl 14:1; ἐ. ζῶσα the living church the body of Christ vs. 2; ἡ ἁγία ἐ. Hv 1, 1, 6; 1, 3, 4; ἡ καθολικὴ ἐ. ISm 8:2; ἡ ἁγία καὶ καθολικὴ ἐ. MPol ins; ἡ κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην καθολικὴ ἐ. 8:1; 19:2; ἓν σῶμα τῆς ἐ. ISm 1:2.—The literature before ’32 is given in OLinton, D. Problem der Urkirche in d. neueren Forschung (s. esp. 138–46) ’32 and AMedebielle, Dict. de la Bible, Suppl. II ’34, 487–691; before ’60, s. RAC; also s. TW, Sieben, and JHainz, Ekklesia ’72. Esp. important: EBurton, Gal (ICC) 1921, 417–20; KHoll, D. Kirchenbegriff des Pls usw.: SBBerlAk 1921, 920–47=Ges. Aufs. II 1928, 44ff; FKattenbusch, D. Vorzugsstellung d. Petrus u. d. Charakter d. Urgemeinde zu Jerusalem: KMüller Festschr. 1922, 322–51; KLSchmidt, D. Kirche des Urchristentums: Dssm. Festschr. 1927, 259–319, TW III 502–39. S. also: EPeterson, D. Kirche aus Juden u. Heiden ’33; KLSchmidt, D. Polis in Kirche u. Welt ’39; WBieder, Ekkl. u. Polis im NT u. in d. alten Kirche ’41; OMichel, D. Zeugnis des NTs v. d. Gemeinde ’41; NDahl, D. Volk Gottes ’41; RFlew, Jesus and His Church², ’43; GJohnston, The Doctrine of the Church in the NT ’43; WKümmel, Kirchenbegriff u. Geschichtsbewusstsein in d. Urg. u. b. Jesus ’43; DFaulhaber, D. Johev. u. d. Kirche ’38; AFridrichsen, Kyrkan i 4. ev.: SvTK 16, ’40, 227–42; ESchweizer, NT Essays (Manson memorial vol.) ’59, 230–45; EWolf, Ecclesia Pressa—eccl. militans: TLZ 72, ’47, 223–32; SHanson, Unity of the Church in the NT ’46; HvCampenhausen, Kirchl. Amt u. geistl. Vollmacht in den ersten 3 Jahrh. ’53; EKäsemann, Sätze hlg. Rechtes im NT, NTS 1, ’55, 248–60; AGeorge, ET 58, ’46/47, 312–16; in ATR: JBernardin 21, ’39, 153–70; BEaston 22, ’40, 157–68; SWalke 32, ’50, 39–53 (Apost. Fath.); JMurphy, American Ecclesiastical Review 140, ’59, 250–59; 325–32; PMinear, Images of the Church in the NT, ’60; BMetzger, Theology Today 19, ’62, 369–80; ESchweizer, Church Order in the NT, tr. FClarke ’61; RSchnackenburg, The Church in the NT, tr. WO’Hara ’65; LCerfaux, JBL 85, ’66, 250–51; AHilhorst, Filología Neotestamentaria 1, ’88, 27–34. S. also ἐπίσκοπος 2 end; Πέτρος; πέτρα 1.—B. 1476f. DELG s.v. καλέω. M-M. EDNT. TW. Sv.

   Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.

   A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.

   Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140

   The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."

   In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.

   The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.

   Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385

   Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in

   Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.

   The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.

   Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580

   The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.

   The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.

   What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.

   By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.

   Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.

   The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.

   By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.

   In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.

   Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640

   Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.

   Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.

   On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.

   Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822

   Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.

   Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.

   In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the

   Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.

   Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.

   Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.

   Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910

   During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.

   Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.

   Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.

   Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.

   Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.

   As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.

   First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26

   Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.

   The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.

   Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.

   The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74

   During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."

   Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.

   For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),

   and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.

   The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.

   With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.

   During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.

   The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.

   At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.

   The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.

   Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76

   Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.

   Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.

   In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.

   In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.

   In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.

   The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until

   UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.

   Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000

   After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.

   From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.

   Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.

   Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.

   In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.

   In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.

   Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.

    Contemporary Portugal

   Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.

   The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.

   Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.

   Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).

   All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.

   The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.

   After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.

   Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.

   Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.

   From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.

   Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.

   In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.

   An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

κρίνω (s. κρίμα; Hom.+) fut. κρινῶ; 1 aor. ἔκρινα; pf. κέκρικα; plpf. 3 sg. κεκρίκει (on the lack of augment s. B-D-F §66, 1; W-S. §12, 4; Mlt-H. 190; ἐκεκρίκει Just., D. 102, 2). Pass.: impf. ἐκρινόμην; 1 fut. κριθήσομαι; 1 aor. ἐκρίθην; pf. κέκριμαι. Primary mng.: ‘to set apart so as to distinguish, separate’, then by transference

① to make a selection, select, prefer (Aeschyl., Suppl. 39 τὶ; Pla., Rep. 3, 399e κρίνειν τινὰ πρό τινος ‘prefer someone to someone’, cp. Phlb. 57e; Himerius, Or. 40 [=Or. 6], 3 κ. τί τινι=select someth. because of someth. [a place because of its size]; κ. τὸ πρακτέον καὶ μὴ πρακτέον Did., Gen. 27, 3) ὸ̔ς μὲν γὰρ κρίνει ἡμέραν παρʼ ἡμέραν the one prefers one day to another Ro 14:5a. In the other half of the sentence ὸ̔ς δὲ κρίνει πᾶσαν ἡμέραν, κ. prob. has the sense recognize, approve (X., Hell. 1, 7, 34 ἔκριναν τὴν τῆς βουλῆς γνώμην) the other holds every day in esteem vs. 5b. Closely associated is mng.

② to pass judgment upon (and thereby seek to influence) the lives and actions of other people

ⓐ judge, pass judgment upon, express an opinion about Mt 7:1a, 2a; Lk 6:37a; 1 Cl 13:2; Pol 2:3 (Sextus 183 ὁ κρίνων ἄνθρωπον κρίνεται ὑπὸ τ. θεοῦ). κ. δικαίως D 4:3; B 19:11. κ. κατʼ ὄψιν by the outward appearance J 7:24a. κατὰ τὴν σάρκα 8:15. τὴν δικαίαν κρίσιν κ. pass a right judgment 7:24b (on the expr. cp. Dt 16:18). This is perh. the place for 1 Pt 4:6 ἵνα κριθῶσιν κατὰ ἀνθρ. (s. ESelwyn, comm. ad loc. ref. to Lghtf.; cp. Wsd 3:4).

ⓑ esp. pass an unfavorable judgment upon, criticize, find fault with, condemn (Epict. 2, 21, 11) Ro 2:1abc, 3; 14:3f, 10, 13a (a play on words, w. κρίνειν used in two different mngs. in the same vs.; s. 4 below on vs. 13b); Col 2:16; Js 4:11, 12; D 11:12. μή τι κρίνετε do not pronounce judgment on anything 1 Cor 4:5. ἱνατί γὰρ ἡ ἐλευθερία μου κρίνεται ὑπὸ ἄλλης συνειδήσεως; why is my freedom (of action) to be unfavorably judged by another person’s scruples? 1 Cor 10:29. μακάριος ὁ μὴ κρίνων ἑαυτόν happy is the one who finds no fault w. himself Ro 14:22.—Also of a human judgment directed against God ὅπως ἂν νικήσεις ἐν τῷ κρίνεσθαί σε that you may win when you are judged Ro 3:4 (OMichel in KEK prefers active sense); 1 Cl 18:4 (both Ps 50:6).

③ to make a judgment based on taking various factors into account, judge, think, consider, look upon w. double acc. of the obj. and the predicate (Soph., Oed. R. 34; Pla., Rep. 9, 578b and s. Cebes 39, 4; 3 Macc 2:33; Just., D. 112, 1) οὐκ ἀξίους κρίνετε ἑαυτούς you do not consider yourselves worthy Ac 13:46 (Jos., Ant. 6, 159 ὸ̔ν αὐτὸς τ. βασιλείας ἄξιον ἔκρινεν; EpArist 98); cp. PtK 3 p. 15, 17. τὰ ὑστερήματα αὐτῶν ἴδια ἐκρίνετε you considered their shortcomings as your own 1 Cl 2:6. Pass. (Thu. 2, 40, 3; Jos., Ant. 4, 193) τί ἄπιστον κρίνεται παρʼ ὑμῖν; why do you think it is incredible? Ac 26:8 (Jos., Ant. 18, 76 ἄπιστα αὐτὰ κρίνειν).—Foll. by acc. w. inf. (Pla., Gorg., 452c, Rep. 9, 578b; X., An. 1, 9, 5; 28) κεκρίκατέ με πιστὴν … εἶναι Ac 16:15.—W. inf. foll. κρίνω μὴ παρενοχλεῖν τοῖς κτλ. 15:19.—Foll. by τοῦτο ὅτι 2 Cor 5:14.—W. direct quest. foll. ἐν ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς κρίνατε judge, decide for yourselves 1 Cor 11:13.—W. indirect quest. foll. (Thu. 4, 130, 7 κρίναντες ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς, εἰ … ; X., Cyr. 4, 1, 5) εἰ δίκαιόν ἐστιν, ὑμῶν ἀκούειν μᾶλλον ἢ τοῦ θεοῦ, κρίνατε decide whether it is right to obey you rather than God Ac 4:19.—κρίνατε ὑμεῖς ὅ φημι pass your own judgment on what I say 1 Cor 10:15.—ὀρθῶς ἔκρινας you have judged rightly Lk 7:43.

④ to come to a conclusion after a cognitive process, reach a decision, decide, propose, intend (Isocr. 4, 46; Polyb. 3, 6, 7; 5, 52, 6; 9, 13, 7; Epict. 2, 15, 7; Appian, Bell. Civ. 14, 118 §497 ὅταν οἱ θεοὶ κρίνωσιν; LXX) τί οὖν θέλετε, κρίνατε (restored) so decide now what you wish (to be done); w. inf. (Diod S 4, 33, 10; 17, 95, 1; UPZ 42, 37 [162 B.C.]; PTebt 55, 4 [II B.C.] ἔκρινα γράψαι; PLond III, 897, 11 p. 207 [84 A.D.]; 1 Macc 11:33; 3 Macc 1:6; Jdth 11:13; Wsd 8:9; Jos., Ant.7, 33; 12, 403; 13, 188; Did., Gen. 179, 7) Ac 3:13; 20:16; 25:25; 1 Cor 2:2; 5:3; Tit 3:12. W. τοῦ and inf. (B-D-F §397, 2) ἐκρίθη τοῦ ἀποπλεῖν ἡμᾶς Ac 27:1. ἐπεὶ ἤδη σεαυτῷ κέκρικας τοῦ μὴ δύνασθαι τὰς ἐντολὰς ταύτας ὑπὸ ἀνθρώπου φυλαχθῆναι since you have already decided in your own mind that these commandments cannot be kept by anyone Hm 12, 3, 6.—W. acc. and inf. (2 Macc 11:25, 36; 3 Macc 6:30; TestSol 10:8; SibOr 3, 127; Just., D. 102, 2) Ac 21:25 (even in the substantially different rdgs.). τοῦτο κέκρικεν …, τηρεῖν τὴν ἑαυτοῦ παρθένον he has determined this, namely to keep his fiancée (pure and undefiled) 1 Cor 7:37 (s. s.v. γαμίζω 2; Diod S 4, 73, 2 of a father: κρίναι ταύτην [i.e. his daughter] παρθένον διαφυλάττειν). τοῦτο κρίνατε μᾶλλον, τὸ μὴ τιθέναι πρόσκομμα but rather decide this, (namely) to give no offense Ro 14:13b. ἔκρινα ἐμαυτῷ τοῦτο, τὸ … ἐλθεῖν 2 Cor 2:1. τὰ δόγματα τὰ κεκριμένα ὑπὸ τ. ἀποστόλων Ac 16:4 (cp. Polyb. 5, 52, 6 πράξας τὸ κριθέν; Epict. 2, 15, 7 τοῖς κριθεῖσιν ἐμμένειν δεῖ).

