Перевод: со словенского на английский

с английского на словенский

has

  • 1 lazъ

    lazъ Grammatical information: m. o
    Page in Trubačev: XIV 72-76
    Czech:
    laz `part of a furrow that has not been ploughed up' [m o];
    láz `slope where the forest has been uprooted but the earth has not been worked' [m o]
    Old Czech:
    laz `strip of land, ploughed field, field' [m o];
    láz `strip of land, ploughed field, field' [m o]
    Slovak:
    lazy `kind of mountain settlements' [Nompm o];
    lazy `ploughed fields, meadows, houses on a slope' [Nompm o]
    Polish:
    ɫaz `mountain path, pasture' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    ɫaz `strip of worked land in the woods' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁz (Vuk) `small field, place with many felled trees' [m o];
    lȃz `cleared field, narrow passage, hole in a fence' [m o];
    Čak. lå̑z (Vrgada) `hole in a fence' [m o]
    Slovene:
    lȃz `clear spot in the woods, virgin soil' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: loh₁ǵʰ-o-
    Other cognates:
    OIc. lágr `low' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > lazъ

  • 2 ȍlkъtь

    ȍlkъtь; ȍlkъtъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `elbow, ell'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 65-67
    Old Church Slavic:
    lakъtь `elbow, ell' [m i], lakъte [Gens] \{2\}
    Russian:
    lókot' `elbow, ell' [m jo], lóktja [Gens]
    Czech:
    loket `elbow, ell' [m (j)o]
    Slovak:
    lakot' `elbow, ell' [m (j)o]
    Polish:
    ɫokieć `elbow, ell' [m jo]
    Upper Sorbian:
    ɫochć `elbow' [m jo];
    ɫóchć (dial.) `elbow' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȃkat `elbow, ell' [m o], lākta [Gens];
    Čak. lȁkat (Vrgada) `elbow, ell' [m o], lȁhta [Gens];
    Čak. lȁkat (Novi) `elbow, ell' [m o], lȁhta [Gens];
    Čak. lȃkat (Orbanići) `elbow, armlength, yard (measure)' [m o], lȃhta [Gens]
    Slovene:
    lakȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], laktà [Gens], laktȗ [Gens], lahtà [Gens], lahtȗ [Gens];
    lakȃt `elbow, ell' [f i], laktȋ [Gens], lahtȋ [Gens];
    lahȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], lahtȗ [Gens];
    lakǝ̀t `elbow, ell' [m o], laktà [Gens];
    lákǝt `elbow, ell' [m o];
    lǝkȃt `elbow, ell' [f i], lǝhtȋ [Gens];
    lǝkȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], lǝhtȗ [Gens];
    lèhǝt `elbow' [m o], lǝ̀hta [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    lákăt `elbow, ell' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: Hol-k-
    Lithuanian:
    alkū́nė `elbow' [f ē] 1;
    elkū́nė (arch., dial.) `elbow' [f ē] 1 \{3\}
    Latvian:
    ę̀lks `elbow, bend' [m o];
    ę̀lkuons `elbow, bend' [m o] \{4\}
    Old Prussian:
    alkunis (EV) `elbow'
    Indo-European reconstruction: HHolkuti- \{1\}
    IE meaning: elbow
    Comments: The e- of the East Baltic forms may be another instance of "Rozwadowski's change". The somewhat awkward reconstruction *HHol- (*HH₃el-) is required by the acute intonation of Lith. úolektis, Latv. uôlekts `ell' < *HoHl- (*HeH₃l-), cf. OPr. woaltis `forearm', woaltis `ell', ὠλένη `elbow, forearm'. If one subscribes to the view that a lengthened grade vowel yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, *(H)ōl- is the obvious reconstruction.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ολέκρα̑νος `point of the elbow'
    ;
    Lat. ulna `elbow' [f];
    OIr. uilen `elbow' [f];
    OHG elina `ell' [f];
    Arm. oɫn `spine, shoulder'
    Notes:
    \{1\} *HH₃elkuti seems also possible. \{2\} In some case forms OCS lakъtь is inflected as a consonant stem. In the modern languages *ȍlkъtь has adopted the pattern of the jo- or o-stems. \{3\} The LKŽ has elkū̃nė instead of elkū́nė, even though one of the sources mentioned - F. Kurschat's dictionary - actually has an acute. \{4\} Also ę̀lkuonis, ę̀lkuone, ę̀lkūne2.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȍlkъtь

