Перевод: со словенского на английский

с английского на словенский

case+notes

  • 1 bě̄dà

    bě̄dà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `need, poverty, misery'
    Page in Trubačev: II 54-56
    Old Church Slavic:
    běda `distress, need, necessity' [f ā]
    Russian:
    bedá `misfortune, trouble' [f ā]
    Czech:
    bída `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    běda `woe!' [interj]
    Slovak:
    bieda `poverty, calamity' [f ā]
    Polish:
    bieda `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    biada `woe!' [interj]
    Old Polish:
    biada `distress, necessity' [f ā] \{1\}
    Upper Sorbian:
    běda `grief, woe, misery' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    běda `grief, pain' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bijèda `grief, misfortune' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    bẹ́da `misery' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    bedá `misfortune, misery' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰoidʰ-eh₂ \{2\}
    IE meaning: force
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 117
    Comments: According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds.
    Other cognates:
    Alb. be `oath' [f] \{2\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} The vocalism of Modern Polish bieda `id.' is of Mazowian origin, cf. biada `woe!'. \{2\} According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds. \{3\} Demiraj prefers *bʰeidʰ-i-s to an ā-stem (1997: 94).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bě̄dà

  • 2 esetь

    esetь Grammatical information: f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `rack for drying grain'
    Page in Trubačev: -
    Russian:
    osét' `granary, rack for drying grain' [f i]
    Belorussian:
    (v)ósec' (W.), aséc' (W.) `granary, drying shed' [f i];
    osëtka (dial.) `granary', asëtka (dial.) `spot in granary for drying sheafs' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    ósit' (dial.) `granary' [f i]
    Polish:
    jesieć (dial.) `grain sieve' [f i];
    osieć (E. dial.) `granary' [f i];
    jesiótka (dial.) `grain sieve' [f ā];
    osiótka (W dial.) `granary' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: eś-et-i-
    Lithuanian:
    akė́čios `harrow' [Nompf ā] 1;
    ekė́čios (dial.) `harrow' [Nompf ā] 1 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    ecê(k)šas `harrow' [Nompf ā]
    Old Prussian:
    aketes `harrow'
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂oḱ-et-i-
    IE meaning: harrow
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: This is another case where we find Balto-Slavic evidence for *e- corresponding to *a- or *o- in other branches of Indo-European (Rozwadowski's change). Toporov regards the k of the Baltic forms as evidence for a western technological borrowing (I: 67). Since the Baltic and Germanic forms mean exactly the same, while the Slavic forms are semantically more remote, this is a serious option.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ὀξίνα (Hes.) `an agricultural implement with iron teeth, drawn by oxen' [f];
    Lat. occa `harrow' [f];
    OHG egida `harrow' [f];
    OE eg(e)ʮe `harrow' [f];
    OW ocet `harrow' [f];
    Fi. äës `harrow'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Standard Lithuanian form with a- may stem from the territory where the development e- > a- occurred. In any case, the attestations of the form with e- (see the LKŽ, s.v.) indicate that there are Lithuanian forms completely matching Latv. ecêšas.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > esetь

  • 3 ěždžь

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ěždžь

  • 4 ěždžikъ

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ěždžikъ

  • 5 ězgarъ

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ězgarъ

  • 6 ězgarь

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ězgarь

  • 7 ěskarъ

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ěskarъ

  • 8 berstъ

    berstъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: b/c Proto-Slavic meaning: `elm'
    Page in Trubačev: I 199-200
    Russian:
    bérest `elm' [m o], béresta [Gens] \{1\}
    Belorussian:
    bérast `elm' [m o], bérasta [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    bérest `elm' [m o], béresta [Gens]
    Czech:
    břest `elm' [m o]
    Slovak:
    brest `elm' [m o]
    Polish:
    brzost `elm' [m o];
    brzóst (dial.) `elm' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    brȉjest `elm' [m o], brijèsta [Gens];
    Čak. brĩst (Vrgada) `a herb similar to rosemary' [m o], brīstȁ [Gens];
    brést (Novi) `elm' [m o], brēstȁ [Gens];
    Čak. briȇs (Orbanići) `elm' [m o], brȅsta [Gens]
    Slovene:
    brẹ́st `elm' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    brjast `elm' [m o];
    brest `elm' [m o]
    Comments: If we assume that * berstъ is cognate with -> *bèrza, which has an acute root, we must explain the variant belonging AP (b). In my view, a form bʰerHǵ-tó- (admittedly with slightly unexpected end-stress) would remain oxytone in Balto-Slavic, in which case the root would be affected by the Proto-Slavic loss of pretonic laryngeals. As I consider it possible that the generalization of accentual mobility in masculine o-stems with a non-acute root vowel did not apply to the marginal class of Balto-Slavic oxytona, Illič-Svityč's reconstruction of a substantivized neuter adjective is not necessarily correct.
    Other cognates:
    Go. bairhts `bright, clear' [adj]
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč (1963: 52), mentions a Gsg. berestá (dial.).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > berstъ