⑤ to engage in a judicial process, judge, decide, hale before a court, condemn, also hand over for judicial punishment, freq. as a legal t.t. (in a forensic sense Hom. et al.; ins, pap, LXX).

ⓐ of a human court

α. act. and pass. abs. Ac 13:27. W. adv. GPt 3:7. κ. τινά: κατὰ τὸν νόμον J 18:31; Ac 23:3; 24:6 v.l. οὐδὲ ἐγὼ κρίνω ὑμᾶς GJs 16:3. Of the right of the apostle and the church to judge believers 1 Cor 5:12ab. μὴ ὁ νόμος ἡμῶν κρίνει τὸν ἄνθρωπον; does our law (personified) judge a person? J 7:51 (Appian, Bell. Civ. 3, 50 §205 certain senators desire that before Mark Antony is declared a public enemy he should be brought to trial, ὡς οὐ πάτριον σφίσιν ἀκρίτου καταδικάζειν ‘on the ground that it was not their ancestral custom to condemn someone without a hearing’). ἐκ τ. στόματός σου κρινῶ σε I will punish you on the basis of your own statement Lk 19:22. Pass. Ac 25:10. κρίνεσθαι ἐπί τινι be on trial because of a thing 26:6 (Appian, Basil. 12 κρινόμενος ἐπὶ τῷδε=be brought to trial because of this thing; likew. Iber. 55 §233; Ath. 2, 3; of God ApcrEzk Fgm. d). Also περί τινος (Diod S 12, 30, 5) 23:6; 25:20; w. addition of ἐπί w. gen. of the court of judicature before someone (schol. on Hes., Op. 9) 24:21; 25:9; D 11:11.—τί δὲ καὶ ἀφʼ ἑαυτῶν οὐ κρίνετε τὸ δίκαιον; Lk 12:57, which leads over into the sphere of jurisprudence (vs. 58), means: why cannot you yourselves decide what is right? (cp. the prayer for vengeance fr. Amorgos [BCH 25, 1901 p. 416; Dssm., LO 94=LAE 118] ἐπάκουσον, θεά, καὶ κρῖναι τὸ δίκαιον; cp. Appian, Mithrid. 89 §403 κρίνειν τὴν μάχην=decide the battle; Just., A II, 15, 5).

β. mid. and pass.: ‘dispute, quarrel, debate’, also go to law (so Thu. 4, 122, 4 δίκῃ κρίνεσθαι; Hos 2:4 al. in LXX; TestSol 4:4ff D; Mel., P. 101, 773) τινί with someone (Job 9:3; 13:19) Mt 5:40; B 6:1 (Is 50:8); μετά τινος (Vi. Aesopi W 76 κριθῆναί με μετὰ τῆς κυρίας μου ἐπὶ σοί=I am pleading my case with my mistress before you; Eccl 6:10) 1 Cor 6:6. ἐπί τινος before someone (as judge) vs. 1 (on the beginning of 1 Cor 6 cp. the decree of Alexander to the Greeks in Ps.-Callisth. 2, 21, 21: βούλομαι δὲ μὴ ἐν ἑαυτοῖς κρίνειν ὅσον τις ὑμῶν ἔχει πρὸς ἕτερον, οὐδὲ ἐφʼ οὗ βούλεσθε=it is my wish [will] that you are not to go to law among yourselves, no matter what any of you may have against another, nor before anyone you wish).

ⓑ of the divine tribunal

α. occupied by God or Christ: abs. administer justice, judge J 5:30; 8:16, 50; cp. vs. 26; Rv 6:10; B 5:7. Pass. be judged Mt 7:1b, 2b; Lk 6:37b; Rv 11:18.—W. acc. foll. (PGM 4, 1013 of Horus ὁ κρίνων τὰ πάντα) J 5:22; 8:15b. τοὺς ἔξω 1 Cor 5:13. ζῶντας καὶ νεκρούς judge the living and the dead 2 Ti 4:1; 1 Pt 4:5; B 7:2. τὰ κρυπτὰ τῶν ἀνθρώπων Ro 2:16. τὸν κόσμον B 4:12 (TestAbr A 13 p. 92, 10 [Stone p. 32]; ApcEsdr 3:3 p. 27, 8 Tdf.). τὴν οἰκουμένην Ac 17:31; AcPl Ha 9, 29. κ. κατὰ τὸ ἑκάστου ἔργον judge each one by what that person does 1 Pt 1:17; cp. Rv 20:13. ἐκρίθησαν οἱ νεκροὶ ἐκ τῶν γεγραμμένων ἐν τοῖς βιβλίοις κατὰ τὰ ἔργα αὐτῶν the dead were judged by what was written in the books (of life and of death), in accordance w. their deeds vs. 12; δικαίως κ. judge uprightly (Sotades [280 B.C.] Fgm. 11, 2 Diehl² II 6 p. 191 [in Stob. 4, 34, 8 vol. V p. 826, 5=Coll. Alex. p. 243] ὁ παντογενὴς … οὐ κρίνει δικαίως) 1 Pt 2:23; B 19:11. Also ἐν δικαιοσύνῃ Rv 19:11. διὰ νόμου κρίνεσθαι be judged on the basis of the law Js 2:12.—Oft. the emphasis is unmistakably laid upon that which follows the Divine Judge’s verdict, upon the condemnation or punishment: condemn, punish (opp. σῴζειν as TestJud 24:6; Mel., P. 104, 810; cp. ApcEsdr 1, 11 p. 25, 3 Tdf. ἐμὲ κρῖνον ὑπὲρ τῶν ψυχῶν τῶν ἁμαρτωλῶν) J 3:17; cp. 18ab; 12:47ab, 48a; cp. 48b; Ac 7:7 (Gen 15:14); Dg 7:5f (opp. ἀγαπᾶν). διὰ νόμου κ. punish on the basis of the law Ro 2:12.—3:6f; 1 Cor 11:31f (here of the temporal punishment which God brings upon sinners); 2 Th 2:12; Hb 10:30 (κρινεῖ κύριος τὸν λαὸν αὐτοῦ the Lord will judge = punish his people is derived fr. Dt 32:36=Ps 134:14, where the judgment of God is spoken of, resulting in the vindication of the innocent [the thought prominent in the two OT pass.] and the punishment of the guilty [the thought prominent in the Hb pass.]); 13:4; Js 5:9; for 1 Pt 4:6 s. 2a above; Rv 18:8; 19:2; B 15:5.—W. the punishment given κ. διὰ πυρός 1 Cl 11:1; διὰ τῶν μαστίγων 17:5. κεκριμένοι ἤδη τῷ θανάτῳ already condemned to death B 10:5. Also εἰς θάνατον condemned to death Hs 9, 18, 2. οἱ κρινόμενοι ἀσεβεῖς the godless, who are condemned 2 Cl 18:1. Of the devil ὁ ἄρχων τοῦ κόσμου τούτου κέκριται J 16:11.—ταῦτα ἔκρινας you have imposed these punishments Rv 16:5.—On κρίνειν τὸ κρίμα 18:20 s. κρίμα 4.

β. occupied by those who have been divinely commissioned to judge: the 12 apostles judge the 12 tribes Mt 19:28; Lk 22:30 (PBatiffol, RB n.s. 9, 1912, 541–43. But here κ. could have the broader sense rule; cp. 4 Km 15:5; Ps 2:10; 1 Macc 9:73; PsSol 17:29). κρινεῖ ἡ ἐκ φύσεως ἀκροβυστία … σέ the one who is physically uncircumcised will sit in judgment upon you Ro 2:27. οἱ ἅγιοι as judges of the cosmos 1 Cor 6:2ab (κρίνεσθαι ἐν: Diod S 19, 51, 4.—On the saints as co-rulers with God cp. Epict., Ench. 15; Sallust. 21 p. 36, 14) as well as of the angels vs. 3 (cp. Da 7:22).

⑥ to ensure justice for someone, see to it that justice is done (LXX) τινί to someone 1 Cl 8:4 (Is 1:17).—B. 1428. DELG. M-M. EDNT. TW.

εἷς, μία, ἕν, gen. ἑνός, μιᾶς, ἑνός a numerical term, ‘one’ (Hom.+)

① a single pers. or thing, with focus on quantitative aspect, one

ⓐ in contrast to more than one

α. adj. μίλιον ἕν Mt 5:41; cp. 20:12; 25:15, 24; Ac 21:7; 28:13; 2 Pt 3:8. Opp. πάντες Ro 5:12 (εἷς ἄνθρωπος as Hippocr., Ep. 11, 2 [IX p. 326]; SHanson, Unity of the Church in the NT, ’46, 65–73 [lit.]). Opp. the nation J 11:50; 18:14 (cp. Oenom. in Eus., PE 5, 25, 5 μεῖον εἶναι ἕνα ἀντι πάντων πεσεῖν τὸν βασιλέα=it is a lesser evil when one, instead of all the citizens, falls, namely, the king).

β. noun, Lk 23:16 (17) v.l. w. partitive gen. (Diod S 1, 91, 5 αὐτῶν εἷς; Jos., Vi. 204; Just., A I, 1, 1 al.) Mt 5:19; 6:29; 18:6; Mk 9:42; Lk 12:27; 15:21 v.l.; 17:2, 22; 23:39; J 19:34 or w. ἐκ (Maximus Tyr. 1, 6 ab ἐκ πολλῶν εἷς; Lucian, Somn. 9; Jos., Bell. 7, 47) Mt 18:12; 22:35; 26:21; Mk 14:18; J 1:40; 6:8; Ac 11:28 al. ὁ εἷς τῶν δώδεκα one of the twelve Mk 14:10 is a peculiar expr. (cp. BGU 1145, 25 [18 B.C.] ὁ εἷς αὐτῶν Ταυρῖνος; UPZ 161, 50; 54; PTebt 138; 357, 10).

ⓑ in contrast to the parts, of which a whole is made up (Theophr. in Apollon. Paradox. 16 τὰ πολλὰ ἓν γίγνεσθαι; Stephan. Byz. s.v. Ὠκεανός: γίγνεται ἐκ δύο εἰς ἕν; Just., D. 103, 5 ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων … ἓν ὄνομα). ἔσονται οἱ δύο εἰς σάρκα μίαν Mt 19:5; Mk 10:8; 1 Cor 6:16 (all three Gen 2:24). οἱ πολλοὶ ἓν σῶμά ἐσμεν we, though many, form one body Ro 12:5; cp. 1 Cor 12:12, 20; Eph 2:15. πάντες εἷς ἐστε you are all one Gal 3:28. ἕν εἰσιν 1 Cor 3:8; cp. J 10:30; 17:11, 21–23 (cp. 1QS 5, 2; Just., D. 42, 3 ἓν ὄντες πρᾶγμα). Also εἰς τὸ ἕν 1J 5:8 (Appian, Iber. 66 §280 ἐς ἕν=together, as a unity). εἰς ἕν J 11:52 (cp. 1QS 5, 7). ὁ ποιήσας τὰ ἀμφότερα ἕν who has united the two divisions Eph 2:14.—MAppold, The Oneness Motif (John) ’76.

