Перевод: со словенского на английский

с английского на словенский

for+winter

  • 1 slàbъ

    slàbъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `weak'
    Old Church Slavic:
    slabъ `weak' [adj o]
    Russian:
    slábyj `weak' [adj o]
    Czech:
    slabý `weak' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    slabý `weak' [adj o]
    Polish:
    sɫaby `weak' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    slȁb `weak' [adj o], slȁba [Nomsf];
    slȁb `weak, bad' [adj o], slàba [Nomsf];
    Čak. slȁb (Vrgada) `weak' [adj o], slabȁ [Nomsf], slȁbo [Nomsn];
    Čak. slȁp (Orbanići) `weak, bad' [adj o], slȁba [Nomsf], slȁbo [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    slàb `weak, bad' [adj o], slába [Nomsf]
    Bulgarian:
    slab `weak, bad' [adj o]
    Lithuanian:
    slãbnas (Žem.) `weak' [adj o];
    slõbnas (E. Lith.) `weak' [adj o] \{1\}
    Latvian:
    slãbs `weak' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: slob-o-
    Comments: Though Latv. slãbs matches the Slavic etymon perfectly, I am inclined to regard the Baltic forms as borrowings. Rasmussen (1992: 72) mentions slãbnas as an example of his blocking rule, according to which Winter's law, did not operate for resonants. Since he also claims that Winter's law applied exclusively to the syllable immediately preceding the stress, his version of Winter's law cannot account for PSl. *slàbъ.
    Other cognates:
    MLG slap `weak, slack' [adj]
    Notes:
    \{1\} According to Fraenkel (151), the vocalism of slõbnas may be due to an East Lithuanian development (cf. Zinkevičius 1966: 103).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > slàbъ

  • 2 nevodъ

    nevodъ Grammatical information: m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `seine, sweep-net'
    Page in Trubačev: XXV 81-84
    Old Church Slavic:
    nevodъ `seine, sweep-net' [m o]
    Russian:
    névod `seine, sweep-net' [m o];
    névod (dial.) `big fishing-net, net for fishing in winter' [m o];
    nëvod (dial.) `big fishing-net, net for fishing in winter' [m o]
    Czech:
    nevod `seine, sweep-net' [m o]
    Old Czech:
    nevod `seine, sweep-net' [m o]
    Polish:
    niewód `seine, sweep-net' [m o], niewodu [Gens]
    Old Polish:
    niewod `type of big fishing-net' [m o];
    niewód `type of big fishing-net' [m o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    nawod `seine, sweep-net' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    nevod (Stulli) `net' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    névod `seine, sweep-net' [m o];
    návod (dial.) `seine, sweep-net' [m o]
    Lithuanian:
    vãdas `seine, sweep-net' [m o] 4
    Latvian:
    vads `seine, sweep-net' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: ne-uodʰ-o-
    Other cognates:
    OIc. vađr `fishing-line'
    ;
    MHG wate `fishing-net' [f];
    MLG wade `fishing-net' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > nevodъ

  • 3 sęgnǫti

    sęgnǫti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `reach for, attain'
    Old Church Slavic:
    \{1\}
    Russian:
    sjagnút' (Da l') `reach for, attain' [verb]
    Czech:
    sáhnouti `touch, reach for' [verb]
    Slovak:
    siahnut' `reach for' [verb]
    Polish:
    sięgnąć `reach for, reach' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    ségnuti `reach' [verb];
    sȅgnuti se (Vuk) `reach for' [verb]
    Slovene:
    sę́gniti `reach for' [verb], sę̑gnem [1sg]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: se(n)g
    Comments: According to Kortlandt (1988: 389), the fact that Winter's law apparently did not operate in this verb is due to the cluster *- ngn-, which blocked the law.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Only prefixed verbs, e.g. prisęgnǫti (Supr.) `touch'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > sęgnǫti