  • 9 dě̀verь

    dě̀verь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: a (c) Proto-Slavic meaning: `husband's brother'
    Page in Trubačev: V 19
    Russian:
    déver' `husband's brother' [m jo], dever'já [Nom p] \{1\}
    Old Czech:
    deveř `husband's brother' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    dziewierz `husband's brother' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    djȅvēr `husband's brother, best man' [m o];
    Čak. dȉver (Vrgada) `husband's brother, best man' [m o];
    Čak. dȅver (Orbanići) `marriage witness' [m o]
    Slovene:
    dẹvę̑r `husband's brother' [m jo], dẹvȇrja [Gens];
    dẹ́ver `husband's brother, best man' [m o], dẹ́vera [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    déver `husband's brother, best man' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: dáʔiuer-
    Lithuanian:
    díeveris `husband's brother' [m i] 1;
    dieverìs `husband's brother' [m i] 3a
    Latvian:
    diẽveris `husband's brother' [m io]
    Indo-European reconstruction: deh₂i-uer-
    IE meaning: husband's brother
    Certainty: +
    Comments: In case-forms with original stress on the suffix one expects root stress as a result of Hirt's law. This accounts for the many indications for root stress in both Baltic and Slavic.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. devár- `husband's brother'
    ;
    Gk. δα̑ήρ `husband's brother'
    Notes:
    \{1\} AP (a) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 138).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dě̀verь

  • 10 drozdъ

    drozdъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c (/b?) Proto-Slavic meaning: `thrush'
    Page in Trubačev: V 126-127
    Russian:
    drozd `thrush, (čërnyj d. ) blackbird' [m o], drozdá [Gens] \{1\}
    Ukrainian:
    drizd `thrush' [m o], drozdá [Gens]
    Czech:
    drozd `thrush' [m o]
    Slovak:
    drozd `thrush' [m o]
    Polish:
    drozd `thrush' [m o]
    Slovincian:
    drȯ́u̯zd `thrush' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    drȏzd `thrush' [m o];
    drȏzak `thrush' [m o], drȏzga [Gens];
    drȏzak `thrush' [m o], drȍzga [Gens];
    Čak. drȍzak `thrush' [m o], drȍzga [Accs]
    Slovene:
    drǫ̑zd `thrush' [m o];
    drǫ̑zg `thrush, (črni d. ) blackbird' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    drozd `thrush, (coll.) blackbird' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: trozdós
    Lithuanian:
    strãzdas `thrush, (juodasis s.) blackbird, (dial.) starling' [m o] 4
    Latvian:
    strazds `thrush, (melnais s.) blackbird, (mājas s. ) starling' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    tresde `thrush'
    Indo-European reconstruction: trozd-o-
    Comments: In order to explain why * drozdъ was not, or rather only partly affected by the generalization of accentual mobilty in masculine o-stems, Illič-Svityč (1963: 45) reconstructs an u -stem, referring to OIc. ʮrǫstr < *-uz. I am inclined to consider the possibility that owing to the cluster - zd-, which prevented the Balto-Slavic retraction called Ebeling's law, *drozdъ belonged to a marginal oxytone type that in principle merged with AP (b). In that case it is no longer necessary to posit a u-stem. It must be said, by the way, that the evidence for AP (c) seems to outweigh the evidence for (c).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. turdus `thrush'
    ;
    OIr. truit `thrush' [f] \{2\};
    OIc. ʮrǫstr `thrush'
    Notes:
    \{1\} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 137). \{2\} OIr. also truid, druid.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > drozdъ