  • 3 ȍlkъtъ

    ȍlkъtь; ȍlkъtъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `elbow, ell'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 65-67
    Old Church Slavic:
    lakъtь `elbow, ell' [m i], lakъte [Gens] \{2\}
    Russian:
    lókot' `elbow, ell' [m jo], lóktja [Gens]
    Czech:
    loket `elbow, ell' [m (j)o]
    Slovak:
    lakot' `elbow, ell' [m (j)o]
    Polish:
    ɫokieć `elbow, ell' [m jo]
    Upper Sorbian:
    ɫochć `elbow' [m jo];
    ɫóchć (dial.) `elbow' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȃkat `elbow, ell' [m o], lākta [Gens];
    Čak. lȁkat (Vrgada) `elbow, ell' [m o], lȁhta [Gens];
    Čak. lȁkat (Novi) `elbow, ell' [m o], lȁhta [Gens];
    Čak. lȃkat (Orbanići) `elbow, armlength, yard (measure)' [m o], lȃhta [Gens]
    Slovene:
    lakȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], laktà [Gens], laktȗ [Gens], lahtà [Gens], lahtȗ [Gens];
    lakȃt `elbow, ell' [f i], laktȋ [Gens], lahtȋ [Gens];
    lahȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], lahtȗ [Gens];
    lakǝ̀t `elbow, ell' [m o], laktà [Gens];
    lákǝt `elbow, ell' [m o];
    lǝkȃt `elbow, ell' [f i], lǝhtȋ [Gens];
    lǝkȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], lǝhtȗ [Gens];
    lèhǝt `elbow' [m o], lǝ̀hta [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    lákăt `elbow, ell' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: Hol-k-
    Lithuanian:
    alkū́nė `elbow' [f ē] 1;
    elkū́nė (arch., dial.) `elbow' [f ē] 1 \{3\}
    Latvian:
    ę̀lks `elbow, bend' [m o];
    ę̀lkuons `elbow, bend' [m o] \{4\}
    Old Prussian:
    alkunis (EV) `elbow'
    Indo-European reconstruction: HHolkuti- \{1\}
    IE meaning: elbow
    Comments: The e- of the East Baltic forms may be another instance of "Rozwadowski's change". The somewhat awkward reconstruction *HHol- (*HH₃el-) is required by the acute intonation of Lith. úolektis, Latv. uôlekts `ell' < *HoHl- (*HeH₃l-), cf. OPr. woaltis `forearm', woaltis `ell', ὠλένη `elbow, forearm'. If one subscribes to the view that a lengthened grade vowel yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, *(H)ōl- is the obvious reconstruction.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ολέκρα̑νος `point of the elbow'
    ;
    Lat. ulna `elbow' [f];
    OIr. uilen `elbow' [f];
    OHG elina `ell' [f];
    Arm. oɫn `spine, shoulder'
    Notes:
    \{1\} *HH₃elkuti seems also possible. \{2\} In some case forms OCS lakъtь is inflected as a consonant stem. In the modern languages *ȍlkъtь has adopted the pattern of the jo- or o-stems. \{3\} The LKŽ has elkū̃nė instead of elkū́nė, even though one of the sources mentioned - F. Kurschat's dictionary - actually has an acute. \{4\} Also ę̀lkuonis, ę̀lkuone, ę̀lkūne2.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȍlkъtъ

  • 4 bě̄dà

    bě̄dà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `need, poverty, misery'
    Page in Trubačev: II 54-56
    Old Church Slavic:
    běda `distress, need, necessity' [f ā]
    Russian:
    bedá `misfortune, trouble' [f ā]
    Czech:
    bída `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    běda `woe!' [interj]
    Slovak:
    bieda `poverty, calamity' [f ā]
    Polish:
    bieda `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    biada `woe!' [interj]
    Old Polish:
    biada `distress, necessity' [f ā] \{1\}
    Upper Sorbian:
    běda `grief, woe, misery' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    běda `grief, pain' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bijèda `grief, misfortune' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    bẹ́da `misery' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    bedá `misfortune, misery' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰoidʰ-eh₂ \{2\}
    IE meaning: force
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 117
    Comments: According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds.
    Other cognates:
    Alb. be `oath' [f] \{2\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} The vocalism of Modern Polish bieda `id.' is of Mazowian origin, cf. biada `woe!'. \{2\} According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds. \{3\} Demiraj prefers *bʰeidʰ-i-s to an ā-stem (1997: 94).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bě̄dà