  • 4 vodà

    vodà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `water'
    Old Church Slavic:
    voda `water' [f ā]
    Russian:
    vodá `water' [f ā], vódu [Accs]
    Czech:
    voda `water' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    voda `water' [f ā]
    Polish:
    woda `water' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    vòda `water' [f ā], vȍdu [Accs];
    Čak. vodȁ (Vrgada, Novi, Hvar) `water' [f ā], vȍdu [Accs];
    Čak. vodȁ (Orbanići) `water' [f ā], vȍdo [Accs]
    Slovene:
    vóda `water' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    vodá `water' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: u̯ondōr
    Lithuanian:
    vanduõ `water' [m n] 3a
    Latvian:
    ûdens `water' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    wundan `water';
    unds `water'
    Indo-European reconstruction: The origin of *vodà is the heteroclitic noun *uod-r/n- `water'. The fact that the etymon was not affected by Winter's law calls for an explanation. Kortlandt (1979: 60-61, cf. 1988: 388-389) claims that the vocalism of * voda continues the Gsg. * (v)undnes of a Balto-Slavic noun * vondōr, with a nasal infix originating from a suffix, as in Latv. unda (cf. Thurneysen 1883). The sequence ndn blocked Winter's law (cf. the regular acute in Lith. vanduõ). The vocalism * vod- arose in Proto-Slavic when *un was lowered before a tautosyllabic stop, which development was followed by the dissimilatory loss of the *n (cf. -> * ogn'ь).
    Other cognates:
    Skt. udán- (RV+) `water' [n];
    Hitt. u̯ātar `water' [n], u̯etenas [Gens];
    Gk. ὕδωρ `water' [n];
    Lat. unda `wave' [f];
    Go. wato `water' [n];
    OS watar `water' [n];
    OIc. vatn `water' [n]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > vodà

  • 5 mogti

    mogti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `be able'
    Page in Trubačev: XIX 107-111
    Old Church Slavic:
    mošti `be able' [verb], mogǫ [1sg], možetъ [3sg]
    Russian:
    moč' `be able' [verb], mogú [1sg], móžet [3sg]
    Czech:
    moci `be able' [verb], mohu [1sg], může [3sg]
    Slovak:
    môct' `be able' [verb], môžem [1sg]
    Polish:
    móc `be able' [verb], mogę [1sg], może [3sg]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mòći `be able' [verb], mògu [1sg], mȍžē [3sg];
    Čak. mȍći (Vrgada) `be able' [verb], mȏgu [1sg], mȍže [3sg];
    Čak. mȍć (Orbanići) `can, be able (to), be allowed (to)' [verb], mȍren [1sg]
    Slovene:
    móči `be able, must' [verb], mǫ́rem [1sg], mórem [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    móga `be able, be allowed' [verb]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: mog-
    Lithuanian:
    magė́ti `please, interest' \{1\} [verb], mãga [3sg]
    Old Prussian:
    massi `be able \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mogʰ-
    IE meaning: be able, capable
    Page in Pokorny: 695
    Comments: The generally accepted apophonic relationship between Slavic *mogti, Lith. magė́ti etc. on the one hand and mė́gti `love, like', Latv. mêgt `be able, be accustomed to' on the other cannot be maintained if one adheres to the view that the lengthened grade yielded a Balto-Slavic circumflex. The acute of the latter verbs may be due to Winter's law (*h₁meǵ- if cognate with Gk. περιημεκτέω `be aggrieved, chafe'). The o-vocalism of magė́ti and the Slavic and the Germanic forms points to an old perfect. For the semantic development `to be able' -> `to like', cf. Go. mag vs. MoHG mögen. As Pokorny remarks himself, his reconstruction *magʰ-, māgʰ- is entirely based on the presumed connection of the aforementioned forms with Gk. μηχανή `means, instrument', μη̃χος `instrument, apparatus', Dor. μᾱχᾱνα, μα̃ χος, which was rejected by Endzelīns (1931: 183), Fraenkel (1951, 168), Stang (1972, 37) a.o. for various reasons (cf. ESSJa X: 110) but nevertheless reappears in Lehmann 1986 (239).
    Other cognates:
    Skt. maghá- `power, wealth, gift'
    ;
    Go. mag `have power, be able' [3sg];
    OIc. mega `be able' [verb], má [3sg];
    OHG magan, mugan `be able' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} The verb usually occurs in impersonal constructions. \{2\} The scholarly community is divided with respect to the question whether massi is a borrowing from Slavic (viz. Polish może) or a genuine Prussian form (see Mažiulis III: 114 for the relevant literature).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mogti