  • 11 esètrъ

    esètrъ; esètra Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sturgeon'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 30-31
    Russian:
    osëtr `sturgeon' [m o], osetrá [Gens];
    osetër (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    jesetrъ `sturgeon' [m o];
    osetrъ `sturgeon' [m o]
    Czech:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Slovak:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o];
    jasiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jesetr (arch.), jasotr (arch.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jesotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèsetra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    jesētǝr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    esétra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    erškẽtas `sturgeon' [m o];
    erškė́tras (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o] 1 \{1\}
    Old Prussian:
    esketres `sturgeon'
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: It seems highly plausible that *jesètra is cognate with *jesera `awn, fishbone', Lith. ešerỹs `perch' and that both etyma belong to PIE *h₂ḱ- `sharp', cf. Lat. acipēnser `sturgeon' < *h₂eḱu-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like erškẽtas and erškė́tras were probably influenced by erškė́tis `thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development erškẽtas < eškẽtras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov II: 89), but it is clear that the original form contained a k, cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešerỹs. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to depart from a Baltic protoform *ekśetras.
    Notes:
    \{1\} OLith. ešketras `whale' (Bretkūnas) is probably a Prussianism.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > esètrъ

  • 12 esètra

    esètrъ; esètra Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sturgeon'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 30-31
    Russian:
    osëtr `sturgeon' [m o], osetrá [Gens];
    osetër (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    jesetrъ `sturgeon' [m o];
    osetrъ `sturgeon' [m o]
    Czech:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Slovak:
    jeseter `sturgeon' [m o]
    Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    jesiotr `sturgeon' [m o];
    jasiotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jesetr (arch.), jasotr (arch.) `sturgeon' [m o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jesotr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèsetra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    jesētǝr `sturgeon' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    esétra `sturgeon' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    erškẽtas `sturgeon' [m o];
    erškė́tras (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o] 1 \{1\}
    Old Prussian:
    esketres `sturgeon'
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: It seems highly plausible that *jesètra is cognate with *jesera `awn, fishbone', Lith. ešerỹs `perch' and that both etyma belong to PIE *h₂ḱ- `sharp', cf. Lat. acipēnser `sturgeon' < *h₂eḱu-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like erškẽtas and erškė́tras were probably influenced by erškė́tis `thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development erškẽtas < eškẽtras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov II: 89), but it is clear that the original form contained a k, cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešerỹs. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to depart from a Baltic protoform *ekśetras.
    Notes:
    \{1\} OLith. ešketras `whale' (Bretkūnas) is probably a Prussianism.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > esètra

  • 13 gỳnǫti

    gỳnǫti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `perish'
    Page in Trubačev: VII 218-219
    Old Church Slavic:
    gybnǫti `perish' [verb], gybnǫ [1sg]
    Russian:
    gíbnut' `perish' [verb], gíbnų [1sg], gíbnet [3sg]
    Czech:
    hynout `perish, decay' [verb]
    Slovak:
    hynút `perish, decay' [verb]
    Polish:
    ginąć `perish' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    gȉnuti `perish' [verb]
    Slovene:
    gíniti `perish' [verb], gȋnem [1sg]
    Indo-European reconstruction: gʰubʰ-
    Notes:
    The acute root is secondary, as is often the case in verbs in -nǫti.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > gỳnǫti

