-
1 olbodà
olbodà; elbedà Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `goosefoot'Page in Trubačev: VI 18; XXXII 50-51Russian:lebedá `goosefoot' [f ā];lobodá `goosefoot' [f ā]Czech:Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:lobòda `goosefoot' [f ā];Čak. lobodȁ (Vrgada) `goosefoot (?)' [f ā];Čak. lobodȁ (Novi) `goosefoot (?)' [f ā], lȍbode [Nom p];Čak. lobodȁ (Orbanići) `unidentified plant (wild basil?)' [f ā], lobodȍ [Accs]Slovene:lóboda `goosefoot' [f ā];lobóda `goosefoot' [f ā];lebę́da `goosefoot' [f ā]Bulgarian:lóboda `goosefoot' [f ā]IE meaning: goosefootCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 30-31Comments: The anlaut of dialect forms such as Pl. ɫabądź or SCr. laboda must be analogous after the words for `swan'. The reconstruction *olboda is not without problems in view of the consistent reflex *lo- in South Slavic (but cf. SCr. rȍb `slave'?), which also doesn't match the *la- of the `swan' word. We must seriously consider the possibility that the proto-form was *h₂lob-oda (*h₂leb-eda) (for further discussion see s.v. *olbǫdь).Notes:The anlaut of dialect forms such as Pl. ɫabądź or SCr. laboda must be analogous after the words for `swan'. The reconstruction *olboda is not without problems in view of the consistent reflex *lo- in South Slavic (but cf. SCr. rȍb `slave'?), which also doesn't match the *la- of the `swan' word. We must seriously consider the possibility that the proto-form was *h₂lob-oda (*h₂leb-eda) (for further discussion see s.v. *olbǫdь). -
2 elbedà
olbodà; elbedà Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `goosefoot'Page in Trubačev: VI 18; XXXII 50-51Russian:lebedá `goosefoot' [f ā];lobodá `goosefoot' [f ā]Czech:Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:lobòda `goosefoot' [f ā];Čak. lobodȁ (Vrgada) `goosefoot (?)' [f ā];Čak. lobodȁ (Novi) `goosefoot (?)' [f ā], lȍbode [Nom p];Čak. lobodȁ (Orbanići) `unidentified plant (wild basil?)' [f ā], lobodȍ [Accs]Slovene:lóboda `goosefoot' [f ā];lobóda `goosefoot' [f ā];lebę́da `goosefoot' [f ā]Bulgarian:lóboda `goosefoot' [f ā]IE meaning: goosefootCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 30-31Comments: The anlaut of dialect forms such as Pl. ɫabądź or SCr. laboda must be analogous after the words for `swan'. The reconstruction *olboda is not without problems in view of the consistent reflex *lo- in South Slavic (but cf. SCr. rȍb `slave'?), which also doesn't match the *la- of the `swan' word. We must seriously consider the possibility that the proto-form was *h₂lob-oda (*h₂leb-eda) (for further discussion see s.v. *olbǫdь).Notes:The anlaut of dialect forms such as Pl. ɫabądź or SCr. laboda must be analogous after the words for `swan'. The reconstruction *olboda is not without problems in view of the consistent reflex *lo- in South Slavic (but cf. SCr. rȍb `slave'?), which also doesn't match the *la- of the `swan' word. We must seriously consider the possibility that the proto-form was *h₂lob-oda (*h₂leb-eda) (for further discussion see s.v. *olbǫdь). -
3 màkъ
màkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `poppy'Page in Trubačev: XVII 149-151Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:mák `poppy' [m o]Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:mȁk `poppy' [m o], mȁka [Gens], màka [Gens];Čak. mȁk (Vrgada) `poppy' [m o], makȁ [Gens]Slovene:màk `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]Bulgarian:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ?Lithuanian:aguonà `poppy' [f ā] 2;mãguonė (dial.) `poppy' [f ē] 1 \{1\}Latvian:Old Prussian:IE meaning: poppyCertainty: -Page in Pokorny: 698Comments: The Germanic forms show grammatischer Wechsel as well as an alternation *ā: a. The vocalism, which could reflect PIE *eh₁: h₁, does not match the ā of the Greek and the Slavic forms, which leads us to assume that the vowel alternation arose when at a comparatively late stage the root māk- was borrowed into Germanic (cf. Kluge 1989, 484). The Lithuanian and Latvian forms are usually considered borrowings from Germanic, whereas OPr. moke may have been borrowed from Polish. The Estonian and Livonian forms must be borrowings from Baltic, probably Latvian. It is generally agreed upon that ultimately we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European (Mediterranean?) origin.Other cognates:Dor. μά̑κων `poppy' [f];Notes:\{1\} Besides, we find the variants maguona and magūna. The forms with m are restricted to the area around Klaipėda. \{2\} I have found the variants magùona2, magana, magane and magūne. \{3\} The initial m of the word for `poppy' was apparently lost in Lithuanian but not in Latvian. The Lithuanian dialect forms with m- may be due to the influence of the (Latvian) language of the fishermen of the Couronian Isthmus (cf. Būga RR III: 320). Sabaliauskas suggests dissimilatory loss of m, parallel to the loss of r in arotai: rarotai, akrūtas: rakrūtas, Latv. ruodere: uodere, ūk̨eris (1960, 71-72). \{4\} The first element means `sleep', cf. Nw. dial. vale `deep sleep', Sw. dial. valbjörn `Schlafdorn'. -