  • 6 blě̑dъ

    blě̑dъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `pale'
    Page in Trubačev: II 111-112
    Old Church Slavic:
    blědъ `pale' [adj o]
    Russian:
    bledój (dial.) `pale' [adj o];
    blëdyj (dial.) `pale' [adj o]
    Ukrainian:
    blidýj `pale' [adj o]
    Czech:
    bledý `pale' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    bledý `pale' [adj o]
    Polish:
    blady `pale' [adj o]
    Slovincian:
    bladḯ `pale' [adj o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    blědy `pale, bright' [adj o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    blědy `pale' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blȉjed `pale' [adj o], blijèda [Nomsf];
    Čak. blȋd (Vrgada) `pale' [adj o], blīdȁ [Nomsf], blȋdo [Nomsn];
    Čak. bliȇt (Orbanići) `pale' [adj o], bliedȁ [Nomsf]
    Slovene:
    blẹ̑d `pale' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    bled `pale' [adj o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bloiʔd-(u̯)ó-
    Lithuanian:
    blaĩvas `whitish, blue, sober' [adj o] 4
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰloid-(u̯)o-
    Page in Pokorny: 160
    Comments: In view of Winter's law, we would expect to find traces of a glottalic element in Balto-Slavic. The accentuation of Lith. blaivas - the Proto-Slavic form is mobile and therefore inconclusive - offers no evidence for an original acute, however. Pokorny's reconstruction *bhlǝido-s is impossible for Slavic and *bhleh₂ido-s is incompatible with the mobile accentuation of the adjective in Balto-Slavic.
    Other cognates:
    OE blāt `pale' [adj];
    OHG bleizza `pallor' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > blě̑dъ

  • 7 drobìti

    drobìti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `crumble, crush'
    Page in Trubačev: V 119
    Old Church Slavic:
    droběi (Supr.) `crushing' [pprsa]
    Church Slavic:
    drobiti `crumble, chop, break' [verb]
    Russian:
    drobít' `crush' [verb], drobljú [1sg], drobít [3sg]
    Czech:
    drobiti `crumble, chop, crush' [verb]
    Slovak:
    drobit' `crumble, chop, crush' [verb]
    Polish:
    drobić `crumble' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dròbiti `crush, crumble' [verb], drȍbīm [1sg];
    Čak. drobȉti (Vrgada) `crush, crumble' [verb], drobĩš [2sg];
    Čak. drobȉt (Vrgada) `pulverize, crush' [verb], drobĩn [1sg]
    Slovene:
    drobíti `crumble, mince' [verb], drobím [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    drobjá `crumble' [verb]
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 272
    Comments: LIV (153) reconstructs * dʰreb- on the basis of Germanic forms such as OIc. drepa `beat, kill', OHG treffan `hit'. Since this proto-form is in conflict with Winter's law, I reconstruct *dʰrobʰ-eie- for Slavic. The discrepancy between Slavic may have something to do with the fact that the etymon is of non-Indo-European origin or Kluge's law may have played a role.
    Other cognates:
    Go. gadraban `cut out' [verb] \{1\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Unless this is a mistake for gagraban.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > drobìti

  • 8 modrъ

    modrъ Grammatical information: adj. o
    Page in Trubačev: XIX, 101-104
    Church Slavic:
    modrъ `blue' [adj o]
    Czech:
    modrý `blue' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    modrý `blue' [adj o]
    Polish:
    modry `blue' [adj o]
    Slovincian:
    modrḯ `blue' [adj o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    módry `blue' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȍdar `blue' [adj o], mȍdra [Nomsf], mȍdro [Nomsn];
    mòdar (Croat.) `blue' [adj o], mòdra [Nomsf], mòdro [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    mǫ́dǝr `blue' [adj o], módra [Nomsf]
    Comments: Machek (1949) has connected * modrъ with Hitt. antara- `blue', which requires that the latter etymon has an < * am-. In view of Winter's law, we would have to reconstruct * modʰro- for Slavic and a zero grade * mdʰro- for Hittite.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > modrъ