  • 14 jūxà

    jūxà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `broth, soup'
    Page in Trubačev: VIII 193
    Church Slavic:
    juxa `broth' [f ā]
    Russian:
    uxá `fish-soup' [f ā], uxú [Accs] \{1\}
    Czech:
    jícha `liquid, sauce, (arch.) soup' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    jucha `cabbage soup' [f ā]
    Polish:
    jucha `bull's blood, soup, sauce, juice' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    ju̇̂ẋa `soup' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    júha (dial.) `soup, broth' [f ā];
    Čak. jūhȁ (Vrgada) `soup, broth' [f ā] \{2\};
    Čak. jūhȁ (Novi) `soup, broth' [f ā];
    Čak. jūhȁ (Orbanići) `soup' [f ā], jȗho [Accs]
    Slovene:
    júha `soup' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    jū́šė `broth, soup' [f ā] 1
    Old Prussian:
    juse `soup' [f]
    Comments: The fact that all in all the accentological evidence points to AP (b) is problematic in view of the laryngeal reflected by forms from other branches. If the root is identical with Skt. yu- `unite, attach, bind', we may reconstruct * ieu- alongside * ieuH, cf. Lith. jáuti, jaũti. In any case, Slavic has full grade, * ieu(H)-s- or * iou(H)-s-, against zero grade in Baltic.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. yū́ṣ- (RV+) `broth' [n];
    Lat. iūs `broth' [n]
    Notes:
    \{1\} AP (b) is also attested in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 135). \{2\} According to Jurišić, this form is a recent designation of čõrba.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > jūxà

  • 15 jьgъlà

    jьgъlà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `needle'
    Page in Trubačev: VIII 213-214
    Old Church Slavic:
    \{1\}
    Church Slavic:
    igla `needle' [f ā]
    Russian:
    iglá `needle' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    hólka `needle' [f ā];
    ihlá (dial.) `needle' [f ā]
    Czech:
    jehla `needle' [f ā];
    ihɫa (dial.) `needle' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    ihla `needle' [f ā]
    Polish:
    igɫa `needle, pin' [f ā];
    jegɫa (dial.) `needle, pin' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    jìe̯glă `needle' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    gɫa `needle' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    jḁglă `needle' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    ìgla `needle' [f ā], ȉglu [Accs];
    jìgla (dial.) `needle' [f ā];
    jàgla (dial.) `needle' [f ā];
    Čak. iglȁ (Vrgada) `needle' [f ā], ȉglu [Accs];
    Čak. iglȁ (Novi) `needle' [f ā];
    Čak. jȏgla (Hvar) `needle' [f ā], ȉglu [Accs];
    Čak. ȉgla (Orbanići) `needle' [f ā], ȉglo [Accs]
    Slovene:
    ígla `needle, kingpin' [f ā];
    iglà `needle, kingpin' [f ā];
    jǝ̀gla `needle, kingpin' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    iglá `needle' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    ayculo `needle' [f ā]
    Comments: The connection with Lith. (dial.) áigyti `prick, sting, incite, beat', aĩgaras `straw' (Toporov PJ s.v. ayculo), does not seem implausible. OPr. ayculo may have <c> for g. The assumption that ay- reflects *ei is not trivial. The Slavic root may have either zero grade or e-grade unless the root has initial *h₂ or *h₃. Note that in case of a zero grade in the root the *u of the suffix would have blocked the progressive palatalization.
    Notes:
    \{1\} According to the Staroslavjanskij slovar', the adjective igъlinъ occurs nine times, always in the context skvozě igъlině uši `through the eye of a needle'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > jьgъlà

  • 16 libъ

    libъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `thin'
    Page in Trubačev: XV 74-75
    Old Czech:
    libí [?] `lean, thin' [adj o]
    Old Polish:
    luby `thin, frail' [adj o] \{1\}
    Slovincian:
    lëbḯ `weak, soft, frail' [adj o]
    Lithuanian:
    láibas `thin, tall, high' [adj o] 3;
    líebas (dial.) `thin-legged' [adj o] 3
    Indo-European reconstruction: leiHbʰ
    Notes:
    \{1\} According to Bańkowski (2000 II: 67), the single gloss we are dealing with here may be an instance of luby `dear, beloved'. In that case we must assume that the scribe misunderstood Lat. gracilem.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > libъ