4 às(ъ)trę̄bъ
às(ъ)trę̄bъ; às(ъ)trě̄bъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `hawk'Page in Trubačev: I 83-85Russian:jástreb `hawk' [m o]Old Russian:Ukrainian:jástrib `hawk' [m o];astrjáb (dial.) `hawk' [m o];jástrjab `hawk' [m o]Czech:jestřáb `hawk' [m o]Old Czech:jestřáb `hawk' [m o];jěstřáb `hawk' [m o]Slovak:Polish:jastrząb `hawk' [m jo], jastrzębia [Gens] \{1\}Slovincian:jȧ̃střïb `hawk' [m o]Upper Sorbian:jatřob `hawk' [m jo]Lower Sorbian:jastśeb `hawk' [m jo]Serbo-Croatian:jȁstrijeb `hawk' [m o];Čak. jȁstrēb (Vrgada) `hawk' [m o];Čak. jãstrop (Orlec) `hawk' [m o]Slovene:jȃstreb `hawk' [m o]Bulgarian:jástreb `hawk' [m o]Comments: As far as I can see, there are no serious objections to the daring etymology *h₁oh₁ḱu-ptr- `fast-flier' (Vey 1953). According to Vey, the Slovene falling tone points to the former presence of a weak jer in the medial syllable, but it seems to me that the neo-circumflex may also reflect original posttonic length. The compound has nice parallels in Homeric ἴρηξ ὠκύπτερος Ν 62 `a swift-winged hawk (or falcon)' and Lat. accipiter `hawk, falcon'.Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} The original Gsg. jastrzęba was replaced by jastrzębia on the analogy of goɫąb, Gsg. goɫębia `pigeon' (Bańkowski 2000: 577). -
5 às(ъ)trě̄bъ
às(ъ)trę̄bъ; às(ъ)trě̄bъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `hawk'Page in Trubačev: I 83-85Russian:jástreb `hawk' [m o]Old Russian:Ukrainian:jástrib `hawk' [m o];astrjáb (dial.) `hawk' [m o];jástrjab `hawk' [m o]Czech:jestřáb `hawk' [m o]Old Czech:jestřáb `hawk' [m o];jěstřáb `hawk' [m o]Slovak:Polish:jastrząb `hawk' [m jo], jastrzębia [Gens] \{1\}Slovincian:jȧ̃střïb `hawk' [m o]Upper Sorbian:jatřob `hawk' [m jo]Lower Sorbian:jastśeb `hawk' [m jo]Serbo-Croatian:jȁstrijeb `hawk' [m o];Čak. jȁstrēb (Vrgada) `hawk' [m o];Čak. jãstrop (Orlec) `hawk' [m o]Slovene:jȃstreb `hawk' [m o]Bulgarian:jástreb `hawk' [m o]Comments: As far as I can see, there are no serious objections to the daring etymology *h₁oh₁ḱu-ptr- `fast-flier' (Vey 1953). According to Vey, the Slovene falling tone points to the former presence of a weak jer in the medial syllable, but it seems to me that the neo-circumflex may also reflect original posttonic length. The compound has nice parallels in Homeric ἴρηξ ὠκύπτερος Ν 62 `a swift-winged hawk (or falcon)' and Lat. accipiter `hawk, falcon'.Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} The original Gsg. jastrzęba was replaced by jastrzębia on the analogy of goɫąb, Gsg. goɫębia `pigeon' (Bańkowski 2000: 577). -
6 bě̑sъ
bě̑sъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `demon'Page in Trubačev: II 88-91Old Church Slavic:běsъ `demon' [m o]Russian:Czech:běs `demon' [m o]Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:bȉjes `demon' [m o];Čak. bȋs `demon' [m o], bȋsa [Gens]Slovene:bẹ̑s `demon' [m o]Bulgarian:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: boiʔsósLithuanian:baisùs `terrible' [adj u]Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: bʰoiHdʰ-so-Page in Pokorny: 161Comments: Since both Slavic and Baltic point to BSl. *s instead of *ṣ, it has been suggested that the root of this etymon was * bʰoiHdʰ-, cf. Lat. foedus `repulsive, terrible, disgraceful' (cf. Pedersen 1895). An extension of the root is also found in Lith. baidýti, Latv. baĩdît `scare', but it is uncertain if this *d, which may be identified with * dʰh₁- `put' and is part of a productive suffix (cf. OPr. pobaiint `punish'), is the same element.Other cognates: -
7 brьdnǫti
brьdnǫti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `wade'Page in Trubačev: III 67Czech:břednouti `melt, (obs.) wade' [verb]Slovak:bŕdnut' `wade, roam' [verb]Polish:brnąć `wade' [verb]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bird-Lithuanian:brìsti `wade' [verb], breñda [3sg], brìdo [3sgprt]Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: bʰrdʰ-IE meaning: wadePage in Pokorny: 164Comments: One would have suspected *bьrdnǫti, but Cz. břednouti points to *brьd. Apparently the zero grade of the root was influenced by the full grade of other forms. Likewise, Proto-East Baltic *bristi must have ousted *birsti < *bʰrdʰ-ti on the analogy of forms with full grade. How old the metathesis actually is, cannot be determined. -
8 dȅvętь