  • 5 dojìti

    dojìti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `give milk, milk'
    Page in Trubačev: V 53-54
    Old Church Slavic:
    doiti `breast-feed, nurse' [verb], dojǫ [1sg]
    Russian:
    doít' `milk' [verb], dojú [1sg], doít [3sg];
    doít' (dial.) `give milk (cow), suckle (calf)' [verb]
    Czech:
    dojiti `milk' [verb]
    Slovak:
    dojit' `milk, give milk' [verb]
    Polish:
    doić `milk, (arch., dial. ) give milk' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dòjiti `breast-feed, suckle, give milk' [verb], dòjīm [1sg];
    Čak. dojȉti (Vrgada) `breast-feed, suckle, give milk' [verb], dojĩš [2sg];
    Čak. dojȉt (Orbanići) `suckle, breast-feed' [verb], dojĩ [3sg]
    Slovene:
    dojíti `breast-feed, give milk, milk' [verb], dojím [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    dojá `breast-feed, give milk, milk' [verb]
    Page in Pokorny: 241
    Comments: The straightfoward analysis * dʰoiH₁-eie meets with several difficulties. In the first place, one would rather expect * dʰoH₁i-eie in view of forms such as Latv. dêt `suck', where we are dealing with an unextended root. This reconstruction would yield * dajati, however. Skt. dáyati `suckle', has been analyzed as * dʰh₁-eie (see LIV: 142), where the same analysis is applied to OSw. dīa), but this reconstruction cannot account the Slavic form. Klingenschmitt (1982: 148) has suggested for both Slavic *dojìti and Go. daddjan that the formation is built on the present stem, i.e. *dʰ(h₁)éie gave rise to *dʰoi̯éi̯e.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. dháyati `suck' [verb];
    Go. daddjan `breast-feed' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dojìti

  • 6 drě̄màti

    drě̄màti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `doze, slumber'
    Page in Trubačev: V 108-109
    Old Church Slavic:
    \{1\}
    Church Slavic:
    drěmati `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Russian:
    dremát' `doze, slumber' [verb], dremljú [1sg], drémljet [3sg]
    Czech:
    dřímati `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Slovak:
    driemat' `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Polish:
    drzemać `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Slovincian:
    dřìe̯măc `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    drijèmati `doze, slumber' [verb], drȉjemām [1sg], drȉjemljēm [1sg];
    Čak. drīmȁti (Vrgada) `doze, slumber' [verb], drĩml̨eš [2sg]
    Slovene:
    drẹ́mati `doze, slumber' [verb], drẹ́mam [1sg], drẹ́mljem [3sg]
    Bulgarian:
    drémja `doze, slumber' [verb]
    Comments: It has been suggested that the Slavic root *drěm- is a contamination of * dreh₁-, cf. Skt. ni-drāyā́t (Br) 3sg. opt. `may sleep, slumber', and * dremß-, cf. Lat. dormīre `sleep'. A reconstruction * dreh₁m is in conflict with the accentual evidence, however. It is therefore more likely that *drěmati has a secondary lengthened grade vowel, which is not uncommon in intensives (cf. Klingenschmitt 1989: 81).
    Other cognates:
    Skt. ni-drāyā́t (Br) `sleep, slumber' [3sopa];
    Lat. dormīre `sleep'
    Notes:
    \{1\} In OCS, we only find drěmanie (Ps. Sin.) Asg. `slumber'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > drě̄màti

  • 7 dьrba

    dьrba Grammatical information: f. ā
    Page in Trubačev: V 219
    Russian:
    derbá (dial.) `new ploughed field, of which the hardened top layer has been removed;
    virgin land, fallow land which has been ploughed up anew, overgrown fallow land' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    dérba `turf' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: drbʰ-eh₂
    Other cognates:
    OIc. torfa `turf' [f];
    OE turf `turf' [f];
    OHG zurba `turf' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dьrba

