Перевод: со словенского на английский

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  • 21 edьnъ

    edìnъ; edьnъ Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `one'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 11-13
    Old Church Slavic:
    jedinъ `one' [num o];
    jedьnъ `one' [num o] \{1\}
    Russian:
    odín `one' [num o], odnogó [Gens], odná [Nomsf]
    Czech:
    jeden `one' [num o]
    Polish:
    jeden `one' [num o];
    jedyny `only' [num o]
    Old Polish:
    jedziny `only' [num o]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃dĕn `one' [num o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèdan `one' [num o], jȅdna [Nomsf];
    Čak. jedå̃n (Vrgada) `one' [num o], jednȁ [Nomsf], jednȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. jedãn (Orbanići) `one, some, a certain, a' [num o], jenȁ [Nomsf], jenȍ [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    edín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    jedín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    édǝn `one' [num o];
    jédǝn `one' [num o];
    èn `one' [num o]
    Bulgarian:
    edín `one' [num. o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-HiH-no-
    IE meaning: one
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 284, 286
    Comments: In view of Ru. odín, Gsg. odnogó etc., the form *jedьnь must be due to analogy. The vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called "tense jer": in strong postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour might be linked to the j of *jьnъ. Though the j, which before words beginning with a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *jedinъ/jedьnъ, it is conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jьnъ. The problem with this hypothesis is that forms with *jn- < *jьn appear to be lacking. Andersen's reconstruction *edeino- next to *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *jed- < *(h₁)edʰ- is unclear. Pokorny's reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter's law.
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form with ь is less common than jedinъ.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > edьnъ

  • 22 erębь

    erębь; erębъ; erębъkъ
    Page in Trubačev: I 73-76
    Church Slavic:
    jarębь (RuCS) `partridge' [m. jo??]
    Old Russian:
    erjabь, orjabь `partridge' [m. jo??]
    Czech:
    jeřáb `rowan-tree;
    crane, (arch.) `partridge' [m o];
    jeřábek `hazel-grouse' [m o]
    Slovak:
    jerab `rowan-tree' [m o]
    Polish:
    jarząb (arch., dial.) `rowan-tree (dial.), hazel-grouse (OPl.)' [m o];
    jarząbek, jerząbek (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jerjab `hazel-grouse' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȁrēb (dial.) `partridge' [m o];
    Čak. ȍreb (Vrgada) `partridge' [m o]
    Slovene:
    jerę̑b `partridge' [m o];
    jarę̑b `partridge' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: erimb-
    Lithuanian:
    jerubė̃, jerumbė̃ (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [f ē] 3b
    Latvian:
    ierube (BW) `partridge' [f ē]
    Indo-European reconstruction: ermb-o-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 334
    Comments: Rather than reconstructing *(j)arębъ etc. ( Trubačëv I: 73), I assume that *ja- arose secondarily from *je- (cf. Andersen 1996: 136 ff.). We seem to be dealing with a root *(e)r(m)b- (with a variant * (e)ru(m)b-) of undoubtedly non-Indo-European origin.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. jarpi `hazel-grouse'
    ;
    OIc. jarpr `brown' [adj] \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > erębь