ⓒ w. negative foll. εἷς … οὐ (μή), stronger than οὐδείς (Aristoph., Eccl. 153, Thesm. 549; X., An. 5, 6, 12; Demosth. 30, 33 ἡ γυνὴ μίαν ἡμέραν οὐκ ἐχήρευσεν; Dionys. Hal., Comp. Verb. 18) ἓν ἐξ αὐτῶν οὐ πεσεῖται not one of them will fall Mt 10:29 (Lucian, Herm. 28 ἓν ἐξ ἁπάντων); cp. 5:18; Mk 8:14; Lk 11:46; 12:6. The neg. rarely comes first Mt 5:36.

② a single entity, with focus on uniformity or quality, one

ⓐ one and the same (Pind., N. 6, 1 ἓν ἀνδρῶν, ἓν θεῶν γένος• ἐκ μιᾶς δὲ πνέομεν ἀμφότεροι; Dio Chrys. 19 [36], 6; Maximus Tyr. 19, 4a; cp. OGI 383, 59 [I B.C., the ruler’s statue is to be made of the type of stone used for statues of the gods]; Gen 11:1; 40:5; Lev 22:28; Wsd 7:6; Ar. 13, 5 μία φύσις τῶν θεῶν) ἐν ἑνὶ οἴκῳ in one and the same house Lk 12:52 (Diod S 14, 43, 1 ἐν ἑνὶ τόπω). Expressing unanimity ἐν ἑνὶ στόματι w. one voice Ro 15:6; τοῦ ἑνὸς ἄρτου one and the same loaf 1 Cor 10:17; εἷς ὁ θεός one and the same God (Amphitheos of Heracleia: 431 Fgm. 1b Jac. Διόνυσος κ. Σαβάζιος εἷς ἐστι θεός; difft. Ath. 10, 2 ἑνὸς ὄντος τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ) Ro 3:30; cp. 9:10; 1 Cor 6:16f; 12:9, 13. εἷς κύριος, μία πίστις, ἓν βάπτισμα• εἷς θεός κτλ. (cp. the three genders of εἷς consecutively in Simonides 97 Diehl² ἓν πέλαγος, μία ναῦς, εἷς τάφος [of shipwrecked pers.]; Just., D. 63, 5 μιᾷ ψυχῇ … συναγωγῇ … ἐκκλησίᾳ) Eph 4:5f (NJklA 35, 1915, 224ff. The repetition of εἷς is like Herm. Wr. 11, 11; Epict. 3, 24, 10ff).—Rv 9:13; 18:8; Ac 17:26. ἐν ἑνὶ πνεύματι, μιᾷ ψυχῇ Phil 1:27; cp. Ac 4:32 (cp. Aristot., EN 9, 8, 2; Plut., Mor. 478c). τὸ ἓν φρονεῖν be of one mind Phil 2:2. συνάγειν εἰς ἕν unite, bring together (Pla., Phileb. 23e; Dionys. Hal. 2, 45, 3 συνάξειν εἰς ἓν τὰ ἔθνη; POxy 1411, 3 τῶν δημοσίων εἰς ἓν συναχθέντων; TestJob 28:5 τὰ χρήματα ἐὰν συναχθῇ εἰς ἓν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτό ‘if all [our] valuables were brought together at one place’; Jos., Bell. 3, 518) J 11:52. τὸ ἓν καὶ τὸ αὐτό one and the same 1 Cor 12:11 (cp. Diod S 11, 47, 3; 17, 104, 6; Epict. 1, 11, 28; 1, 19, 15; Just., D. 123, 1 ἑνὸς καὶ τοῦ αὐτοῦ … νόμου); cp. ἓν καὶ αὐτό τινι 11:5.—εἰς ἕνα τόπον in a place by itself (Jos., Ant. 6, 125) J 20:7.

ⓑ (a) single, only one (Diod S 16, 11, 2; Appian, Bell. Civ. 2, 44 §180 εἷς ἀνήρ; Maximus Tyr. 11, 6c μαντεῖον ἕν al.; Just., D. 141, 3 τῆν μίαν τοῦ Δαυεὶδ … παράπτωσιν) λόγον ἕνα Mt 21:24 (GrBar 5:1); Gal 5:14. ἕνα ἄρτον Mk 8:14. εἷς ἄρτος 1 Cor 10:17a (εἷς ἄ. is also the symbol of the unity of the Pythagorean fellowship: Diog. L. 8, 35; here Diog. L. adds that οἱ βάρβαροι hold the same view ἔτι καὶ νῦν). πῆχυν ἕνα Mt 6:27 (s. πῆχυς); ἓν μέλος 1 Cor 12:26; ἓν ἔργον J 7:21 (here, following ἕν, καί adds an indication of the greatness of the accomplishment, as Appian, Bell. Civ. 2, 133 §555 ἓν ἐκ τῶν Καίσαρος ἔργων προὔθηκα …, καί). εἷς ἐστιν ὁ ἀγαθός Mt 19:17; ποιῆσαι ἕνα προσήλυτον 23:15; ἕνα εἶχεν υἱὸν ἀγαπητόν he had an only son, whom he loved dearly Mk 12:6 (εἷς υἱ. as Phalaris, Ep. 18). ὁ δὲ θεὸς εἷς ἐστιν Gal 3:20; cp. Mk 12:32; 1 Cor 8:4, 6 (v.l. adds to God the Father and Jesus Christ ἓν πνεῦμα ἅγιον κτλ. Cp. also Maximus Tyr. 11, 5a θεὸς εἷς … κ. πατήρ, κ. θεοὶ πολλοί and as early as Xenophanes, Fgm. 19 Diehl³ εἷς θεὸς ἔν τε θεοῖσι κ. ἀνθρωποῖσι μέγιστος [= Fgm. 23 Diels]); Js 2:19; PtK 3 p. 15, 20 (Herm. Wr. 11, 11; 14 εἷς ὁ θεός; POxy 1382, 20 εἷς Ζεὺς Σάραπις; Sb 159, 1 εἷς θεὸς ὁ βοηθῶν ὑμῶν; Philo, Spec. Leg. 1, 67; Jos., Ant. 5, 97 θεός τε εἷς; 8, 343, C. Ap. 2, 193; SibOr 4, 30 and Fgm. 1, 7; Ath. 6, 1 μονάς ἐστιν ὁ θεός, τοῦτʼ ἔστιν εἷς; 6, 4 ὁ θεὸς εἷς; s. EPeterson, Εἷς Θεός 1926; D. Monotheismus als polit. Problem ’35; additional reff. Horst, Ps.-Phoc. p. 151f). εἷς ἐστιν ὑμῶν ὁ διδάσκαλος Mt 23:8; cp. vs. 9. μιᾶς γυναικὸς ἀνήρ a husband married only once (numerous sepulchral ins celebrate the virtue of a surviving spouse by noting that he or she was married only once, thereby suggesting the virtue of extraordinary fidelity, e.g. CIL VI, 3604; 723; 12405; 14404; cp. Horace, Odes 3, 14, 4; Propertius 4, 11, 36; Valerius Maximus 4, 3, 3; and s. esp. CIL VI, 1527, 31670, 37053=ILS 8393 [text and Eng. tr.: EWistrand, The So-Called Laudatio Thuriae, ’76]; s. GWilliams, JRS 48, ’58 16–29. For the use of μία in ref. to a woman: Ael. Aristid. 46 p. 346 D.: ὑπὲρ μιᾶς γυναικός=for only one woman; μία γυνή quite freq.: Diod S 17, 72, 6; cp. 1, 80, 3, where the phrase γαμοῦσι μίαν simply means that the priests married only once, not that they lead a strictly moral life, a concept for which Greeks never use the expression μιᾶς γυναικὸς ἀνήρ or anything like it; Hippostratus [III B.C.]: 568 Fgm. 1 Jac.; Appian, Bell. Civ. 4, 95 §402; Ath. 33, 2 ἐφʼ ἑνὶ γάμῳ: Ath. terms a second marriage εὐπρεπής μοιχεία veiled adultery) 1 Ti 3:2, 12; Tit 1:6; others render husband of one wife (e.g. RSV in later printings; REB). Correspondingly ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς γυνή (cp. the exemplary conduct of Hannah [Anna] Lk 2:36; Paus. 7, 25, 13 the priestess of the earth goddess must be a woman who, before she became a priestess, was not πλέον ἢ ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς ἐς πεῖραν ἀφιγμένη) 1 Ti 5:9.—Abs. 1 Cor 9:24; 2 Cor 5:14. μεσίτης ἑνός an intermediary for one alone Gal 3:20; cp. Js 4:12. οὐδὲ εἷς not even a single (X., Mem. 1, 6, 2, Cyr. 1, 3, 10 et al.; Sir 42:20; 49:14 v.l.; 1 Macc 11:70) Mt 27:14; Ac 4:32. Freq. at the end of a sentence or clause (ref. fr. comedy in ESchwartz, NGG 1908, p. 534, 3. Also Hermocles [IV–III B.C.] p. 174, 17 Coll. Alex.; Dio Chrys. 21 [38], 23; Ael. Aristid. 28, 156 K.=49 p. 542 D.; 53 p. 617 D.; Epict. 2, 18, 26, Enchir. 1, 3; Philonides in Stob. 3, 35, 6 ed. Hense III p. 688; Mitt-Wilck. I/2, 59, 5 [39 A.D.]; Bel 18 Theod.; 1 Macc 7:46) Ro 3:10; οὐδὲ ἕν foll. by ἐὰν μή J 3:27. This is a good reason for placing the period after οὐδὲ ἕν J 1:3 (s. GBergh van Eysinga, PM 13, 1909, 143–50. EHennecke, Congr. d’ Hist. du Christ. I 1928, 207–19; Md’Asbeck, ibid. 220–28; REisler, Revue de Philol. 3 sér. 4, 1930, 350–71; BVawter, CBQ 25, ’63, 401–6; KAland, ZNW 59, ’68, 174–209; Metzger 195f; γίνομαι 2a), but the lack of inner punctuation in the older mss. validates consideration of alternative punctuation. οὐκ ἔστιν ἕως ἑνός there is not even one Ro 3:12 (Ps 13:3; Just., D. 103, 2 οὐδὲ μέχρις ἑνὸς ἀνθρώπου ‘not a single person’). μία εἴσοδος the only entrance Hs 9, 12, 6.—ἕν only one thing: ἔτι ἕν σοι λείπει you still lack only one thing (Jos., Bell. 4, 257) Lk 18:22. ἕν σε ὑστερεῖ you lack only one thing Mk 10:21; cp. Lk 10:42. ἓν οἶδα at least this one thing I know J 9:25. ἓν δὲ τοῦτο this one thing (Porphyr., Vi. Plot. 19; Just., D. 115, 6 ἓν δὲ μικρὸν ὁτιοῦν) 2 Pt 3:8.—ἓν δέ is a short interjectional sentence (like Xenophon Eph. 1, 5, 3 τοσοῦτο δέ•) just one thing! Phil 3:13 (AFridrichsen, ConNeot 9, ’44, 31f).—Gal 5:14 commercial imagery εἷς λόγος (just) one entry, one heading (cp. BGU 831, 13).