dȅvętь Grammatical information: num. i Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `nine'Page in Trubačev: IV 222-223Old Church Slavic:devętь `nine' [num i]Russian:dévjat' `nine' [num i], devjatí [Gens]Czech:devět `nine' [num]Slovak:Polish:dziewięć `nine' [num i]Slovincian:ʒìe̯vjinc `nine' [num]Serbo-Croatian:dȅvēt `nine' [num];Čak. dȅvet (Vrgada, Orbanići) `nine' [num]Slovene:devę̑t `nine' [num]Bulgarian:dévet `nine' [num]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: deu̯inLithuanian:devynì `nine' [num]Indo-European reconstruction: h₁neunIE meaning: ninePage in Pokorny: 318Comments: For Balto-Slavic one would expect *dou̯in, with *eu > *ou before a vowel. The e vocalism may have been reintroduced on the basis of the ordinal * deuno- prior to the development *eu > * iou before consonant (Hamp 1976, Kortlandt 1979: 57). The ordinal was later reshaped into *deu̯ino-. In view of OPr. newīnts `nine', it is possible that the numeral still had initial *n- at the end of the Balto-Slavic period, but German influence cannot be excluded.Other cognates:Skt. náva `nine' [num]; -
9 dьbrь
dьbrь Grammatical information: f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `valley, ravine'Page in Trubačev: V 176-177Old Church Slavic:Russian:débri `jungle, thickets, dense forest' [Nompf i]Old Czech:debř `valley' [f i]Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:Slovene:Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: dʰubʰ-r-i-Certainty: -Comments: I have reconstructed * dьbrь on the strength of the Old Church Slavic and East Slavic evidence, but is plausible that the original form was * dъbrь (-> *dъnò), cf. OPl. debrz. Secondary forms with *i also occur in Baltic, e.g. Latv. dibęns `bottom' alongside dubęns.Other cognates: -
10 matorъ
matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. oPage in Trubačev: XVII 244-249Church Slavic:Russian:matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];materój `full-grown' [adj o]Serbo-Croatian:mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]Slovene:matǫ́r `old' [adj o]Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-IE meaning: motherPage in Pokorny: 693Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.Other cognates: -
11 materъ
matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. oPage in Trubačev: XVII 244-249Church Slavic:Russian:matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];materój `full-grown' [adj o]Serbo-Croatian:mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]Slovene:matǫ́r `old' [adj o]Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-IE meaning: motherPage in Pokorny: 693Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.Other cognates: -
12 mogti
mogti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `be able'Page in Trubačev: XIX 107-111Old Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:móc `be able' [verb], mogę [1sg], może [3sg]Serbo-Croatian:mòći `be able' [verb], mògu [1sg], mȍžē [3sg];Čak. mȍći (Vrgada) `be able' [verb], mȏgu [1sg], mȍže [3sg];Čak. mȍć (Orbanići) `can, be able (to), be allowed (to)' [verb], mȍren [1sg]Slovene:móči `be able, must' [verb], mǫ́rem [1sg], mórem [1sg]Bulgarian:móga `be able, be allowed' [verb]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: mog-Lithuanian:magė́ti `please, interest' \{1\} [verb], mãga [3sg]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: mogʰ-IE meaning: be able, capablePage in Pokorny: 695Comments: The generally accepted apophonic relationship between Slavic *mogti, Lith. magė́ti etc. on the one hand and mė́gti `love, like', Latv. mêgt `be able, be accustomed to' on the other cannot be maintained if one adheres to the view that the lengthened grade yielded a Balto-Slavic circumflex. The acute of the latter verbs may be due to Winter's law (*h₁meǵ- if cognate with Gk. περιημεκτέω `be aggrieved, chafe'). The o-vocalism of magė́ti and the Slavic and the Germanic forms points to an old perfect. For the semantic development `to be able' -> `to like', cf. Go. mag vs. MoHG mögen. As Pokorny remarks himself, his reconstruction *magʰ-, māgʰ- is entirely based on the presumed connection of the aforementioned forms with Gk. μηχανή `means, instrument', μη̃χος `instrument, apparatus', Dor. μᾱχᾱνα, μα̃ χος, which was rejected by Endzelīns (1931: 183), Fraenkel (1951, 168), Stang (1972, 37) a.o. for various reasons (cf. ESSJa X: 110) but nevertheless reappears in Lehmann 1986 (239).Other cognates:Skt. maghá- `power, wealth, gift';Notes:\{1\} The verb usually occurs in impersonal constructions. \{2\} The scholarly community is divided with respect to the question whether massi is a borrowing from Slavic (viz. Polish może) or a genuine Prussian form (see Mažiulis III: 114 for the relevant literature).
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