  • 9 vědrò

    vědrò Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bucket'
    Old Church Slavic:
    vědro (Euch., Supr.) `barrel' [n o]
    Russian:
    vedró `bucket' [n o]
    Czech:
    vědro `bucket' [n o]
    Slovak:
    vedro `bucket' [n o]
    Polish:
    wiadro `bucket' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    vjèdro `bucket' [n o];
    vijèdro (Montenegro) `bucket' [n o];
    Čak. vȉdro (Vrgada) `bucket' [n o]
    Slovene:
    vẹ́drọ `bucket' [n o]
    Bulgarian:
    vedró `bucket' [n o]
    Lithuanian:
    vė́daras `sausage, (dial.) belly, intestines' [m o] 3a
    Latvian:
    vę̂dars `belly' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    weders (EV) `belly, stomach'
    Indo-European reconstruction: ued-róm
    Comments: There are basically two etymologies for this noun. According to, among others, Meillet (1902-1905: 407-408) and Vasmer, *vědrò derives from the root of *uod-r/n- `water', cf. Gk. ὑδρία `water-pot, pitcher, vessel'. The other option is to connect the word for `bucket' with forms meaning `belly'. I prefer the latter etymology. In both cases the long vowel of the root can be attributed to Winter's law, which at first sight is incompatible with AP (b). In my framework, however, it is possible to assume that in Proto-Slavic the reflex of the laryngeal was lost in pretonic position (the sequence - dr- prevented the Balto-Slavic retraction of the stress from final open syllables). The remaining problem is the fact that the evidence points almost exclusively to a short root vowel, as words of the aforementioned type as a rule appear to have escaped the pretonic shortening that took place before Dybo's law.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. udára- `belly, womb' [n];
    Gk. ὕδερος
    `dropsy' [m];
    Lat. uterus `lower abdomen, belly, womb'
    Notes:
    \{1\} With unclear -t-.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > vědrò

  • 10 vysòkъ

    vysòkъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `high'
    Old Church Slavic:
    vysokъ `high' [adj o]
    Russian:
    vysókij `high, tall' [adj o];
    vysók `high, tall' [adj o], vysoká [Nomsf], vysokó [Nomsn]
    Czech:
    vysoký `high, tall' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    vysoký `high' [adj o]
    Polish:
    wysoki `high, tall' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    vìsok `high, tall' [adj o], visòka [Nomsf], visòko [Nomsn];
    Čak. visȍk (Vrgada) `high, tall' [adj o], visokȁ [Nomsf], visokȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. visȍk (Orbanići) `high, tall' [adj o], visȍka [Nomsf], visȍko [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    visòk `high' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    visók `high, tall' [adj o]
    Comments: For the suffix *- okъ, cf. -> *glǫbòkъ, *dalèkъ. The suffix is absent in the comparative, e.g. Ru. výše, SCr. vìšē, Sln. vȋše, where we also find the original acute tone. The root is usually reconstructed as * ūps-, cf. Gk. ὑψηλός `high'. Kortlandt (1977) has argued that in Balto-Slavic initial *u yielded acute "long" *u (Lith. ū́, PSl. *vy) under the stress and short *u in pretonic position. The acute variant is supposed to have originated from a Balto-Slavic prothetic laryngeal. Now that an number of examples can be explained by Winter's law, the evidence for Kortlandt's explanation has been weakened. Nevertheless, the Slavic situation regarding initial *u undeniably resembles the situation regarding initial *i, where I have claimed (2003) that stressed *i- yielded * (j)i under the stress, but *jь in unstressed position. In my opinion, it is likely that the reflex * vy- originated in stressed position, cf. vỳsь and the comparative vỳše.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ὑψηλός `high' [adj];
    OIr. úasal `high, lofty' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > vysòkъ

