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1 matorъ

matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. o
Page in Trubačev: XVII 244-249

Church Slavic:

matorъ `old' [adj o]

Russian:

matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];

materój `full-grown' [adj o]

Serbo-Croatian:

mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]

Slovene:

matǫ́r `old' [adj o]

Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-

IE meaning: mother

Page in Pokorny: 693

Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.

Other cognates:

Lat. mātūrus `ripe, mature, premature' [adj];

Lat. mānus `good' [adj]

Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > matorъ
2 materъ

matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. o
Page in Trubačev: XVII 244-249

Church Slavic:

matorъ `old' [adj o]

Russian:

matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];

materój `full-grown' [adj o]

Serbo-Croatian:

mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]

Slovene:

matǫ́r `old' [adj o]

Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-

IE meaning: mother

Page in Pokorny: 693

Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.

Other cognates:

Lat. mātūrus `ripe, mature, premature' [adj];

Lat. mānus `good' [adj]

Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > materъ
3 ȏstь

ȏstь Grammatical information: f. i Accent paradigm: c (b?) Proto-Slavic meaning: `sharp point, smth. with a sharp point'
Russian:

ost' `awn' [f i]

Slovak:

ost' `fishbone, awn, thorn' [f i]

Polish:

ość `fishbone, awn, thorn' [f i]

Serbo-Croatian:

ȍsti `harpoon' [Nompf i];

ȍstve `harpoon' [Nompf ū];

Čak. ȍsti (Vrgada) `harpoon' [Nompm i]

Slovene:

ǫ̑st `sharp point, fishbone, (pl.) harpoon' [f i], ostȋ [Gens]

Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: aśtis (akstis??)

Lithuanian:

akstìs `spit, thorn, prick' [f i] 4 \{1\}

Latvian:

aksts `sharp point' [m o??]

Indo-European reconstruction: h2eḱ-t-i-

Page in Pokorny: 18

Comments: On the basis of Sln. ǫ̑st, Illič-Svityč posits an original AP (b) for this etymon. Furthermore, Skardžius (1941: 330) has akstìs, - ies, which "mixed paradigm" Illič-Svityč (1963:
57) also regards as evidence for an original barytone accentuation.
Notes:

\{1\} The form akštìs is also attested.

Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȏstь
4 mělь

mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. o
Page in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168

Old Church Slavic:

měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]

Russian:

mel' `sand-bank, shoal' [f i];

mel `chalk' [m o]

Czech:

měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];

měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];

měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]

Old Czech:

měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]

Polish:

miaɫ, mieɫ (dial.) `dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder' [m o]

Old Polish:

miel `sand-bank' [f i];

miaɫ `finely ground substance' [m o]

Serbo-Croatian:

mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];

mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]

Slovene:

mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]

Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-

Lithuanian:

smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}

Latvian:

smēlis `fine sand' [m io] \{2\}

Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-

Certainty: +

Page in Pokorny: 717

Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).

Other cognates:

OIc. melr (dial.) `sand-bank'
;

Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank'
;

Sw. smula `chunk'
;

Nw. smola (dial.) `smash' [verb];

Nw. smol (dial.) `dust'
\{3\} \{4\}

Notes:

\{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.

Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mělь
5 mělъ

mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. o
Page in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168

Old Church Slavic:

měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]

Russian:

mel' `sand-bank, shoal' [f i];

mel `chalk' [m o]

Czech:

měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];

měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];

měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]

Old Czech:

měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]

Polish:

miaɫ, mieɫ (dial.) `dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder' [m o]

Old Polish:

miel `sand-bank' [f i];

miaɫ `finely ground substance' [m o]

Serbo-Croatian:

mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];

mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]

Slovene:

mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]

Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-

Lithuanian:

smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}

Latvian:

smēlis `fine sand' [m io] \{2\}

Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-

Certainty: +

Page in Pokorny: 717

Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).