ⓒ alone (οὐδεὶς) … εἰ μὴ εἷς ὁ θεός Mk 2:7 (in the parallel Lk 5:21 μόνος ὁ θεός, cp. Herm Wr. 11, 11 εἰ μὴ εἷς ὁ θεός … εἰ μὴ μόνῳ τῷ θεῷ); 10:18; 12:29 (Dt 6:4); Mt 23:10; Lk 18:19.—EBishop, ET 49, ’38, 363–66.

③ an unspecified entity, some/one=τὶς, whereby εἷς can mean exactly the same thing as the indef. art. (Aristoph. et al. [Av. 1292 εἷς κάπηλος]; Περὶ ὕψους 33, 4 p. 62, 18 V. [the rdg. of cod. Paris], εἷς ἕτερος w. μή ‘for no other reason’; Strabo 5, 3, 2, 230c ἐπηγγείλατο ἕνα ἀγῶνα ἱππικόν; Syntipas p. 29, 3 μία γαλῆ; Appian, Liby. 117 §554 νυκτὸς μιᾶς=one night; Marc. Diac. 27, 5 ἐν μιᾷ ἡμέρᾳ=on a certain day; SIG 1170, 15 [160 A.D.] μιᾷ ἡμέρᾳ; UPZ 162 I, 27 [117 B.C.]; PAmh 30, 28 [II B.C.] Κονδύλου ἑνὸς τῶν ἁλιείων; BGU 1044, 6; Gen 21:15; Jdth 14:6; 1 Esdr 3:5. B-D-F §247, 2; Mlt. 96f; Rob. 674f; Mlt-Turner 195f; EBruhn, RhM 49, 1894, 168–71; JWackernagel, Syntax II² 1928, 151; MBlack, An Aramaic Approach³, ’67, 104–6).

ⓐ someone, anyone Mt 18:24; 19:16; Mk 10:17; εἷς ὀνόματι Κλεοπᾶς Lk 24:18. Oft. w. partitive gen. foll. (Alexis 220, 5; Diod S 20, 107, 5 εἷς τῶν φίλων; Epict. 4, 2, 9; Dio Chrys. 71 [21], 15 εἷς τῶν Σπαρτῶν; TestJob 26:6 μίαν τῶν … γυναικῶν; Jos., Ant. 9, 106) ἕνα τῶν προφητῶν (some) one of the prophets Mt 16:14 (a diminishing term? s. Reader, Polemo p. 257). ἕνα τ. συνδούλων 18:28. ἐν μιᾷ τ. πόλεων Lk 5:12. ἐν μιᾷ τ. ἡμερῶν on one of the days vs. 17; cp. 15:19, 26; 22:47.

ⓑ as indef. art. (s. at 3 above beg.) εἷς γραμματεύς a scribe Mt 8:19. συκῆν μίαν a fig tree Mt 21:19; cp. 26:69; Mk 12:42. παιδάριον ἕν J 6:9 v.l.; ἑνὸς ἀετοῦ Rv 8:13; cp. 18:21; 19:17; ἄρχων εἷς ἐλθών Mt 9:18. εἷς στέφανος ApcPt 3:10; ἓν σῶμα AcPlCor 2:26.

ⓒ used w. τὶς (Pla., Thu., et al.; Jdth 2:13) εἷς τις νεανίσκος a certain young man Mk 14:51 v.l. W. partitive gen. foll. (Trypho Alex. [I B.C.] in Athen. 3, 78a ἕνα τινὰ τ. Τιτάνων; Aesop, Fab. 300 H./30 P. and H-H.; Hierocles 27, 484; IG XII/5, 445, 12 [III B.C.] ἕνα τινὰ αὐτῶν; Ael. Aristid. 29, 14 K.=40 p. 755D.: εἷς τις τ. χορευτῶν) εἷς τις τῶν παρεστηκότων a certain one of the bystanders vs. 47 (on the v.l. without τις s. PDickerson, JBL 116, ’97, 302); also εἷς τις ἐξ αὐτῶν (Jos., Vi. 290) Lk 22:50; J 11:49.

④ marker of someth. that is first, the first

ⓐ perh. Hebraistic (cp. Num 1:1 ἐν μιᾷ τοῦ μηνὸς τ. δευτέρου; 2 Esdr 10:17; Esth 1:1a; Jos., Ant. 1, 29.—But s. also Lydus, Mens. 3, 4 W. τὴν κεφαλὴν τ. χρόνου οἱ Πυθαγόρειοι οὐχὶ πρώτην ἀλλὰ μίαν ὠνόμασαν; Callim., Fgm. 550 P. [482 Schneider] πρὸ μιῆς ὥρης=before the first hour of the day) is its use w. expressions denoting time instead of the ordinal number εἰς μίαν σαββάτων on the first day of the week Mt 28:1; cp. Lk 24:1; Mk 16:2; J 20:1, 19; Ac 20:7; also κατὰ μίαν σαββάτου 1 Cor 16:2 (cp. Just., D. 41, 4 τῇ μίᾳ τῶν σαββάτων ἡμέρᾳ; 27, 5 [here w. πρό and μετά resp., in accordance with Latin usage]).

ⓑ not Semitic (Hdt. 4, 161 μία, ἄλλη, τρίτη; Ael. Aristid. 36, 40 K.=48 p. 453 D.: ἕν, δεύτερον, τρίτον, τέταρτον; JosAs 2:17) εἷς καὶ δεύτερος a first and second Tit 3:10 (cp. Alciphron, Ep. 1, 9, 2; Galen XII 746 K.: ὕδωρ ὄμβριον ἔγχριε μέχρι μιᾶς καὶ δευτέρας ἡμέρας; Maximus Tyr. 28, 2h μίαδευτέρα; EpArist 143; Jos., Ant. 11, 150; 16, 350 πεσόντος ἑνός καὶ δευτέρου). S. also ἡ οὐαὶ ἡ μία Rv 9:12.—ἓν τριάκοντα Mk 4:8, 20 is prob. to be considered an Aramaism thirtyfold (B-D-F §248, 3; EKautzsch, Gramm. d. bibl. Aram. 1884 §66, 2; JHudson, ET 53, ’41/42, 266f).

⑤ special combinations:

ⓐ εἷς … εἷς (Hom. et al. εἷς μὲν … εἷς δέ: X., Cyr. 1, 2, 4; Aristot., Rhet. 2, 20, 1393a; pap in Mitt-Wilck. I/2, 50, 11 and 13 [III B.C.] ἓν μὲν … ἓν δέ; II/2, 372 V, 14 [II A.D.] ὁ εἷς … ὁ εἷς; POxy 1153, 14 [I A.D.] ἓν μὲν … καὶ ἕν; 2 Km 12:1; Sir 34:23f εἷς … καὶ εἷς; Esth 10:3g δύο, ἕνα τῷ λαῷ … καὶ ἕνα τ. ἔθνεσιν; TestJob 51:3 μιᾶς ὑποσειμιούσης τῇ μιᾷ) (the) one … the other Mt 20:21; 24:40f; 27:38; J 20:12; Gal 4:22; B 7:6f. εἷς τὸν ἕνα one another (=ἀλλήλους) 1 Th 5:11 (cp. Theocr. 22, 65 εἷς ἑνί; TestJob 27:3 εἷς τόν ἕνα κατέρραξαν ‘threw each other to the ground’).

ⓑ εἷς … εἷς … εἷς one … another … a third Mt 17:4 (cp. 1 Km 10:3; 13:17, 18).

ⓒ εἷς ἕκαστος every single, strengthening ἕκαστος, adj. Eph 4:16. Mostly subst.; s. ἕκαστος b.

ⓓ ὁ εἷς … ὁ ἕτερος the one … the other (Aristot., De Rep. Ath. 37, 1; Hyperid. 5, 14f; UPZ 161, 39; 43; 46 [119 B.C.]; PGen 48, 6ff μίαν μὲν … τὴν δὲ ἑτέραν; BGU 194, 15f; Esth 5:1a; TestAbr A 11 p. 88, 29 [Stone p. 24]; Just. D. 49, 2 al.) Mt 6:24; Lk 7:41; 16:13; 17:34f; 18:10 al.; also ὁ εἷς … ὁ ἄλλος Rv 17:10.

ⓔ distrib. (1 Ch 24:6 εἷς εἷς; AscIs 3:27 εἷς καὶ εἷς καὶ εἷς ἐν τόποις καὶ τόποις) καθʼ ἕνα, καθʼ ἕν (Hdt., Pla. et al.; 1 Esdr 1:31; 4 Macc 15:12, 14; Jos., Bell. 4, 240, Ant. 12, 191; Ath. 25, 3 καθʼ ἕνα καὶ κατὰ ἔθνη) ITr 12:2; καθʼ ἕνα πάντες all, one by one 1 Cor 14:31 (cp. Ps.-Xenophon, Cyn. 6, 14). ὑμεῖς οἱ καθʼ ἕνα ἕκαστος each one of you Eph 5:33. καθʼ ἕν one after the other (hence τὸ καθʼ ἕν ‘a detailed list’: PLille 11, 8 [III B.C.]; PTebt 47, 34; 332, 16) J 21:25. Also καθʼ ἓν ἕκαστον (X., Cyr. 1, 6, 22, Ages. 7, 1; EpArist 143) Ac 21:19. ἓν καθʼ ἕν (Aesop, Fab. 274 P.; PLeid II, X 1, 22) each one Rv 4:8. In this pass. the second ἕν could be an undeclined nom. as in εἷς κατὰ εἷς (cp. Lucian, Sol. 9; 3 Macc 5:34. Other exx. in W-S. §26, 9; 11 and Wetstein I 627) one after the other Mk 14:19; J 8:9. τὸ καθʼ εἷς opp. οἱ πολλοί individually Ro 12:5; but κατὰ ἕνα = ἕκαστον Hs 9, 3, 5; 9, 6, 3 (B-D-F §305). ἀνὰ εἷς ἕκαστος each one Rv 21:21.

ⓕ ἀπὸ μιᾶς s. ἀπό 6 (as idiom w. noun to be supplied Mitt-Wilck. I/2, 46, 15 [338 A.D.] μίαν ἐκ μιᾶς, i.e. ἡμέραν=day after day).—B. 937; 1007f. DELG. M-M. EDNT. TW. Sv.