  • 11 àgnę

    àgnę Grammatical information: n. nt Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `lamb'
    Page in Trubačev: I 54-55
    Old Church Slavic:
    agnę (Zogr., Supr.) `lamb' [n nt]
    Old Russian:
    jagnja `lamb' [n nt]
    Czech:
    jehně `lamb' [n nt]
    Slovak:
    jahňa `lamb' [n nt]
    Polish:
    jagnię `lamb' [n nt]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȁgne `lamb' [n nt];
    Čak. jȁńe (Vrgada) `lamb' [n nt], jå̃ńci [Nom p]
    Slovene:
    jágnje `lamb' [n nt];
    ágnje `lamb' [n nt]
    Bulgarian:
    ágne `lamb' [n nt];
    jágne `lamb' [n nt]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂egʷ-n-
    IE meaning: lamb
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 9
    Comments: PSl. * agn- < * h₂egʷ-n- (N.B. Winter's law) with the diminutive suffix *-ę < *- ent-, which is common in designations of young animals. Slavic forms without a secondary suffix do not exist.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ἀμνός `lamb' [f/m];
    Lat. agnus `lamb'
    \{1\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Slavic *agnędъ `black poplar', which Trubačev derives from the word for `lamb', may be related to Greek ἄμνος `chaste-tree'. I tentatively posit a root *h₂eǵ-.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > àgnę

  • 12 blě̑skъ

    blě̑skъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `brightness'
    Page in Trubačev: II 113-114
    Church Slavic:
    blěskъ (RuCS) `brightness, colour, lightning' [m o]
    Russian:
    blesk `brightness, splendour' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    blěskъ `brightness, colour, lightning' [m o]
    Czech:
    blesk `lightning, brightness' [m o]
    Slovak:
    blesk `lightning, brightness' [m o]
    Polish:
    blask `brightness, shine' [m o]
    Slovincian:
    blȧ̃sk `lightning, brightness' [m o];
    blìe̯sk `lightning, brightness' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    blěsk `lightning, brightness' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blȉjesak `glow, glimmer' [m o]
    Slovene:
    blẹ̑sk `brightness, splendour, lightning' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    bljásăk `brightness' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bloisko- \{1\}
    Latvian:
    blaiskums `spot' [m o];
    blaizgums `spot' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰloiǵ-sko-
    Page in Pokorny: 156
    Comments: The preglottalized velar may or may not have been lost before Winter's law. I prefer a Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction without ʔ for reasons mentioned s.v. *blьskъ.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > blě̑skъ

  • 13 blьskъ

    blьskъ Grammatical information: m. o
    Page in Trubačev: II 113-114
    Church Slavic:
    blьskъ `splendour' [m o]
    Old Czech:
    blesk `lightning, brightness' [m o], blsku [Gens]
    Lower Sorbian:
    bɫysk `lightning, brightness' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    blắsăk `blow, stab' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: blisko- \{1\}
    Lithuanian:
    blìzgas `shine, glimmer' [m o] 2
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰliǵ-sko-
    Page in Pokorny: 156
    Comments: The preglottalized velar may or may not have been lost before Winter's law. In the latter case, the Slavic and Baltic forms with short *i would have to be of analogical origin. For this reason I prefer a Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction without ʔ.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > blьskъ

  • 14 dъnò

    dъnò Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bottom'
    Page in Trubačev: V 174-175
    Old Church Slavic:
    dъno `bottom' [n o]
    Russian:
    dno `bottom' [n o]
    Czech:
    dno `bottom' [n o]
    Polish:
    dno `bottom' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dnȍ `bottom' [n o];
    Čak. dnȍ (Vrgada, Orbanići) `bottom' [n o]
    Slovene:
    dnọ̀ `bottom' [n o]
    Bulgarian:
    dắno `bottom, floor' [n o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: dubno
    Lithuanian:
    dùgnas `bottom' [m o] 4
    Indo-European reconstruction: dʰubʰ-no-
    Certainty: -
    Comments: The Slavic vacillation between root-final *b and *p does not have a Baltic counterpart. In East Baltic, however, the full grade * daub- occurs both with acute and circumflex tone, e.g. Latv. duôbjš `deep'. The acute variant could be attributed to Winter's law, which would be in accordance with PGm. * deupa- `deep'< * dʰeub-, but this would leave us without an explanation for the other forms. The many formal problems connected with this root have made it a prime example of a borrowing from a substratum language (cf. Kuiper 1995).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dъnò