  • 8 evьja

    evьja; evьn̨a Grammatical information: f. iā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `granary, drying shed'
    Page in Trubačev: -
    Russian:
    évnja (W. dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    ëvnja (Psk.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    evnjá (dial.) `drying shed without a ceiling' [f jā]
    Belorussian:
    ëŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    éŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jaŭja (dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{1\}
    Ukrainian:
    jevja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jévnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā]
    Polish:
    jawia `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{2\};
    jewnia (arch.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jownia (arch.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: iouiaH
    Lithuanian:
    jáuja `granary, drying shed, threshing shed' [f ā] 1 \{3\}
    Latvian:
    jaũja `threshing floor' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    jauge `drying shed, barn for braking flax' \{4\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: ieu-iH-eh₂
    IE meaning: granary
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 512
    Comments: It is evident that *evьja is a borrowing from Baltic. The Baltic word is a derivative of the word for `grain', Lith. javaĩ, which lacks a Slavic counterpart. The resyllabification of *iau̯-iā to *iau-i̯ā may account for the metatonical acute tone of both the Lithuanian and the Latvian form, if we assume that the original form was *iau̯-ìā. The East Slavic word *ovinъ apparently underwent the e- > o- shift (I do not share Andersen's objections to Trubačëv's Proto-Slavic reconstruction *evinъ, theoretical though it is).
    Other cognates:
    MoHG jauge (dial.) `barn'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form without -n- has been recorded from 1540 onwards in many different shapes, e.g. ev'ja, jav'ja, evga and javga. According to Anikin (2005: 143), only the form jaŭja is known in the living language. The other forms are limited to areas that were inhabited by Lithuanians.\{2\} Since 1554 many variants have been recorded, e.g. jawia, jawgia, jewia, jowia. \{3\} There are many variants, viz. jáujė, jáujis, jáujas, jáujus. \{4\} The oldest source (1604) has the spelling jawyge (Toporov II: 21).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > evьja

  • 9 evьn̨a

    evьja; evьn̨a Grammatical information: f. iā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `granary, drying shed'
    Page in Trubačev: -
    Russian:
    évnja (W. dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    ëvnja (Psk.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    evnjá (dial.) `drying shed without a ceiling' [f jā]
    Belorussian:
    ëŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    éŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jaŭja (dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{1\}
    Ukrainian:
    jevja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jévnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā]
    Polish:
    jawia `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{2\};
    jewnia (arch.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jownia (arch.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: iouiaH
    Lithuanian:
    jáuja `granary, drying shed, threshing shed' [f ā] 1 \{3\}
    Latvian:
    jaũja `threshing floor' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    jauge `drying shed, barn for braking flax' \{4\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: ieu-iH-eh₂
    IE meaning: granary
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 512
    Comments: It is evident that *evьja is a borrowing from Baltic. The Baltic word is a derivative of the word for `grain', Lith. javaĩ, which lacks a Slavic counterpart. The resyllabification of *iau̯-iā to *iau-i̯ā may account for the metatonical acute tone of both the Lithuanian and the Latvian form, if we assume that the original form was *iau̯-ìā. The East Slavic word *ovinъ apparently underwent the e- > o- shift (I do not share Andersen's objections to Trubačëv's Proto-Slavic reconstruction *evinъ, theoretical though it is).
    Other cognates:
    MoHG jauge (dial.) `barn'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form without -n- has been recorded from 1540 onwards in many different shapes, e.g. ev'ja, jav'ja, evga and javga. According to Anikin (2005: 143), only the form jaŭja is known in the living language. The other forms are limited to areas that were inhabited by Lithuanians.\{2\} Since 1554 many variants have been recorded, e.g. jawia, jawgia, jewia, jowia. \{3\} There are many variants, viz. jáujė, jáujis, jáujas, jáujus. \{4\} The oldest source (1604) has the spelling jawyge (Toporov II: 21).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > evьn̨a

  • 10 ěrь

    I. ěrь Grammatical information: f. i
    Page in Trubačev: VIII 180-181
    Russian:
    jar' (dial.) `spring, spring field, spring wheat' [f i]
    Old Russian:
    jar' `spring corn' [f i]
    Ukrainian:
    jar' `spring, spring corn' [f i]
    Czech:
    jař `spring corn' [f i];
    jar (dial.) `spring' [f i]
    Slovak:
    jar `spring' [f i]
    Polish:
    jarz (15th-17th c.) `spring, spring corn' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jar `spring barley ( Hordeum distichum )' [f i];
    jar `spring barley ( Hordeum distichum )' [m. o]
    Slovene:
    jȃr `spring corn' [f i], jarȋ [Gens] \{1\}
    Other cognates:
    Skt. paryāríṇī- (Kath+) `cow which has its first calf after a year' [f];
    Gk. ὥρα̑ `time, season' [f];
    Av. yar- `year' [n];
    Go. jer `year' [n];
    OHG jār `year' [n]
    Notes:
    \{1\} Pleteršnik actually has `Sommergetreide', which means `corn that is sown in spring and harvested in summer'. I assume that jȃr may be identified with jaro žito `corn sown in spring', cf. járica `id.'.
    II. \>\> ěro