ἀπόστολος, ου, ὁ (s. ἀποστέλλω). In older Gk. (Lysias, Demosth.) and later (e.g. Posidon.: 87 Fgm. 53 p. 257, 21 Jac. [Strabo 3, 5, 5]) ὁ ἀ. is a naval expedition, prob. also its commander (Anecd. Gr. 217, 26). τὸ ἀπόστολον with (Pla., Ep. 7, 346a) or without (Vi. Hom. 19) πλοῖον means a ship ready for departure. In its single occurrence in Jos. (Ant. 17, 300; it is not found elsewh. in Jewish-Gk. lit.) it prob. means ‘sending out’; in pap mostly ‘bill of lading’ (s. Preisigke, Fachwörter 1915), less freq. ‘certificate of clearance (at a port)’ (BGU V §64 [II A.D.]=Gnomon des Idios Logos). It can also be ‘letter of authorization (relating to shipping)’: Mitt-Wilck. I/2, 443, 10 (15 A.D.); PHerm 6, 11f (cp. Dig. 49, 6, 1 litteras dimissorias sive apostolos). In contrast, in isolated cases it refers to persons who are dispatched for a specific purpose, and the context determines the status or function expressed in such Eng. terms as ‘ambassador, delegate, messenger’ (Hdt. 1, 21; 5, 38; Synesius, Providence 2, 3 p. 122a ἀπόστολοι of ordinary messengers; Sb 7241, 48; BGU 1741, 6 [64 B.C.]; 3 Km 14:6A; Is 18:2 Sym.). Cp. KLake, The Word Ἀ.: Beginn. I 5, ’33, 46–52. It is this isolated usage that is preferred in the NT w. nuances peculiar to its lit. But the extensive use of ἀποστέλλω in documents relating to pers. of merit engaged in administrative service prob. encouraged NT use of the noun, thus in effect disavowing assoc. w. the type of itinerant philosophers that evoked the kind of pejorative term applied by Paul’s audience Ac 17:18.

① of messengers without extraordinary status delegate, envoy, messenger (opp. ὁ πέμψας) J 13:16. Of Epaphroditus, messenger of the Philippians Phil 2:25.—2 Cor 8:23.

② of messengers with extraordinary status, esp. of God’s messenger, envoy (cp. Epict. 3, 22, 23 of Cynic wise men: ἄγγελος ἀπὸ τ. Διὸς ἀπέσταλται).

ⓐ of prophets Lk 11:49; Rv 18:20; cp. 2:2; Eph 3:5.

ⓑ of Christ (w. ἀρχιερεύς) Hb 3:1 (cp. ApcEsdr 2:1 p. 25, 29 T.; Just., A I, 12, 9; the extra-Christian firman Sb 7240, 4f οὐκ ἔστιν θεὸς εἰ μὴ ὁ θεὸς μόνος. Μααμετ ἀπόστολος θεοῦ). GWetter, ‘D. Sohn Gottes’ 1916, 26ff.

ⓒ but predominately in the NT (of the apologists, only Just.) of a group of highly honored believers w. a special function as God’s envoys. Also Judaism had a figure known as apostle (שָׁלִיחַ; Schürer III 124f w. sources and lit.; Billerb. III 1926, 2–4; JTruron, Theology 51, ’48, 166–70; 341–43; GDix, ibid. 249–56; 385f; JBühner, art. ἄ. in EDNT I 142–46). In Christian circles, at first ἀ. denoted one who proclaimed the gospel, and was not strictly limited: Paul freq. calls himself an ἀ.: Ro 1:1; 11:13; 1 Cor 1:1; 9:1f; 15:9; 2 Cor 1:1; Gal 1:1; Eph 1:1; Col 1:1; 1 Ti 1:1; 2:7; 2 Ti 1:1; Tit 1:1.—1 Cl 47:1. Of Barnabas Ac 14:14; 15:2. Of Andronicus and Junia (less prob. Junias, s. Ἰουνία) Ro 16:7. Of James, the Lord’s brother Gal 1:19. Of Peter 1 Pt 1:1; 2 Pt 1:1. Then esp. of the 12 apostles οἱ δώδεκα ἀ. (cp. ParJer 9:20; AscIs 3:21; 4:3) Mt 10:2; Mk 3:14; Lk 22:14 (v.l. οἱ δώδεκα); cp. 6:13; 9:10; 17:5; Ac 1:26 (P-HMenoud, RHPR 37 ’57, 71–80); Rv 21:14; PtK 3 p. 15, 18. Peter and the apostles Ac 2:37; 5:29. Paul and apostles Pol 9:1 (cp. AcPlTh Aa I, 235 app. of Thecla). Gener. the apostles Mk 6:30; Lk 24:10; 1 Cor 4:9; 9:5; 15:7; 2 Cor 11:13; 1 Th 2:7; Ac 1:2; 2:42f; 4:33, 35, 37; 5:2, 12, 18, 34 v.l., 40; 6:6; 8:1, 14, 18; 9:27; 11:1; 14:4; 2 Pt 3:2; Jd 17; IEph 11:2; IMg 7:1; 13:2; ITr 2:2; 3:1; 7:1; IPhld 5:1; ISm 8:1; D ins; 11:3, 6. As a governing board, w. the elders Ac 15:2, 4, 6, 22f; 16:4. As possessors of the most important spiritual gift 1 Cor 12:28f. Proclaimers of the gospel 1 Cl 42:1f; B 5:9; Hs 9, 17, 1. Prophesying strife 1 Cl 44:1. Working miracles 2 Cor 12:12. W. overseers, teachers and attendants Hv 3, 5, 1; Hs 9, 15, 4; w. teachers Hs 9, 25, 2; w. teachers, preaching to those who had fallen asleep Hs 9, 16, 5; w. var. Christian officials IMg 6:1; w. prophets Eph 2:20; D 11:3; Pol 6:3. Christ and the apostles as the foundation of the church IMg 13:1; ITr 12; 2; cp. Eph 2:20. οἱ ἀ. and ἡ ἐκκλησία w. the three patriarchs and the prophets IPhld 9:1. The Holy Scriptures named w. the ap. 2 Cl 14:2 (sim. ApcSed 14:10 p. 136, 17 Ja.). Paul ironically refers to his opponents (or the original apostles; s. s.v. ὑπερλίαν) as οἱ ὑπερλίαν ἀ. the super-apostles 2 Cor 11:5; 12:11. The orig. apostles he calls οἱ πρὸ ἐμοῦ ἀ. Gal 1:17; AcPlCor 2:4.—Harnack, Mission⁴ I 1923, 332ff (Eng. tr. I 319–31). WSeufert, D. Urspr. u. d. Bed. d. Apostolates 1887; EHaupt, Z. Verständnis d. Apostolates im NT 1896; EMonnier, La notion de l’Apostolat des origines à Irénée 1903; PBatiffol, RB n.s. 3, 1906, 520–32; Wlh., Einleitung², 1911, 138–47; EBurton, AJT 16, 1912, 561–88, Gal comm. 1921, 363–84; RSchütz, Apostel u. Jünger 1921; EMeyer I 265ff; III 255ff. HVogelstein, Development of the Apostolate in Judaism, etc.: HUCA 2, 1925, 99–123; JWagenmann, D. Stellg. d. Ap. Pls neben den Zwölf 1926; WMundle, D. Apostelbild der AG: ZNW 27, 1928, 36–54; KRengstorf, TW I 406–46 (s. critique by HConzelmann, The Theol. of St. Luke ’60, 216, n. 1), Apost. u. Predigtamt ’34; J-LLeuba, Rech. exégét. rel. à l’apostolat dans le NT, diss. Neuchâtel ’36; PSaintyves, Deux mythes évangéliques, Les 12 apôtres et les 72 disciples ’38; GSass, Apostelamt u. Kirche … paulin. Apostelbegr. ’39; EKäsemann, ZNW 40, ’41, 33–71; RLiechtenhan, D. urchr. Mission ’46; ESchweizer, D. Leben d. Herrn in d. Gemeinde u. ihren Diensten ’46; AFridrichsen, The Apostle and His Message ’47; HvCampenhausen, D. urchristl. Apostelbegr.: StTh 1, ’47, 96–130; HMosbech, ibid. 2, ’48, 166–200; ELohse, Ursprung u. Prägung des christl. Apostolates: TZ 9, ’53, 259–75; GKlein, Die 12 Apostel, ’60; FHahn, Mission in the NT, tr. FClarke, ’65; WSchmithals, The Office of the Apostle, tr. JSteely, ’69; KKertelge, Das Apostelamt des Paulus, BZ 14, ’70, 161–81. S. also ἐκκλησία end, esp. Holl and Kattenbusch; also HBetz, Hermeneia: Gal ’79, 74f (w. additional lit.); FAgnew, On the Origin of the Term ἀπόστολος: CBQ 38, ’76, 49–53 (survey of debate); KHaacker, NovT 30, ’88, 9–38 (Acts). Ins evidence (s. e.g. SIG index) relating to the verb ἀποστέλλω is almost gener. ignored in debate about the meaning of the noun.—DELG s.v. στέλλω A. EDNT. M-M. TW. Spicq.

1. räumlich: in front of; (in Gegenwart von) auch in the presence of; vor der Tür at the door; vor der Stadt (außerhalb) outside the town; vor das oder vors Haus etc. gehen go in front of the house etc.; sich vor den Fernseher etc. setzen sit down in front of the television etc.; vor einem Hintergrund against a background; vor dem Wind segeln sail before the wind; das Subjekt steht vor dem Verb comes before ( oder precedes) the verb; Auge 1, Tür, Zeuge etc.

2. zeitlich: before; Zeitpunkt in der Vergangenheit: ago; am Tage vor... (on) the day before...; vor einigen Tagen a few days ago, the other day; ( heute) vor acht Tagen a week ago (today); fünf ( Minuten) vor zehn five (minutes) to (Am. auch of) ten; etw. vor sich haben have s.th. ahead ( oder coming up)

3. vor Tatsachen / einem Problem / einer Aufgabe etc. stehen be faced ( oder confronted) with facts / a problem / a task etc.; vor dem Ruin stehen be faced with ruin, be on the verge ( oder brink) of ruin; sich verbeugen vor (+ Dat) bow ( Frau: curtsey) to oder before; vor allem, vor allen Dingen above all; vor sich hin murmeln mutter ( oder mumble) to o.s.; vor sich gehen gehen I 3

4. (wegen) with, for, on account of, because of; vor Freude springen / schreien jump / shout for ( oder with) joy; vor ( lauter) Lachen konnte ich nichts sagen I couldn’t speak for laughing; vor ( lauter) Arbeit with all that work, for work; zittern vor Angst etc.: shake ( oder tremble) with; vor Hunger sterben die of hunger; sich fürchten vor (+ Dat) be afraid of

5. schützen, verstecken, retten etc.: from; warnen: against

II Adv. (nach vorn, vorwärts) forward(s); er konnte weder vor noch zurück he couldn’t go forward(s) or backward(s), he couldn’t move either way; Freiwillige vor! any volunteers step forward!; SC vor, noch ein Tor! come on SC, let’s have another one!

* * *

(Uhrzeit) to (Präp.);

(räumlich) forwards (Adv.); forward (Adv.); in front of (Präp.); ahead of (Präp.);

(zeitlich) ago (Adv.); before (Präp.); prior to (Präp.); ere (Präp.)