  • 23 erębъ

    erębь; erębъ; erębъkъ
    Page in Trubačev: I 73-76
    Church Slavic:
    jarębь (RuCS) `partridge' [m. jo??]
    Old Russian:
    erjabь, orjabь `partridge' [m. jo??]
    Czech:
    jeřáb `rowan-tree;
    crane, (arch.) `partridge' [m o];
    jeřábek `hazel-grouse' [m o]
    Slovak:
    jerab `rowan-tree' [m o]
    Polish:
    jarząb (arch., dial.) `rowan-tree (dial.), hazel-grouse (OPl.)' [m o];
    jarząbek, jerząbek (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jerjab `hazel-grouse' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȁrēb (dial.) `partridge' [m o];
    Čak. ȍreb (Vrgada) `partridge' [m o]
    Slovene:
    jerę̑b `partridge' [m o];
    jarę̑b `partridge' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: erimb-
    Lithuanian:
    jerubė̃, jerumbė̃ (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [f ē] 3b
    Latvian:
    ierube (BW) `partridge' [f ē]
    Indo-European reconstruction: ermb-o-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 334
    Comments: Rather than reconstructing *(j)arębъ etc. ( Trubačëv I: 73), I assume that *ja- arose secondarily from *je- (cf. Andersen 1996: 136 ff.). We seem to be dealing with a root *(e)r(m)b- (with a variant * (e)ru(m)b-) of undoubtedly non-Indo-European origin.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. jarpi `hazel-grouse'
    ;
    OIc. jarpr `brown' [adj] \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > erębъ

  • 24 erębъkъ

    erębь; erębъ; erębъkъ
    Page in Trubačev: I 73-76
    Church Slavic:
    jarębь (RuCS) `partridge' [m. jo??]
    Old Russian:
    erjabь, orjabь `partridge' [m. jo??]
    Czech:
    jeřáb `rowan-tree;
    crane, (arch.) `partridge' [m o];
    jeřábek `hazel-grouse' [m o]
    Slovak:
    jerab `rowan-tree' [m o]
    Polish:
    jarząb (arch., dial.) `rowan-tree (dial.), hazel-grouse (OPl.)' [m o];
    jarząbek, jerząbek (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jerjab `hazel-grouse' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȁrēb (dial.) `partridge' [m o];
    Čak. ȍreb (Vrgada) `partridge' [m o]
    Slovene:
    jerę̑b `partridge' [m o];
    jarę̑b `partridge' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: erimb-
    Lithuanian:
    jerubė̃, jerumbė̃ (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [f ē] 3b
    Latvian:
    ierube (BW) `partridge' [f ē]
    Indo-European reconstruction: ermb-o-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 334
    Comments: Rather than reconstructing *(j)arębъ etc. ( Trubačëv I: 73), I assume that *ja- arose secondarily from *je- (cf. Andersen 1996: 136 ff.). We seem to be dealing with a root *(e)r(m)b- (with a variant * (e)ru(m)b-) of undoubtedly non-Indo-European origin.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. jarpi `hazel-grouse'
    ;
    OIc. jarpr `brown' [adj] \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > erębъkъ

  • 25 gatati

    gatati Grammatical information: v.
    Page in Trubačev: VI 105
    Church Slavic:
    gatati `tell fortunes, guess' [verb]
    Old Polish:
    gatać `talk, chatter' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    gátati `tell fortunes, guess, await, talk' [verb]
    Slovene:
    gátati `guess, tell fortunes' [verb], gȃtam [1sg] \{1\}
    Bulgarian:
    gatam `tell fortunes, guess' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: gwōt
    Page in Pokorny: 480
    Other cognates:
    Go. qiʮan `say, speak' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} Possibly of Serbo-Croatian origin.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > gatati

  • 26 jьlьmъ

    jьlьmъ Grammatical information: m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `elm'
    Page in Trubačev: VIII 222-223
    Russian:
    íl'm `wych elm ( Ulmus montana )' [m o], íl'ma [Gens];
    ílem (Da l') `common (or small-leaved) elm ( Ulmus campestris )' [m o], íl'ma [Gens];
    lëmok (dial.) `young wych elm' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    ilemъ `elm' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    il'm `wych elm ( Ulmus montana )' [m o];
    ílem `wych elm ( Ulmus montana )' [m o];
    l'om `wych elm ( Ulmus montana )' [m o]
    Czech:
    jilm `elm' [m o];
    jilma `elm' [f ā]
    Polish:
    ilm `elm' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    ilem `elm' [m o]
    Slovincian:
    hẽlem `elm' [m o]
    Polabian:
    jėlmă `elm' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    lìm `elm' [m o], líma [Gens] \{1\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁l̯-mo-??
    Other cognates:
    Lat. ulmus `elm'
    ;
    OHG ëlm `elm'
    ;
    OIc. almr `elm'
    Notes:
    \{1\} According to Pleteršnik, ilǝm, Gsg. ilma, is of Russian origin.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > jьlьmъ