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ěrь

  • 11 màlъ

    màlъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `small, little'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 173-178
    Old Church Slavic:
    malъ `small, little' [adj o]
    Russian:
    mályj `small, little' [adj o]
    Czech:
    malý `small, little' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    malý `small, little' [adj o]
    Polish:
    maɫy `small, little' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁo `small, little' [adj o];
    Čak. må̃lī (Vrgada) `small, little' [adj o];
    Čak. mȃli (Orbanići) `small, little' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    mȃli `small, little' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    mal (BTR) `small, little' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: moh₁-lo-
    Page in Pokorny: 724
    Comments: The question is whether *màlъ can be linked to PIE *melH-, as has been advocated by Varbot, for instance (1972: 63). In view of the acute root vowel, I consider this unlikely: we would have to posit a lengthened grade root of which the acute intonation is analogical after forms with full or zero grade. Thus, I prefer to reconstruct a root *mH₁-, which in the etymon under discussion is followed by an l-suffix (cf. Vaillant IV, 545, where the root is assumed to be identical with the root of Ru. majat', which I reconstruct as *meH₂-). The Germanic forms would have s mobile and zero grade of the root. Notice that Pokorny classifies CS mělъkъ under 1. mel-, melǝ- `zermalmen, schlagen, mahlen etc.', while OCS malъ can be found under mēlo-, smēlo- `kleines Tier'.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. μη̃λον `small cattle, goat, sheep' [n] \{1\};
    OIr. míl `(small) `animal';
    Go. smals `small, insignificant'
    ;
    OIc. smali `small (live) `stock, sheep'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Doric form also has η.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > màlъ

  • 12 matorъ

    matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 244-249
    Church Slavic:
    matorъ `old' [adj o]
    Russian:
    matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];
    materój `full-grown' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    matǫ́r `old' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-
    IE meaning: mother
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. mātūrus `ripe, mature, premature' [adj];
    Lat. mānus `good' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > matorъ

  • 13 materъ

    matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 244-249
    Church Slavic:
    matorъ `old' [adj o]
    Russian:
    matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];
    materój `full-grown' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    matǫ́r `old' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-
    IE meaning: mother
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. mātūrus `ripe, mature, premature' [adj];
    Lat. mānus `good' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > materъ

  • 14 modrъ

    modrъ Grammatical information: adj. o
    Page in Trubačev: XIX, 101-104
    Church Slavic:
    modrъ `blue' [adj o]
    Czech:
    modrý `blue' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    modrý `blue' [adj o]
    Polish:
    modry `blue' [adj o]
    Slovincian:
    modrḯ `blue' [adj o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    módry `blue' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȍdar `blue' [adj o], mȍdra [Nomsf], mȍdro [Nomsn];
    mòdar (Croat.) `blue' [adj o], mòdra [Nomsf], mòdro [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    mǫ́dǝr `blue' [adj o], módra [Nomsf]
    Comments: Machek (1949) has connected * modrъ with Hitt. antara- `blue', which requires that the latter etymon has an < * am-. In view of Winter's law, we would have to reconstruct * modʰro- for Slavic and a zero grade * mdʰro- for Hittite.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > modrъ