  • 15 edìnъ

    edìnъ; edьnъ Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `one'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 11-13
    Old Church Slavic:
    jedinъ `one' [num o];
    jedьnъ `one' [num o] \{1\}
    Russian:
    odín `one' [num o], odnogó [Gens], odná [Nomsf]
    Czech:
    jeden `one' [num o]
    Polish:
    jeden `one' [num o];
    jedyny `only' [num o]
    Old Polish:
    jedziny `only' [num o]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃dĕn `one' [num o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèdan `one' [num o], jȅdna [Nomsf];
    Čak. jedå̃n (Vrgada) `one' [num o], jednȁ [Nomsf], jednȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. jedãn (Orbanići) `one, some, a certain, a' [num o], jenȁ [Nomsf], jenȍ [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    edín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    jedín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    édǝn `one' [num o];
    jédǝn `one' [num o];
    èn `one' [num o]
    Bulgarian:
    edín `one' [num. o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-HiH-no-
    IE meaning: one
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 284, 286
    Comments: In view of Ru. odín, Gsg. odnogó etc., the form *jedьnь must be due to analogy. The vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called "tense jer": in strong postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour might be linked to the j of *jьnъ. Though the j, which before words beginning with a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *jedinъ/jedьnъ, it is conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jьnъ. The problem with this hypothesis is that forms with *jn- < *jьn appear to be lacking. Andersen's reconstruction *edeino- next to *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *jed- < *(h₁)edʰ- is unclear. Pokorny's reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter's law.
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form with ь is less common than jedinъ.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > edìnъ

  • 16 edьnъ

    edìnъ; edьnъ Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `one'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 11-13
    Old Church Slavic:
    jedinъ `one' [num o];
    jedьnъ `one' [num o] \{1\}
    Russian:
    odín `one' [num o], odnogó [Gens], odná [Nomsf]
    Czech:
    jeden `one' [num o]
    Polish:
    jeden `one' [num o];
    jedyny `only' [num o]
    Old Polish:
    jedziny `only' [num o]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃dĕn `one' [num o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèdan `one' [num o], jȅdna [Nomsf];
    Čak. jedå̃n (Vrgada) `one' [num o], jednȁ [Nomsf], jednȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. jedãn (Orbanići) `one, some, a certain, a' [num o], jenȁ [Nomsf], jenȍ [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    edín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    jedín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    édǝn `one' [num o];
    jédǝn `one' [num o];
    èn `one' [num o]
    Bulgarian:
    edín `one' [num. o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-HiH-no-
    IE meaning: one
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 284, 286
    Comments: In view of Ru. odín, Gsg. odnogó etc., the form *jedьnь must be due to analogy. The vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called "tense jer": in strong postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour might be linked to the j of *jьnъ. Though the j, which before words beginning with a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *jedinъ/jedьnъ, it is conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jьnъ. The problem with this hypothesis is that forms with *jn- < *jьn appear to be lacking. Andersen's reconstruction *edeino- next to *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *jed- < *(h₁)edʰ- is unclear. Pokorny's reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter's law.
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form with ь is less common than jedinъ.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > edьnъ