  • 27 lъgati

    lъgati Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `lie'
    Page in Trubačev: XVI 233-237
    Old Church Slavic:
    lъgati `lie' [verb], lъžǫ [1sg]
    Russian:
    lgat' `lie' [verb], lžu [1sg], lžët [3sg]
    Czech:
    lháti `lie' [verb]
    Old Czech:
    lháti `lie' [verb], lžu [1sg]
    Slovak:
    luhat' `lie' [verb];
    lhat' `deceive' [verb]
    Polish:
    ɫgać `deceive, lie' [verb], ɫżę [1sg]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    làgati `lie' [verb], lȁžēm [1sg];
    Čak. lagȁti (Vrgada) `lie' [verb], lȁžeš [2sg]
    Slovene:
    lǝgáti `lie' [verb], lážem [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    lắža `lie' [verb]
    Lithuanian:
    lūgóti `request, beg' [verb] \{1\}
    Latvian:
    lùgt `request, invite' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: lugʰ-
    Other cognates:
    Go. liugan `lie' [verb];
    OIc. ljúga `lie' [verb];
    OHG liogan `lie' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} Possibly of Latvian origin.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > lъgati

  • 28 màkъ

    màkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `poppy'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 149-151
    Church Slavic:
    makъ `poppy' [m o]
    Russian:
    mak `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]
    Czech:
    mák `poppy' [m o]
    Slovak:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Polish:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁk `poppy' [m o], mȁka [Gens], màka [Gens];
    Čak. mȁk (Vrgada) `poppy' [m o], makȁ [Gens]
    Slovene:
    màk `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ?
    Lithuanian:
    aguonà `poppy' [f ā] 2;
    mãguonė (dial.) `poppy' [f ē] 1 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    maguône `poppy' [f ē] \{2\} \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    moke (EV) `poppy' [f]
    IE meaning: poppy
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 698
    Comments: The Germanic forms show grammatischer Wechsel as well as an alternation *ā: a. The vocalism, which could reflect PIE *eh₁: h₁, does not match the ā of the Greek and the Slavic forms, which leads us to assume that the vowel alternation arose when at a comparatively late stage the root māk- was borrowed into Germanic (cf. Kluge 1989, 484). The Lithuanian and Latvian forms are usually considered borrowings from Germanic, whereas OPr. moke may have been borrowed from Polish. The Estonian and Livonian forms must be borrowings from Baltic, probably Latvian. It is generally agreed upon that ultimately we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European (Mediterranean?) origin.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. μήκων `poppy' [f];
    Dor. μά̑κων `poppy' [f];
    OHG māho `poppy'
    ;
    OHG mago `poppy'
    ;
    OS magosāmo `poppyseed'
    ;
    OS mēcopin (Königsberg) `poppy'
    ;
    OSw. valmoghe `poppy'
    \{4\};
    Est. magun `poppy;
    Liv. maggon `poppy'
    Notes:
    \{1\} Besides, we find the variants maguona and magūna. The forms with m are restricted to the area around Klaipėda. \{2\} I have found the variants magùona2, magana, magane and magūne. \{3\} The initial m of the word for `poppy' was apparently lost in Lithuanian but not in Latvian. The Lithuanian dialect forms with m- may be due to the influence of the (Latvian) language of the fishermen of the Couronian Isthmus (cf. Būga RR III: 320). Sabaliauskas suggests dissimilatory loss of m, parallel to the loss of r in arotai: rarotai, akrūtas: rakrūtas, Latv. ruodere: uodere, ūk̨eris (1960, 71-72). \{4\} The first element means `sleep', cf. Nw. dial. vale `deep sleep', Sw. dial. valbjörn `Schlafdorn'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > màkъ