  • 15 vysòkъ

    vysòkъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `high'
    Old Church Slavic:
    vysokъ `high' [adj o]
    Russian:
    vysókij `high, tall' [adj o];
    vysók `high, tall' [adj o], vysoká [Nomsf], vysokó [Nomsn]
    Czech:
    vysoký `high, tall' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    vysoký `high' [adj o]
    Polish:
    wysoki `high, tall' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    vìsok `high, tall' [adj o], visòka [Nomsf], visòko [Nomsn];
    Čak. visȍk (Vrgada) `high, tall' [adj o], visokȁ [Nomsf], visokȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. visȍk (Orbanići) `high, tall' [adj o], visȍka [Nomsf], visȍko [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    visòk `high' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    visók `high, tall' [adj o]
    Comments: For the suffix *- okъ, cf. -> *glǫbòkъ, *dalèkъ. The suffix is absent in the comparative, e.g. Ru. výše, SCr. vìšē, Sln. vȋše, where we also find the original acute tone. The root is usually reconstructed as * ūps-, cf. Gk. ὑψηλός `high'. Kortlandt (1977) has argued that in Balto-Slavic initial *u yielded acute "long" *u (Lith. ū́, PSl. *vy) under the stress and short *u in pretonic position. The acute variant is supposed to have originated from a Balto-Slavic prothetic laryngeal. Now that an number of examples can be explained by Winter's law, the evidence for Kortlandt's explanation has been weakened. Nevertheless, the Slavic situation regarding initial *u undeniably resembles the situation regarding initial *i, where I have claimed (2003) that stressed *i- yielded * (j)i under the stress, but *jь in unstressed position. In my opinion, it is likely that the reflex * vy- originated in stressed position, cf. vỳsь and the comparative vỳše.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ὑψηλός `high' [adj];
    OIr. úasal `high, lofty' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > vysòkъ

  • 16 às(ъ)trę̄bъ

    às(ъ)trę̄bъ; às(ъ)trě̄bъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `hawk'
    Page in Trubačev: I 83-85
    Russian:
    jástreb `hawk' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    jastrjabъ `hawk' [m o];
    jastrebъ `hawk' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jástrib `hawk' [m o];
    astrjáb (dial.) `hawk' [m o];
    jástrjab `hawk' [m o]
    Czech:
    jestřáb `hawk' [m o]
    Old Czech:
    jestřáb `hawk' [m o];
    jěstřáb `hawk' [m o]
    Slovak:
    jastrab `hawk' [m o]
    Polish:
    jastrząb `hawk' [m jo], jastrzębia [Gens] \{1\}
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃střïb `hawk' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jatřob `hawk' [m jo]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jastśeb `hawk' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȁstrijeb `hawk' [m o];
    Čak. jȁstrēb (Vrgada) `hawk' [m o];
    Čak. jãstrop (Orlec) `hawk' [m o]
    Slovene:
    jȃstreb `hawk' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    jástreb `hawk' [m o]
    Comments: As far as I can see, there are no serious objections to the daring etymology *h₁oh₁ḱu-ptr- `fast-flier' (Vey 1953). According to Vey, the Slovene falling tone points to the former presence of a weak jer in the medial syllable, but it seems to me that the neo-circumflex may also reflect original posttonic length. The compound has nice parallels in Homeric ἴρηξ ὠκύπτερος Ν 62 `a swift-winged hawk (or falcon)' and Lat. accipiter `hawk, falcon'.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ὠκύπτερος (Il.) `swift-flying' [adj];
    Lat. accipiter `hawk, falcon'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The original Gsg. jastrzęba was replaced by jastrzębia on the analogy of goɫąb, Gsg. goɫębia `pigeon' (Bańkowski 2000: 577).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > às(ъ)trę̄bъ

  • 17 às(ъ)trě̄bъ

    às(ъ)trę̄bъ; às(ъ)trě̄bъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `hawk'
    Page in Trubačev: I 83-85
    Russian:
    jástreb `hawk' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    jastrjabъ `hawk' [m o];
    jastrebъ `hawk' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jástrib `hawk' [m o];
    astrjáb (dial.) `hawk' [m o];
    jástrjab `hawk' [m o]
    Czech:
    jestřáb `hawk' [m o]
    Old Czech:
    jestřáb `hawk' [m o];
    jěstřáb `hawk' [m o]
    Slovak:
    jastrab `hawk' [m o]
    Polish:
    jastrząb `hawk' [m jo], jastrzębia [Gens] \{1\}
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃střïb `hawk' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jatřob `hawk' [m jo]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jastśeb `hawk' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȁstrijeb `hawk' [m o];
    Čak. jȁstrēb (Vrgada) `hawk' [m o];
    Čak. jãstrop (Orlec) `hawk' [m o]
    Slovene:
    jȃstreb `hawk' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    jástreb `hawk' [m o]
    Comments: As far as I can see, there are no serious objections to the daring etymology *h₁oh₁ḱu-ptr- `fast-flier' (Vey 1953). According to Vey, the Slovene falling tone points to the former presence of a weak jer in the medial syllable, but it seems to me that the neo-circumflex may also reflect original posttonic length. The compound has nice parallels in Homeric ἴρηξ ὠκύπτερος Ν 62 `a swift-winged hawk (or falcon)' and Lat. accipiter `hawk, falcon'.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ὠκύπτερος (Il.) `swift-flying' [adj];
    Lat. accipiter `hawk, falcon'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The original Gsg. jastrzęba was replaced by jastrzębia on the analogy of goɫąb, Gsg. goɫębia `pigeon' (Bańkowski 2000: 577).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > às(ъ)trě̄bъ