  • 17 ȅzero

    ȅzero; ȅzerъ Grammatical information: n. o; m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `lake'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 33-34
    Old Church Slavic:
    jezero `lake' [n o];
    jezerъ (Zogr., Ass.) `lake' [Accm o]
    Russian:
    ózero `lake' [n o]
    Czech:
    jezero `lake' [n o]
    Slovak:
    jazero `lake' [n o];
    jeźer (E. dial.) `lake' [m o]
    Polish:
    jezioro `lake' [n o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jězer `lake' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȅzero `lake' [n o], jezèra [Nom p];
    Čak. jȅzero (Vrgada) `lake' [n o], jezerå̃ [Nom p];
    Čak. jȅzero?? (Novi) `lake' [n o], jȅzera [Nom p];
    jȅzēr `lake' [m o]
    Slovene:
    ję̑zerọ `lake' [n o];
    ję̑zer `lake' [m o];
    jezer `lake' [f i]
    Bulgarian:
    ézero `lake' [n o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: éźero
    Lithuanian:
    ẽžeras `lake' [m o] 3b
    Latvian:
    ęzęrs `lake' [m o];
    ęzars `lake' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    assaran `lake' [n]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁eǵʰ-(e)r-o-
    IE meaning: lake
    Certainty: -
    Comments: In view of "Rozwadowski's change", the reconstruction of the anlaut offers a number of alternatives (*h₂e-, *h₃e-, *Ho-), but not if the etymon under discussion belongs to *ězъ `balk, weir', which in my opinion is the case. A cognate outside Balto-Slavic is Arm. ezr `bank, border, limit' < *h₁(e)ǵʰ- (-> *ězъ for the semantic apects of the etymology). Note that the short initial vowel of *jȅzero requires the reconstruction of an aspirated velar anyhow (Winter's law). The connection with the Greek mythological river Α᾽ χέρων is dubious.
    Other cognates:
    Arm. ezr `edge, border, bank' [r]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȅzero

  • 18 ȅzerъ

    ȅzero; ȅzerъ Grammatical information: n. o; m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `lake'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 33-34
    Old Church Slavic:
    jezero `lake' [n o];
    jezerъ (Zogr., Ass.) `lake' [Accm o]
    Russian:
    ózero `lake' [n o]
    Czech:
    jezero `lake' [n o]
    Slovak:
    jazero `lake' [n o];
    jeźer (E. dial.) `lake' [m o]
    Polish:
    jezioro `lake' [n o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jězer `lake' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȅzero `lake' [n o], jezèra [Nom p];
    Čak. jȅzero (Vrgada) `lake' [n o], jezerå̃ [Nom p];
    Čak. jȅzero?? (Novi) `lake' [n o], jȅzera [Nom p];
    jȅzēr `lake' [m o]
    Slovene:
    ję̑zerọ `lake' [n o];
    ję̑zer `lake' [m o];
    jezer `lake' [f i]
    Bulgarian:
    ézero `lake' [n o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: éźero
    Lithuanian:
    ẽžeras `lake' [m o] 3b
    Latvian:
    ęzęrs `lake' [m o];
    ęzars `lake' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    assaran `lake' [n]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁eǵʰ-(e)r-o-
    IE meaning: lake
    Certainty: -
    Comments: In view of "Rozwadowski's change", the reconstruction of the anlaut offers a number of alternatives (*h₂e-, *h₃e-, *Ho-), but not if the etymon under discussion belongs to *ězъ `balk, weir', which in my opinion is the case. A cognate outside Balto-Slavic is Arm. ezr `bank, border, limit' < *h₁(e)ǵʰ- (-> *ězъ for the semantic apects of the etymology). Note that the short initial vowel of *jȅzero requires the reconstruction of an aspirated velar anyhow (Winter's law). The connection with the Greek mythological river Α᾽ χέρων is dubious.
    Other cognates:
    Arm. ezr `edge, border, bank' [r]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȅzerъ

  • 19 ūslò(?)

    ūslò(?) Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `woven fabric on a loom'
    Russian:
    usló (Kostrom.) `woven fabric on a loom' [n o] \{1\}
    Comments: The most plausible etymology for this obscure form involves a connection with Lith. áusti (1sg. áudžiu) `weave'. Vasmer (s.v.) reconstructs the suffix as *-slo, but I find *- tlo more attractive. In this case, the correspondence between AP (b) in Slavic and an acute root in Baltic would not pose a problem because the glottal stop originating from Winter's law would be lost in pretonic position (see Derksen 1996: 105-111).
    Notes:
    \{1\} As far as I know, this form has only been recorded by Dal', who adds a question mark. The word is illustrated by the sentence Сколъ велико усло? `Много ли наткала'?'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ūslò(?)

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