  • 17 ȍlkъtь

    ȍlkъtь; ȍlkъtъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `elbow, ell'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 65-67
    Old Church Slavic:
    lakъtь `elbow, ell' [m i], lakъte [Gens] \{2\}
    Russian:
    lókot' `elbow, ell' [m jo], lóktja [Gens]
    Czech:
    loket `elbow, ell' [m (j)o]
    Slovak:
    lakot' `elbow, ell' [m (j)o]
    Polish:
    ɫokieć `elbow, ell' [m jo]
    Upper Sorbian:
    ɫochć `elbow' [m jo];
    ɫóchć (dial.) `elbow' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȃkat `elbow, ell' [m o], lākta [Gens];
    Čak. lȁkat (Vrgada) `elbow, ell' [m o], lȁhta [Gens];
    Čak. lȁkat (Novi) `elbow, ell' [m o], lȁhta [Gens];
    Čak. lȃkat (Orbanići) `elbow, armlength, yard (measure)' [m o], lȃhta [Gens]
    Slovene:
    lakȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], laktà [Gens], laktȗ [Gens], lahtà [Gens], lahtȗ [Gens];
    lakȃt `elbow, ell' [f i], laktȋ [Gens], lahtȋ [Gens];
    lahȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], lahtȗ [Gens];
    lakǝ̀t `elbow, ell' [m o], laktà [Gens];
    lákǝt `elbow, ell' [m o];
    lǝkȃt `elbow, ell' [f i], lǝhtȋ [Gens];
    lǝkȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], lǝhtȗ [Gens];
    lèhǝt `elbow' [m o], lǝ̀hta [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    lákăt `elbow, ell' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: Hol-k-
    Lithuanian:
    alkū́nė `elbow' [f ē] 1;
    elkū́nė (arch., dial.) `elbow' [f ē] 1 \{3\}
    Latvian:
    ę̀lks `elbow, bend' [m o];
    ę̀lkuons `elbow, bend' [m o] \{4\}
    Old Prussian:
    alkunis (EV) `elbow'
    Indo-European reconstruction: HHolkuti- \{1\}
    IE meaning: elbow
    Comments: The e- of the East Baltic forms may be another instance of "Rozwadowski's change". The somewhat awkward reconstruction *HHol- (*HH₃el-) is required by the acute intonation of Lith. úolektis, Latv. uôlekts `ell' < *HoHl- (*HeH₃l-), cf. OPr. woaltis `forearm', woaltis `ell', ὠλένη `elbow, forearm'. If one subscribes to the view that a lengthened grade vowel yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, *(H)ōl- is the obvious reconstruction.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ολέκρα̑νος `point of the elbow'
    ;
    Lat. ulna `elbow' [f];
    OIr. uilen `elbow' [f];
    OHG elina `ell' [f];
    Arm. oɫn `spine, shoulder'
    Notes:
    \{1\} *HH₃elkuti seems also possible. \{2\} In some case forms OCS lakъtь is inflected as a consonant stem. In the modern languages *ȍlkъtь has adopted the pattern of the jo- or o-stems. \{3\} The LKŽ has elkū̃nė instead of elkū́nė, even though one of the sources mentioned - F. Kurschat's dictionary - actually has an acute. \{4\} Also ę̀lkuonis, ę̀lkuone, ę̀lkūne2.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȍlkъtь

  • 18 ȍlkъtъ

    ȍlkъtь; ȍlkъtъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `elbow, ell'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 65-67
    Old Church Slavic:
    lakъtь `elbow, ell' [m i], lakъte [Gens] \{2\}
    Russian:
    lókot' `elbow, ell' [m jo], lóktja [Gens]
    Czech:
    loket `elbow, ell' [m (j)o]
    Slovak:
    lakot' `elbow, ell' [m (j)o]
    Polish:
    ɫokieć `elbow, ell' [m jo]
    Upper Sorbian:
    ɫochć `elbow' [m jo];
    ɫóchć (dial.) `elbow' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȃkat `elbow, ell' [m o], lākta [Gens];
    Čak. lȁkat (Vrgada) `elbow, ell' [m o], lȁhta [Gens];
    Čak. lȁkat (Novi) `elbow, ell' [m o], lȁhta [Gens];
    Čak. lȃkat (Orbanići) `elbow, armlength, yard (measure)' [m o], lȃhta [Gens]
    Slovene:
    lakȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], laktà [Gens], laktȗ [Gens], lahtà [Gens], lahtȗ [Gens];
    lakȃt `elbow, ell' [f i], laktȋ [Gens], lahtȋ [Gens];
    lahȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], lahtȗ [Gens];
    lakǝ̀t `elbow, ell' [m o], laktà [Gens];
    lákǝt `elbow, ell' [m o];
    lǝkȃt `elbow, ell' [f i], lǝhtȋ [Gens];
    lǝkȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], lǝhtȗ [Gens];
    lèhǝt `elbow' [m o], lǝ̀hta [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    lákăt `elbow, ell' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: Hol-k-
    Lithuanian:
    alkū́nė `elbow' [f ē] 1;
    elkū́nė (arch., dial.) `elbow' [f ē] 1 \{3\}
    Latvian:
    ę̀lks `elbow, bend' [m o];
    ę̀lkuons `elbow, bend' [m o] \{4\}
    Old Prussian:
    alkunis (EV) `elbow'
    Indo-European reconstruction: HHolkuti- \{1\}
    IE meaning: elbow
    Comments: The e- of the East Baltic forms may be another instance of "Rozwadowski's change". The somewhat awkward reconstruction *HHol- (*HH₃el-) is required by the acute intonation of Lith. úolektis, Latv. uôlekts `ell' < *HoHl- (*HeH₃l-), cf. OPr. woaltis `forearm', woaltis `ell', ὠλένη `elbow, forearm'. If one subscribes to the view that a lengthened grade vowel yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, *(H)ōl- is the obvious reconstruction.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ολέκρα̑νος `point of the elbow'
    ;
    Lat. ulna `elbow' [f];
    OIr. uilen `elbow' [f];
    OHG elina `ell' [f];
    Arm. oɫn `spine, shoulder'
    Notes:
    \{1\} *HH₃elkuti seems also possible. \{2\} In some case forms OCS lakъtь is inflected as a consonant stem. In the modern languages *ȍlkъtь has adopted the pattern of the jo- or o-stems. \{3\} The LKŽ has elkū̃nė instead of elkū́nė, even though one of the sources mentioned - F. Kurschat's dictionary - actually has an acute. \{4\} Also ę̀lkuonis, ę̀lkuone, ę̀lkūne2.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȍlkъtъ

  • 19 ūslò(?)

    ūslò(?) Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `woven fabric on a loom'
    Russian:
    usló (Kostrom.) `woven fabric on a loom' [n o] \{1\}
    Comments: The most plausible etymology for this obscure form involves a connection with Lith. áusti (1sg. áudžiu) `weave'. Vasmer (s.v.) reconstructs the suffix as *-slo, but I find *- tlo more attractive. In this case, the correspondence between AP (b) in Slavic and an acute root in Baltic would not pose a problem because the glottal stop originating from Winter's law would be lost in pretonic position (see Derksen 1996: 105-111).
    Notes:
    \{1\} As far as I know, this form has only been recorded by Dal', who adds a question mark. The word is illustrated by the sentence Сколъ велико усло? `Много ли наткала'?'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ūslò(?)

  • 20 zъly

    zъly Grammatical information: f. ū Proto-Slavic meaning: `sister-in-law (husband's sister)'
    Church Slavic:
    zlъva (Mikl.) `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f ā]
    Russian:
    zolóvka `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f ā];
    zólva (dial.) `sister-in-law (husband's sister), daughter-in-law' [f ā];
    zolóva (dial.) `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f ā];
    zolóv' (dial.) `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f i];
    zólovica (dial.) `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f jā];
    zolóvica (dial.) `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f jā]
    Old Czech:
    zelva `sister-in-law (husband's sister), daughter-in-law' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    zolvica `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f jā]
    Old Polish:
    zɫew `sister-in-law (husband's sister), daughter-in-law' [f i];
    zeɫw `sister-in-law (husband's sister), daughter-in-law' [f i] \{1\}
    Serbo-Croatian:
    zȁova `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f ā];
    zȃva (Vojv.) `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    zȃɫva `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f ā];
    zȃva `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f ā];
    zȏɫva `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    zắlva `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: ǵlh₂-u-
    Other cognates:
    Skt. giri- (Gr̥Sū) `sister-in-law(?)' [f];
    Gk. γάλως `husband's sister [f];
    Lat. glōs `sister-in-law' [f]
    Notes:
    \{1\} The material presented in the Sɫownik staropolski seems to point to a paradigm zɫew, Gsg. zeɫwi < * zъlъvь, Gsg. zъlъvi. In that case the vocalism of zeɫw must be analogical.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > zъly

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