  • 18 bàjati

    bàjati Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `tell'
    Page in Trubačev: I 138-139, 161-162
    Church Slavic:
    bajati (RuCS) `tell fables' [verb]
    Russian:
    bajati (dial.) `speak' [verb]
    Ukrainian:
    bájati `tell, narrate, practise sorcery' [verb]
    Czech:
    bajeti `chat, tell fables' [verb]
    Old Czech:
    báti `speak, invent' [verb]
    Polish:
    bajać `narrate (fables, fairy-tales)' [verb]
    Upper Sorbian:
    bać `narrate (fables, fairy-tales)' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bȁjati `practise sorcery, exorcize' [verb]
    Slovene:
    bájati `talk idly, prophesy, practise sorcery' [verb], bájam [1sg], bájem [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    bája `talk about, say magic chants' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰeh₂-
    IE meaning: speak
    Page in Pokorny: 105
    Other cognates:
    Gk. φημί `say' [verb];
    Dor. φα̑μί `say' [verb];
    Lat. fārī `say' [verb];
    OE bōian `brag' [verb] \{1\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Lith. bóti `draw attention to', which has an older variant dbóti, is a borrowing from Slavic, cf. Pl. dbać `(take) care' (Fraenkel I: 53). According to LIV (181), OE bō(ia)n might continue *ǵʰu̯eH- `call', which seems dubious.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bàjati

  • 19 bel(e)niti

    bel(e)niti; belnovati; bolniti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `rage'
    Page in Trubačev: I 185-187, III 159
    Russian:
    (uz)belenít'sja (dial.) `become infuriated' [verb];
    bolonít' (dial.) `pester, bore' [verb];
    bolónit' (dial.) `talk' [verb]
    Czech:
    blenovati (Kott: Bylinář Mathiolův, 1596) `chatter' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blániti (17th c.) `go crazy, rage' [verb] \{6\}
    Slovene:
    blẹncáti `talk in one's sleep, rave, chatter' [verb], blẹncȃm [1sg] \{1\}
    Bulgarian:
    blenúvam `be poisoned by henbane, day-dream' [verb]
    Macedonian:
    blenuva `dream' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰel(e)-n-
    Page in Pokorny: 120
    Comments: Apart from denominative verbs meaning `to rave, to talk nonsense', expressions of the type "he has eaten henbane" conveying the same meaning exist in several languages, e.g. Ru. on belený ob"élsja, OCz. když sě komu přihodi, že by sě blena najedl, Cz. jako by se blínu napil, SCr. kao da se buna (bunike) nazobao (najio, (na)jeo).
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also belendáti `rave, phantasize' from Hung. beléndek `henbane'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bel(e)niti

  • 20 belnovati

    bel(e)niti; belnovati; bolniti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `rage'
    Page in Trubačev: I 185-187, III 159
    Russian:
    (uz)belenít'sja (dial.) `become infuriated' [verb];
    bolonít' (dial.) `pester, bore' [verb];
    bolónit' (dial.) `talk' [verb]
    Czech:
    blenovati (Kott: Bylinář Mathiolův, 1596) `chatter' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blániti (17th c.) `go crazy, rage' [verb] \{6\}
    Slovene:
    blẹncáti `talk in one's sleep, rave, chatter' [verb], blẹncȃm [1sg] \{1\}
    Bulgarian:
    blenúvam `be poisoned by henbane, day-dream' [verb]
    Macedonian:
    blenuva `dream' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰel(e)-n-
    Page in Pokorny: 120
    Comments: Apart from denominative verbs meaning `to rave, to talk nonsense', expressions of the type "he has eaten henbane" conveying the same meaning exist in several languages, e.g. Ru. on belený ob"élsja, OCz. když sě komu přihodi, že by sě blena najedl, Cz. jako by se blínu napil, SCr. kao da se buna (bunike) nazobao (najio, (na)jeo).
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also belendáti `rave, phantasize' from Hung. beléndek `henbane'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > belnovati

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