  • 29 mara

    mara Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `ghost, apparition'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 204-207 \{1\}
    Church Slavic:
    mara (RuCS) `ecstasy' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mára, mará `apparition, mirage;
    (dial.) house-sprite, evil spirit' [f ā]
    Belorussian:
    mará, mára `dream, apparition, nightmare;
    (dial.) `witch, demon' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    mará `apparition, ghost, witch' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    mara `ghost, apparition' [f ā]
    Polish:
    Slovincian:
    mara `dream, apparition, ghost' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mara `goddess of illness and death' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    Mára `name of a fairy-tale monster' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂-reh₂
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: There are basically two views on the origin of *mara. According to a hypothesis put forward by Franck (1904: 129) and advocated by a.o. Schuster-Šewc (885ff), *mara continues PIE *mōrā and differs from *mora only in having lengthened grade. The alternative etymology, which can at least be traced to Zubatý 1894, connects *mara with the root ma- < *meh₂- of majati, mamъ etc. Though it seems at a first glance unsatisfactory to separate *mara from *mora - in Polish, for instance, mara and mora are synonymous -, it is awkward that in most Slavic languages both apophonic variants would occur side by side. Perhaps we have to start from *mara `illusion, apparition' beside *mora `female demon that tortures people with nightmares', which later became confused. This scenario may also offer an explanation for the fact that the accentual paradigm of both words is so hard to determine. We would expect *màra (a) - in view of Hirt's law - beside *morà (b) or (c). Nevertheless we find forms like Ru. móra and mará (beside mára). I think that in this respect, too, we have to reckon with analogy.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mara

  • 30 mě̀dь

    mě̀dь Grammatical information: f. i Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `copper'
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 144-146
    Old Church Slavic:
    mědь `copper' [f i]
    Russian:
    med' `copper' [f i]
    Ukrainian:
    mid' `copper' [f i]
    Czech:
    měd' `copper' [f i]
    Slovak:
    med' `copper' [f i]
    Polish:
    miedź `copper' [f i]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mjedź `ore' [f i] \{1\}
    Lower Sorbian:
    měź `copper' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mjȅd `copper, brass' [f i];
    mjȅd `copper, brass' [m o]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑d `ore, metal (esp. copper and alloys of copper)' [f i], mẹdȋ [Gens];
    mẹ̑d `ore, metal (esp. copper and alloys of copper)' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    med `copper' [f i]
    Notes:
    \{1\} According to Schuster-Šewc ( HEW II: 920), mědź `copper' is of Czech origin.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mě̀dь

  • 31 mьglà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьglà

  • 32 mьgà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьgà

  • 33 miglъ

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > miglъ

  • 34 mьstь

    mьstь; mьsta Grammatical information: f. i; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `vengeance, revenge'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 172-174
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьstь `vengeance, revenge, punishment, defence' [f i]
    Russian:
    mestь `vengeance, revenge' [f i];
    msta (dial.) `vengeance, revenge' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    msta (poet.) `vengeance, revenge' [f ā]
    Czech:
    msta `vengeance, revenge' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    mstva `vengeance, revenge' [f ā]
    Polish:
    msta (16th-17th. c.) `vengeance, revenge' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    măst `vengeance, revenge' [f i]
    Page in Pokorny: 715
    Comments: I consider a reconstruction * mith₂-ti- more likely than the assumption that * mьstь has the same origin as -> * mьzda.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. missa `loss, damage' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьstь

  • 35 mьsta

    mьstь; mьsta Grammatical information: f. i; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `vengeance, revenge'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 172-174
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьstь `vengeance, revenge, punishment, defence' [f i]
    Russian:
    mestь `vengeance, revenge' [f i];
    msta (dial.) `vengeance, revenge' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    msta (poet.) `vengeance, revenge' [f ā]
    Czech:
    msta `vengeance, revenge' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    mstva `vengeance, revenge' [f ā]
    Polish:
    msta (16th-17th. c.) `vengeance, revenge' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    măst `vengeance, revenge' [f i]
    Page in Pokorny: 715
    Comments: I consider a reconstruction * mith₂-ti- more likely than the assumption that * mьstь has the same origin as -> * mьzda.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. missa `loss, damage' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьsta

  • 36 olьxa

    olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82
    Russian:
    ol'xá `alder' [f ā];
    ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    jelcha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Polish:
    olcha `alder' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jelha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-
    Lithuanian:
    al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;
    alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;
    álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1
    Latvian:
    àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];
    àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂
    IE meaning: alder
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-303
    Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. alnus `alder'
    ;
    Span. aliso `alder'
    ;
    Mac. ἄλιζα `white poplar';
    OHG elira, erila `alder' [f];
    OE alor `alder'
    ;
    OIc. ǫlr `alder'
    , jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olьxa

  • 37 elьxa

    olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82
    Russian:
    ol'xá `alder' [f ā];
    ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    jelcha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Polish:
    olcha `alder' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jelha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-
    Lithuanian:
    al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;
    alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;
    álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1
    Latvian:
    àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];
    àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂
    IE meaning: alder
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-303
    Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. alnus `alder'
    ;
    Span. aliso `alder'
    ;
    Mac. ἄλιζα `white poplar';
    OHG elira, erila `alder' [f];
    OE alor `alder'
    ;
    OIc. ǫlr `alder'
    , jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elьxa

  • 38 rębika

    rębika; rębina Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `rowan tree'
    Russian:
    rjabíka (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā];
    rjabína `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    rjabýna (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    rebika (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    rebíka `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ri(m)ʔb-;; ru(m)ʔb-
    Lithuanian:
    ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;
    irbẽnis `snowball-tree' [m io]
    Latvian:
    ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];
    irbęnājs `snowball-tree' [m o];
    rubenis `black grouse' [m io]
    Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 334
    Comments: Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. ráibas, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (= Ukr. ribyj?) probably belongs here as well. The i: u alternation in the root and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis must have been secondarily shortened because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > rębika

  • 39 rębina

    rębika; rębina Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `rowan tree'
    Russian:
    rjabíka (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā];
    rjabína `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    rjabýna (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    rebika (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    rebíka `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ri(m)ʔb-;; ru(m)ʔb-
    Lithuanian:
    ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;
    irbẽnis `snowball-tree' [m io]
    Latvian:
    ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];
    irbęnājs `snowball-tree' [m o];
    rubenis `black grouse' [m io]
    Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 334
    Comments: Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. ráibas, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (= Ukr. ribyj?) probably belongs here as well. The i: u alternation in the root and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis must have been secondarily shortened because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > rębina

  • 40 rębь

    rębь; rębъkъ Grammatical information: m. jo??; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `hazel-grouse, partridge'
    Russian:
    rjab' ( Dal': eccl., N. dial.) `sand-grouse, hazel-grouse' [m jo];
    rjabók (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [m o] \{1\}
    Slovene:
    rę̑b `partridge' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: re/imbo-
    Lithuanian:
    ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;
    jerubė̃, jerumbė̃ (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [f ē] 3b
    Latvian:
    ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];
    rubenis `black grouse' [m io]
    Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-o-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 334
    Other cognates:
    OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{2\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Cf. rjábčik (the Standard Russian form), rjábuška and rjábec or rjabéc `hazel-grouse', rjábka `partridge' (Dal' s.v. rjabyj). The form rjabéc also means `trout'. \{2\} Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- and contain u but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. raibas 3/4, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (Ukr. ribyj?) may belong here as well. The e: eu alternation and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ etc.) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis poses a problem because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > rębь

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