* * *

1. prep +acc or dat

1) +dat (räumlich) in front of; (= außerhalb von) outside; (= vor Hintergrund) against; (= in Gegenwart von) in front of; (= in jds Achtung) in the eyes of; (bei Reihenfolge) before; (bei Rangordnung) before, ahead of

2) +acc (Richtung angebend) in front of; (= außerhalb von) outside

3) +dat (zeitlich) before

4) +acc

5) +dat

6) +dat (Ursache angebend) with

7)

2. adv

1)

2)

3)

* * *

1) (at a certain time in the past: two years ago; Long ago, men lived in caves; How long ago did he leave?) ago

2) (in front of: She was before me in the queue.) before

3) (rather than: Honour before wealth.) before

4) ((American) (of time) a certain number of minutes before (the hour): It's ten minutes of three.) of

5) (before: Prior to working in America, he had travelled in Europe.) prior to

6) (as the result of: He is shaking with fear.) with

* * *

I. präp

1. +dat (davor befindlich)

▪ \vor jdm/etw in front of sb/sth

ich sitze zwölf Stunden am Tag \vor dem Bildschirm! I spend twelve hours a day sitting in front of a screen!

sie ließ ihn \vor sich her gehen she let him go in front of her

\vor der Tür steht ein Vertreter there's a salesman at the door

das Subjekt steht \vor dem Objekt the subject precedes [or comes before] the object

eine Binde \vor den Augen tragen to have a bandage over one's eyes

\vor der Stadt outside the town

2. +dat (fig: für) for

\vor Gott sind alle Menschen gleich in the eyes of God everyone is equal

3. +dat (fig: in Gegenwart von) in the presence of

sich akk \vor jdm schämen to feel ashamed in front of sb

\vor Zeugen in the presence [or in front] of witnesses

\vor Zuschauern [o Publikum] in front of spectators

4. +dat (fig: konfrontiert mit)

\vor Gericht/dem Richter stehen to stand before the court/judge

5. +dat (fig: bezüglich)

\vor etw davonlaufen to run away from sth

sich akk \vor jdm/etw schützen to protect oneself from sb/sth

jdn \vor jdm warnen to warn sb about sb

6. +akk (auf die Vorderseite) in front of

setz dich bitte nicht direkt \vor mich please don't sit directly in front of me

der Sessel kommt \vor den Fernseher the armchair goes in front of the television

7. +akk (frontal gegen)

ein Schlag \vor die Brust a blow on the chest

8. +akk (fig: konfrontieren)

jdn \vor ein Ultimatum stellen to give sb an ultimatum

9. +akk (fig: schützend)

sich akk \vor jdn stellen to put oneself in front of sb

10. +akk (bei sich)

\vor sich akk hin summen to hum to oneself

11. +dat (früher) before

wenn du dich beeilst, kannst du noch \vor Dienstag in Berlin sein if you hurry, you can be in Berlin before Tuesday

es ist zehn \vor zwölf it is ten to twelve

vor kurzem/wenigen Augenblicken/hundert Jahren a short time/a few moments/hundred years ago

12. +dat (Reihen-, Rangfolge) before

ich war \vor dir dran I was before you

\vor allem above all

\vor jdm am Ziel sein to get somewhere before sb [arrives]

13. +dat (bevorstehend)

▪ etw \vor sich dat haben to have sth ahead

eine Aufgabe/ein Problem \vor sich dat haben to be faced with a task/a problem

14. +dat (bedingt durch) with

\vor Furcht/Kälte zittern to shake with fear/cold

\vor Hunger sterben to die of hunger

\vor Schmerz schreien to cry out in pain

ich konnte \vor Schmerzen die ganze Nacht nicht schlafen I couldn't sleep all night because of the pain

starr \vor Schreck rigid with horror

\vor Wut rot anlaufen to turn red with rage; s.a. Christus, Ding

II. adv

1. (nach vorne) forward

Freiwillige \vor! volunteers one step forward!

\vor und zurück backwards and forwards

2. (fam: davor)

da habe ich Angst \vor I'm afraid of that

da hat er sich \vor gedrückt he got out of that nicely fam

* * *

Präposition mit Dat

1) (räumlich) in front of; (weiter vorn als) ahead of; in front of; (nicht ganz so weit wie) before; (außerhalb) outside

2) (zeitlich) before

3) (bei Reihenfolge, Rangordnung) before

4) (in Gegenwart von) before; in front of

5) (aufgrund von) with

6)

Präposition mit Akk. in front of

Adverb forward

* * *

A. präp

1. räumlich: in front of; (in Gegenwart von) auch in the presence of;

vor der Tür at the door;

vor der Stadt (außerhalb) outside the town;

vor das oder

vors Haus etc

gehen go in front of the house etc;

sich vor den Fernseher etc

setzen sit down in front of the television etc;

vor einem Hintergrund against a background;

vor dem Wind segeln sail before the wind;

das Subjekt

steht vor dem Verb comes before ( oder precedes) the verb; → Auge 1, Tür, Zeuge etc

2. zeitlich: before; Zeitpunkt in der Vergangenheit: ago;

am Tage vor … (on) the day before …;

vor einigen Tagen a few days ago, the other day;

(heute) vor acht Tagen a week ago (today);

fünf (Minuten) vor zehn five (minutes) to (US auch of) ten;

etwas vor sich haben have sth ahead ( oder coming up)

3.

vor Tatsachen/einem Problem/einer Aufgabe etc

stehen be faced ( oder confronted) with facts/a problem/a task etc;

vor dem Ruin stehen be faced with ruin, be on the verge ( oder brink) of ruin;

sich verbeugen vor (+dat) bow ( Frau: curtsey) to oder before;

vor allem, vor allen Dingen above all;

vor sich hin murmeln mutter ( oder mumble) to o.s.;

vor sich gehen → gehen A 3

4. (wegen) with, for, on account of, because of;

vor Freude springen/schreien jump/shout for ( oder with) joy;

vor (lauter) Lachen konnte ich nichts sagen I couldn’t speak for laughing;

vor (lauter) Arbeit with all that work, for work;

zittern vor Angst etc: shake ( oder tremble) with;

vor Hunger sterben die of hunger;

sich fürchten vor (+dat) be afraid of

5. schützen, verstecken, retten etc: from; warnen: against

B. adv (nach vorn, vorwärts) forward(s);

er konnte weder vor noch zurück he couldn’t go forward(s) or backward(s), he couldn’t move either way;

Freiwillige vor! any volunteers step forward!;

SC vor, noch ein Tor! come on SC, let’s have another one!

* * *

Präposition mit Dat

1) (räumlich) in front of; (weiter vorn als) ahead of; in front of; (nicht ganz so weit wie) before; (außerhalb) outside

2) (zeitlich) before

3) (bei Reihenfolge, Rangordnung) before

4) (in Gegenwart von) before; in front of

5) (aufgrund von) with

6)

Präposition mit Akk. in front of

Adverb forward

* * *

before (after)

tax expr. adj.

ago adj. präp.

before prep.

from prep.

in front of prep.

of prep. v.

ante- prefix

Ἀδάμ, ὁ indecl. (אָדָם) (LXX, pseudepigr., Philo, Just.; Mel., P. 83.—In Joseph. Ἄδαμος, ου [Ant. 1, 66]) Adam, the first human being 1 Ti 2:13; B 6:9 (cp. Gen 1:27ff). Ancestor of humanity Ro 5:14; Jd 14; 1 Cl 50:3. Hence πατὴρ ἡμῶν 6:3; people are υἱοὶ Ἀ. 29:2 (cp. Dt 32:8). In the genealogy of Jesus Lk 3:38. His fall Ro 5:14; 1 Ti 2:14. While A. was praying, Eve was seduced by the serpent GJs 13:1 (ApcMos 17). Some hold there existed the conception that at the end of the world the initial events will repeat themselves, and that hence Adam, who destroys all, is contrasted w. Christ, who gives life to all 1 Cor 15:22 (HGunkel, Schöpfung u. Chaos 1895). The parallel betw. Adam and Christ and the designation of Christ as future Ro 5:14 is well known. It is debatable whether the well-known (gnostic) myth of the first human being as a redeemer-god directly influenced Paul or whether he arrived at his view through Jewish perceptions (s. Bousset, Kyrios Christos 2, 1921, 140–45; Rtzst., Erlösungsmyst. 107ff and s. on ἄνθρωπος 1d). On the debate stimulated by KBarth, Christus u. Adam nach Römer 5, ’52, s. RBultmann, Adam u. Christus nach Röm. 5, ZNW 50, ’59, 145–68; EBrandenburger, Adam u. Christus, ’62; EJüngel, ZTK 60, ’63, 42–74.—BMurmelstein, Adam. E. Beitrag z. Messiaslehre: Wiener Ztschr. f. d. Kunde d. Morgenlandes 35, 1928, 242–75; 36, 1929, 51–86; Ltzm., exc. on 1 Cor 15:45–49; AVitti, Christus-Adam: Biblica 7, 1926, 121–45; 270–85; 384–401; ARawlinson, The NT Doctrine of the Christ 1926, 124ff; CKraeling, Anthropos and the Son of Man, 1927; AMarmorstein, ZNW 30, ’31, 271–77; OKuss, Ro 5:12–21. D. Adam-Christusparallele, diss. Bresl. 1930; GWestberg, The Two Adams: BiblSacra 94, ’37, 37–50; ARöder, D. Gesch.-philos. des Ap. Pls., diss. Frb. ’38; SHanson, Unity of the Church in the NT, ’46, 66–73; RScroggs, The Last Adam, ’66 (bibliog. 123–28); JFitzmyer, ABComm Ro 423–28 (lit.).—EDNT. TW.

1) General subject: Holy Theophany of Our Lord Jesus Christ (when Christ was baptized (Крещение) in the Jordan River and as the church says, "The three Faces of God appeared -- the Father, Son and Holy Spirit." This is Богоявление (Theophany, the "appe), (церковный праздник в память о крещении Христа в реке Иордан и сошествии на него Святого Духа; отмечается восточными христианами) epiphany

2) Religion: Baptism of our Lord, Epiphany, Baptisma Domini, Twelfth-day, Twelfthtide, the Baptism of Christ, the Baptism of Our Lord

3) Christianity: Theophany, the Baptism of Our Lord Jesus Christ in the Jordan, the Epiphany

θυσιαστήριον, ου, τό (s. prec. entry; LXX; pseudepigr; Philo, Mos. 2, 105; Jos., Ant. 8, 88; 105; Just., D. 118, 2; gener. ‘altar’)

① a structure on which cultic observances are carried out, including esp. sacrifices, altar

ⓐ of the altar of burnt offering in the inner forecourt of the temple at Jerusalem (s. Schürer II 298f) Mt 5:23f; 23:18–20, 35; Lk 11:51; Hb 7:13; Rv 11:1; 1 Cl 41:2; B 7:9 (cp. Lev 16:7–9, 18). λειτουργεῖν τῷ θ. serve at the altar 1 Cl 32:2; παρεδρεύειν τῷ θ. (s. παρεδρεύω) 1 Cor 9:13a; συμμερίζεσθαι τῷ θ. (s. συμμερίζω) vs. 13b; κοινωνοὶ τοῦ θ. partners, sharers in the altar=closely united w. the altar (=w. God; s. 10:20) 10:18 (s. κοινωνός 1bα; but s. GJourdan, JBL 67, ’48, 122f). Mt 23:35 and therefore prob. also GJs 5:1; 7:3; 8:2; 23:1; 24:2.

ⓑ of the incense altar

α. in the temple at Jerusalem τὸ θ. τοῦ θυμιάματος (Ex 30:1, 27) Lk 1:11.

β. the heavenly altar of Rv also seems to be thought of as an incense altar: 6:9; 8:3, 5; 9:13; 14:18; 16:7. Hermas also speaks of a θ. τοῦ θεοῦ in heaven Hm 10, 3, 2f; Hs 8, 2, 5.

ⓒ of an altar gener.: the one erected by Abraham (Gen 22:9) Js 2:21; B 7:3. Pl. Ro 11:3 (3 Km 19:10).

ⓓ various other referents, esp. fig. extensions of those above

α. IRo 2:2 Ign. speaks of the altar that is ready to receive his death as a martyr.

β. Pol 4:3 the Christian widows are called a θυσιαστήριον θεοῦ, since they are to bring to God none but perfect gifts (cp. Sextus 46b, the pure heart as a θ. for God).

γ. The pass. ἔχομεν θ. ἐξ οὗ φαγεῖν οὐκ ἔχουσιν ἐξουσίαν οἱ τῇ σκηνῇ λατρεύοντες we have an altar, from which those who serve the tabernacle have no right to eat Hb 13:10 is difficult. Scholars such as FBleek, ASeeberg and BHaensler, BZ 11, 1913, 403–9, interpret the θ. as the cross of Christ, others (e.g. THaering, Der Brief an die Hebr. 1925, 103) as the communion table. HWindisch rejects both these interpr. BWeiss and ERiggenbach^{2, 3} 1922 give up the attempt to understand it. S. also JCreed, ET 50, ’38, 13–15; JWilson, ibid. 380f; JOulton, ibid. 55, ’44, 303–5.—προσέρχεσθαι ἐν τῷ θ. λειτουργεῖν τὸ θεῖον Tit 1:9 v.l. is also to be interpr. fr. the viewpoint of Christian institutions.

② the people of God as cultic entity, sanctuary, in imagery ἐντὸς (τοῦ) θ. εἶναι be inside the sanctuary (θ. in this mng. perh. also Rv 14:18 and Procop., Aed. 1, 65; ins Ἀρχαιολογικὸν Δελτίον 12, 1927, 69), i.e. the Christian community or church, under the care and control of its constituted authorities IEph 5:2; ITr 7:2 (opp. ἐκτὸς θ.). This is in accord w. Ignatius’ emphatic assertion that there is only one θ. IMg 7:2; IPhld 4.—B. 1467. DELG s.v. 2 θύω B6. EDNT. TW.

νοῦς, νοός, νοί̈, νοῦν, ὁ (contracted fr. νόος.—Hom. et al.; pap, LXX, TestSol, Test12Patr; SibOr 3, 574; EpArist 276; Philo [oft.]; Jos., Ant. 3, 65, Vi. 122 al.; apolog. exc. Mel.—On its declension s. B-D-F §52; W-S. §8, 11; Mlt-H. 127; 142) in the NT only in Pauline lit. except for Lk 24:45; Rv 13:18; 17:9.

① the faculty of intellectual perception

ⓐ mind, intellect as the side of life contrasted w. physical existence, the higher, mental part of a human being that initiates thoughts and plans (Apollonius of Tyana [I A.D.] in Eus., PE 4, 13; Orig., C. Cels. 8, 38, 21; 52, 24; Did., Gen. 57, 26): ὁ νόμος τοῦ νοός (μου) the law of (my) intellect Ro 7:22 v.l., 23. (Opp. σάρξ) τῷ ν. δουλεύειν νόμῳ θεοῦ serve the law of God w. one’s intellect vs. 25.

ⓑ understanding, mind as faculty of thinking (Hippol., Ref. 4, 43, 2; Did., Gen. 44, 11 [w. λογισμός]) διανοίγειν τὸν ν. τινος open someone’s mind Lk 24:45. ὁ ἔχων νοῦν whoever has understanding Rv 13:18 (ν. ἔχειν as Aristoph., Equ. 482; Hyperid. 3, 23; Dio Chrys. 17 [34], 39; 23 [40], 26; Ael. Aristid. 23, 12 K.=42 p. 771 D.; EpArist 276; Philo, Mos. 1, 141; TestReub 3:8; Ar. 9, 5; Just., D. 30, 1; 60, 2; Tat. 1, 2). ὧδε ὁ ν. ὁ ἔχων σοφίαν here is (i.e. this calls for) a mind with wisdom 17:9. νοῦν διδόναι grant understanding Dg 10:2. Also παρέχειν νοῦν 11:5. ὁ σοφίαν καὶ νοῦν θέμενος ἐν ἡμῖν τῶν κρυφίων αὐτοῦ who has placed in us wisdom and understanding of his secrets 6:10. ποικίλος τῇ φρονήσει καὶ τῷ ν. diverse in thought and understanding Hs 9, 17, 2a; cp. vs. 2b. Of the peace of God ἡ ὑπερέχουσα πάντα ν. which surpasses all power of thought Phil 4:7. In contrast to the divine Pneuma which inspires the ‘speaker in tongues’: ὁ ν. μου ἄκαρπός ἐστιν my mind is unfruitful, because it remains inactive during the glossolalia 1 Cor 14:14. προσεύχεσθαι τῷ ν. (opp. τῷ πνεύματι.—νόῳ as instrumental dat. as Pind., P. 1, 40) pray w. the understanding vs. 15a; ψάλλειν τῷ ν. vs. 15b. θέλω πέντε λόγους τῷ ν. μου λαλῆσαι I would rather speak five words w. my understanding vs. 19 (cp. 1QS 10:9).—As a designation of Christ (cp. SibOr 8, 284) in a long series of expressions (w. φῶς) Dg 9:6 (cp. Epict. 2, 8, 2 τίς οὖν οὐσία θεοῦ; νοῦς, ἐπιστήμη, λόγος ὀρθός. Theoph. Ant. 1, 3 [p. 62, 14] νοῦν ἐὰν εἴπω, φρόνησιν αὐτοῦ [sc. τοῦ θεοῦ] λέγω; Ath. 10, 2 νοῦς καὶ λόγος τοῦ πατρὸς ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ θεοῦ. The god Νοῦς in the Herm. Wr.: Rtzst., Mysterienrel³ 47 al.; JKroll, D. Lehren des Hermes Trismegistos 1914, 10ff; 60ff al.; PGM 5, 465 ὁ μέγας Νοῦς; Iren. 1, 1, 1 [Harv. I 9, 7], 1, 2, 1 [Harv. I 13, 7]: names of Aeons in gnostic speculation).—Also the state of sensibleness, composure in contrast to the disturbances of soul brought about by the expectation of the Parousia, σαλευθῆναι ἀπὸ τοῦ νοός be shaken, and thereby lose your calmness of mind 2 Th 2:2.

② way of thinking, mind, attitude, as the sum total of the whole mental and moral state of being (Just., A I, 15, 16)

ⓐ as possessed by every person μεταμορφοῦσθαι τῇ ἀνακαινώσει τοῦ ν. be transformed by the renewing of the mind, which comes about when Christians have their natural νοῦς penetrated and transformed by the Spirit which they receive at baptism Ro 12:2 (s. Ltzm., Hdb. ad loc.). W. the same sense ἀνανεοῦσθαι τῷ πνεύματι τοῦ ν. ὑμῶν you must adopt a new attitude of mind Eph 4:23 (the piling up of synonyms is a distinctive feature of Eph; s. MDibelius, Hdb. exc. on Eph 1:14). Of polytheists παρέδωκεν αὐτοὺς ὁ θεὸς εἰς ἀδόκιμον ν. God abandoned them to depraved thoughts Ro 1:28. τὰ ἔθνη περιπατεῖ ἐν ματαιότητι τοῦ ν. αὐτῶν the nations/gentiles live w. their minds fixed on futile things Eph 4:17. Of one who is in error: εἰκῇ φυσιούμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ ν. τῆς σαρκὸς αὐτοῦ groundlessly conceited (lit. ‘puffed up’) by his mind, fixed on purely physical things Col 2:18. κατεφθαρμένος τὸν ν. with depraved mind 2 Ti 3:8; also διεφθαρμένος τὸν ν. 1 Ti 6:5 (B-D-F §159, 3; Rob. 486). μεμίανται αὐτῶν καὶ ὁ ν. καὶ ἡ συνείδησις their minds and consciences are unclean Tit 1:15. ὁ ν. αὐτῶν περὶ τὴν πρᾶξιν αὐτῶν καταγίνεται their mind is fixed on their own business Hm 10, 1, 5.

ⓑ specif. of the Christian attitude or way of thinking κατηρτισμένοι ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ νοί̈ 1 Cor 1:10. Through baptism believers receive μίαν φρόνησιν καὶ ἕνα νοῦν Hs 9, 17, 4; cp. 9, 18, 4. εἷς νοῦς, μία ἐλπίς is to rule in the church IMg 7:1.

③ result of thinking, mind, thought, opinion, decree (Hom. et al. of gods and humans; cp. Hippol., Ref. 9, 10, 8) ἕκαστος ἐν τῷ ἰδίῳ ν. πληροφορείσθω each pers. is to be fully convinced in his own mind Ro 14:5. τίς γὰρ ἔγνω νοῦν κυρίου; who has known the Lord’s thoughts? (Is 40:13) 11:34; 1 Cor 2:16a. When Paul continues in the latter passage vs. 16b w. ἡμεῖς νοῦν Χριστοῦ ἔχομεν, he is using the scriptural word νοῦς to denote what he usu. calls πνεῦμα (vs. 14f). He can do this because his νοῦς (since he is a ‘pneumatic’ person) is filled w. the Spirit (s. 2a above), so that in his case the two are interchangeable. Such a νοῦς is impossible for a ‘psychic’ person.—OMoe, Vernunft u. Geist im NT: ZST 11, ’34, 351–91; RJewett, Paul’s Anthropological Terms, ’71, 358–90; TKrischer, Glotta 62, ’84, 141–49. S. καρδία end; νοέω end.—B. 1198. DELG s.v. νόος. Schmidt, Syn. III 621–55. M-M. EDNT. TW. Sv.

ὑπηρέτης, ου, ὁ (Aeschyl., Hdt.+; ins, pap, LXX; TestBenj 3:8; EpArist, Philo, Joseph., Just.; Tat. 4, 2; loanw. in rabb.; freq. as t.t. for a governmental or other official) one who functions as a helper, freq. in a subordinate capacity, helper, assistant (e.g. a physician’s assistant: Hobart 88f; as adjutant: Arrian, Tact. 10, 4; 14, 4; the lictor beside the consul: Appian, Liby. 90 §424; the 20 senators with Pompey: Appian, Bell. Civ. 2, 18 §67; the priest’s helpers: Diod S 1, 73, 3; the assistant to the ἡγούμενος of a cultic fellowship: Sb 7835, 11 [I B.C.]) Dg 7:2. John (Mark) as ὑπ. of Paul and Barnabas Ac 13:5 (BHolmes, Luke’s Description of John Mark: JBL 54, ’35, 63–72; WHadorn, D. Gefährten u. Mitarbeiter des Pls: ASchlatter Festschr. 1922, 65–82; RTaylor, ET 54, ’42/43, 136–38). Of the attendants of a board or court (Diod S 14, 5, 1f and Appian, Bell. Civ. 1, 31 §138 of attendants of the court; Diod S 17, 30, 4 παρέδωκε τοῖς ὑπηρέταις … ἀποκτεῖναι; Maximus Tyr. 3, 2b), of the Sanhedrin (Jos., Bell. 1, 655 παρέδωκεν τοῖς ὑπ. ἀνελεῖν, Ant. 4, 37 πέμψας ὑπ.; 16, 232) Mt 5:25 (Ael. Aristid. 45 p. 68 D.: ὁ δικαστὴς παραδίδωσι τ. ὑπηρέταις ‘deputies’); 26:58; Mk 14:54, 65; J 7:32, 45f; 18:3, 12, 22; 19:6; Ac 5:22, 26; GJs 10:1; 15:2. W. δοῦλοι (as Pla., Polit. 289c [on this Collins 81–84, s. below]; Just., A I, 14, 1) J 18:18. Of a synagogue attendant (as prob. in the Roman-Jewish grave ins: RGarrucci, Dissertazioni archeologiche II 1865, p. 166 no. 22) Lk 4:20 (ὑπ. as a title of cult officials: Thieme 33. Also Musaeus, Fgm. 11 Diels [Paus. 10, 5, 6]: Pyrcon as Poseidon’s ὑπηρέτης ἐς τὰ μαντεύματα; Dio Chrys. 19 [36], 33 ὑπ. τῶν τελετῶν; PLond 2710 recto, 11 [HTR 29, ’36, p. 40; 50]). Of a king’s retinue J 18:36; GJs 21:2; 23:1f. The apostles as assistants of Christ Ac 26:16; 1 Cor 4:1 (Epict. 3, 22, 82 the Cynic as ὑπ. τοῦ Διός; Galen, Protr. 5 p. 12, 5 J.: Socr., Hom. et al. as ὑπ. τοῦ θεοῦ; Pythagorean saying: WienerStud 8, 1886, p. 278 no. 105 τὸν εὐεργετοῦντά σε εἰς ψυχὴν ὡς ὑπηρέτην θεοῦ μετὰ θεὸν τίμα=one who has benefited you spiritually, esteem as God’s helper after God; Sextus 319; Just., D. 57, 3). Believers gener. as θεοῦ ὑπηρέται (w. οἰκονόμοι [as 1 Cor 4:1] and πάρεδροι) IPol 6:1 (cp. PGM 59, 3; 5 and Jos., Bell. 2, 321, Ant. 3, 16).—Also w. objective gen. of that to which services are rendered (Appian, Bell. Civ. 3, 41 §169 τῆς πατρίδος ὑπ.; Wsd 6:4) ὑπηρέται τοῦ λόγου ministers of the word Lk 1:2 (cp. the role of a scribe Sir 39:1–4; PMather, BR 30, ’85, 28f). ἐκκλησίας θεοῦ ὑπηρέται servants of God’s assembly/church ITr 2:3.—On the obscure οἱ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ὑπηρέται B 16:4 s. Windisch, Hdb. ad loc.—On the functions of the ὑπ. in Greco-Rom. Egypt, HKupiszewski and JModrzejewski, JJP XI and XII, ’57/58, 141–66; JCollins, Diakonia ’90, esp. 81–84, 173–75.—B. 1334. DELG. M-M. TW. Spicq. Sv.

ὑποτάσσω 1 aor. ὑπέταξα. Pass.: 2 fut. ὑποταγήσομαι; 2 aor. ὑπετάγην; perf. ὑποτέταγμαι (Aristot., Polyb.+)

① to cause to be in a submissive relationship, to subject, to subordinate

ⓐ act., abs. Ro 8:20b; 1 Cl 2:1b. τινά bring someone to subjection (Herodian 7, 2, 9) IPol 2:1. τινί τινα or τι someone or someth. to someone (Epict. 4, 12, 12 of God ὑπ. τί τινι; cp. Da 11:39 Theod.; TestJud 21:2; ApcSed 6:2; SibOr Fgm. 3, 12; Ar. [Milne 76, 49]; Menander Eph.: 783 Fgm. 1, 119 Jac. [in Jos., C. Ap. 1, 119]; Just., A I, 49, 7, A II 5, 2.—Cp. ὑπέταξεν ἑαυτοῦ τῇ ἐξουσίᾳ τοὺς Πάρθους Hippol., Ref. 9, 16, 4) 1 Cor 15:27c, 28c; Phil 3:21; Hb 2:5, 8b; Dg 10:2; Hm 12, 4, 2; AcPl Ha 8, 15. In the same sense ὑπ. τι ὑπὸ τοὺς πόδας τινός 1 Cor 15:27a; Eph 1:22; also ὑποκάτω τῶν ποδῶν τινος Hb 2:8a (Ps 8:7). ὑποτάσσειν ἑαυτόν τινι subject oneself to someone (Plut., Mor. 142e to the husband; Simplicius In Epict. p. 33 Düb. to transcendent powers) Hs 9, 22, 3.

ⓑ pass.

α. become subject τινί to a pers. or a state of being (Iren. 5, 5, 2 [Harv. II 332, 11]) Ro 8:20a; 1 Cor 15:28a; Hb 2:8c; 1 Pt 3:22; Dg 7:2; Pol 2:1. Abs. (Diod S 1, 55, 10; Aristobulus in Eus., PE 8, 10, 10 [=p. 140 Holladay] πάνθʼ ὑποτέτακται; Just., D. 85, 2 νικᾶται καὶ ὑποτάσσεται [Ath. 18, 2]; Iren. 1, 13, 4 [Harv. I 120, 7]) 1 Cor 15:27b.

β. subject oneself, be subjected or subordinated, obey abs. (Jos., Bell. 4, 175) Ro 13:5; 1 Cor 14:34 (cp. δουλεύετε ἀλλήλοις Gal 5:13); 1 Cl 2:1a; 57:2. Of submission involving recognition of an ordered structure, w. dat. of the entity to whom/which appropriate respect is shown (Palaeph. 38 p. 56, 15; 57, 2): toward a husband (s. Ps.-Callisth. 1, 22, 4 πρέπον ἐστὶ τὴν γυναῖκα τῷ ἀνδρὶ ὑποτάσσεσθαι, s. 1a above; cp. SEG 26, 1717, 26 [III/IV A.D.] in a love charm) Eph 5:22 v.l.; Col 3:18; Tit 2:5; 1 Pt 3:1 (on an alleged impv. sense s. Schwyzer II 407), 5; parents Lk 2:51; masters Tit 2:9; 1 Pt 2:18; B 19:7; D 4:11; secular authorities (1 Ch 29:24; Theoph. Ant. 1, 11 [p. 82, 14]) Ro 13:1 (CMorrison, The Powers That Be—Ro 13:1–13, diss. Basel ’56; EBarnikol, TU 77, ’61, 65–133 [non-Pauline]); Tit 3:1; 1 Pt 2:13; 1 Cl 61:1; church officials 1 Cl 1:3; 57:1; IEph 2:2; IMg 2; 13:2; ITr 2:1f; 13:2; IPol 6:1; Pol 5:3; νεώτεροι ὑποτάγητε πρεσβυτέροις 1 Pt 5:5. To God (Epict. 3, 24, 65 τ. θεῷ ὑποτεταγμένος; 4, 12, 11; Ps 61:2; 2 Macc 9:12) 1 Cor 15:28b; Hb 12:9; Js 4:7; 1 Cl 20:1; IEph 5:3; to Christ Eph 5:24. To the will of God, the law, etc. Ro 8:7; 10:3; 1 Cl 34:5; Hm 12, 5, 1; τῇ ἐπιθυμίᾳ τῇ ἀγαθῇ 12, 2, 5.—Of submission in the sense of voluntary yielding in love 1 Cor 16:16; Eph 5:21; 1 Pt 5:5b v.l.; 1 Cl 38:1.—The evil spirits must be subject to the disciples whom Jesus sends out Lk 10:17, 20. Likew. the prophetic spirits must be subject to the prophets in whom they dwell 1 Cor 14:32.—HMerklein, Studien zu Jesus und Paulus (WUNT 105) ’98, 405–37.

② to add a document at the end of another document, attach, append, subjoin (common in official documents, hence oft. ins, pap; also s. Jos., Vi. 364, Ant. 16, 161; Just., A I, 68, 4; Mel., HE 4, 26, 14) the letters of Ign. ὑποτεταγμέναι εἰσὶν τῇ ἐπιστολῇ ταύτῃ Pol 13:2.—M-M. EDNT. TW. Spicq.

λειτουργία, ας, ἡ (s. prec. entry; Pla.+; ins, pap, LXX, ParJer 3; ApcSed 14, 3 and 11; EpArist, Philo, Joseph., loanw. in rabb.) prim. ‘public service’, the usual designation for a service performed by an individual for the state or public cult (oft. free of charge, s. lit. under λειτουργέω 2), in our lit. almost always used w. some sort of relig. connotation. As with the use of the verb λειτουργέω NT writers suggest an aura of high status for those who render any type of service.

① service of a formal or public type, service

ⓐ of ritual and cultic services (Diod S 1, 21, 7; SIG 1109, 111; UPZ 17, 17 [163 B.C.] λ. τῷ θεῷ; 40, 19 [161 B.C.]; PTebt 302, 30 [s. Dssm. B 138=BS 141]; Ex 37:19; Num 8:22; 16:9; 18:4; 2 Ch 31:2; EpArist; Philo, Virt. 54 al.; Jos., Bell. 1, 26, Ant. 3, 107 al.; Hippol., Ref. 9, 30, 4) service as priest Lk 1:23. τὰς προσφορὰς καὶ λειτουργίας ἐπιτελεῖσθαι bring offerings and perform (other) ceremonial services 1 Cl 40:2. τὰ σκεύη τῆς λ. the vessels used in priestly service Hb 9:21 (ParJer 3:9, 11, 18). Of the high priest’s service 1 Cl 40:5. Fig., of the high-priestly office of Christ Hb 8:6.

ⓑ of other kinds of service to God 1 Cl 20:10. Of Noah 1 Cl 9:4. Of Paul (w. θυσία, q.v. 1; cp. BGU 1201, 7 [2 A.D.] πρὸς τὰς λιτουργείας καὶ θυσείας τῶν θεῶν) sacrificial service Phil 2:17.—Of officials in Christian congregations (ἡ τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς λ. Iren. 3, 3, 3 [Harv. II 10, 3]) διαδέχεσθαι τὴν λ. αὐτῶν succeed to their office 1 Cl 44:2; ἡ αὐτοῖς τετιμημένη λ. the office held in honor by them 44:6; ἀποβάλλεσθαι τῆς λ. be removed from office 44:3. On D 15:1 cp. λειτουργέω 1a.—Also of the activities of a nonofficial pers. in the church service μὴ παρεκβαίνειν τὸν ὡρισμένον τῆς λ. αὐτοῦ κανόνα not overstepping the fixed boundaries of his service 1 Cl 41:1. Of acts that show forth Christian charity and other virtues that are beyond the call of ordinary duty and are therefore more like those rendered by public-spirited citizens and thus evoke God’s special approval: αἱ λ. αὗται these services Hs 5, 3, 3; cp. 5, 3, 8 (λ. ἐκκλησίας θεοῦ ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ ἀνθρώπων Orig., C. Cels. 8, 75, 18).—Of angels: λ. τῆς κτίσεως ‘service to the creation’ Hippol., Ref. 9, 30, 2.

② service of a personal nature, help, assistance, service transf. sense of the primary mng. and mng. 1: of Epaphroditus’ services to Paul ἵνα ἀναπληρώσῃ τὸ ὑμῶν ὑστέρημα τῆς πρός με λειτουργίας in order that he might supply what was lacking in your service to me Phil 2:30. W. ref. to the collection ἡ διακονία τῆς λ. ταύτης 2 Cor 9:12.—ESchweizer, D. Leben d. Herrn in d. Gemeinde u. ihren Diensten, ’46, 19–23; AHillorst, Filología Neotestamentaria 1, ’88, 27–34.—DELG s.v. λαός. M-M. EDNT. TW. Spicq. Sv.