Other cognates:

OIc. melr (dial.) `sand-bank'
;

Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank'
;

Sw. smula `chunk'
;

Nw. smola (dial.) `smash' [verb];

Nw. smol (dial.) `dust'
\{3\} \{4\}

Notes:

\{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.

Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mělъ
6 mьglà

mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94

Old Church Slavic:

mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]

Russian:

mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];

mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]

Czech:

mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];

mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];

mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]

Old Czech:

mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]

Polish:

mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]

Upper Sorbian:

mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]

Serbo-Croatian:

màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];

Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;

Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};

mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]

Slovene:

mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]

Bulgarian:

măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]

Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH

Lithuanian:

miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;

miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;

mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]

Latvian:

migla `mist, haze' [f ā];

mìegs `sleep' [m o]

Old Prussian:

maiggun `sleep' [asgf]

Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂

IE meaning: mist, cloud

Page in Pokorny: 712

Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.

Other cognates:

Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
;

Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];

Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];

Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
;

Arm. mēg `mist';

MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}

Notes:

\{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьglà
7 mьgà

mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94

Old Church Slavic:

mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]

Russian:

mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];

mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]

Czech:

mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];

mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];

mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]

Old Czech:

mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]

Polish:

mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]

Upper Sorbian:

mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]

Serbo-Croatian:

màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];

Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;

Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};

mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]

Slovene:

mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]

Bulgarian:

măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]

Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH

Lithuanian:

miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;

miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;

mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]

Latvian:

migla `mist, haze' [f ā];

mìegs `sleep' [m o]

Old Prussian:

maiggun `sleep' [asgf]

Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂

IE meaning: mist, cloud

Page in Pokorny: 712

Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.

Other cognates:

Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
;

Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];

Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];

Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
;

Arm. mēg `mist';

MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}

Notes:

\{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьgà
8 miglъ

mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94

Old Church Slavic:

mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]

Russian:

mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];

mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]

Czech:

mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];

mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];

mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]

Old Czech:

mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]

Polish:

mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]

Upper Sorbian:

mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]

Serbo-Croatian:

màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];

Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;

Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};

mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]

Slovene:

mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]

Bulgarian:

măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]

Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH

Lithuanian:

miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;

miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;

mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]

Latvian:

migla `mist, haze' [f ā];

mìegs `sleep' [m o]

Old Prussian:

maiggun `sleep' [asgf]

Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂

IE meaning: mist, cloud

Page in Pokorny: 712

Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.

Other cognates:

Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
;

Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];

Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];

Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
;

Arm. mēg `mist';

MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}

Notes:

\{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > miglъ
9 ȍlkъtь

ȍlkъtь; ȍlkъtъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `elbow, ell'
Page in Trubačev: XXXII 65-67

Old Church Slavic:

lakъtь `elbow, ell' [m i], lakъte [Gens] \{2\}

Russian:

lókot' `elbow, ell' [m jo], lóktja [Gens]

Czech:

loket `elbow, ell' [m (j)o]

Slovak:

lakot' `elbow, ell' [m (j)o]

Polish:

ɫokieć `elbow, ell' [m jo]

Upper Sorbian:

ɫochć `elbow' [m jo];

ɫóchć (dial.) `elbow' [m jo]

Serbo-Croatian:

lȃkat `elbow, ell' [m o], lākta [Gens];

Čak. lȁkat (Vrgada) `elbow, ell' [m o], lȁhta [Gens];

Čak. lȁkat (Novi) `elbow, ell' [m o], lȁhta [Gens];

Čak. lȃkat (Orbanići) `elbow, armlength, yard (measure)' [m o], lȃhta [Gens]

Slovene:

lakȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], laktà [Gens], laktȗ [Gens], lahtà [Gens], lahtȗ [Gens];

lakȃt `elbow, ell' [f i], laktȋ [Gens], lahtȋ [Gens];

lahȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], lahtȗ [Gens];

lakǝ̀t `elbow, ell' [m o], laktà [Gens];

lákǝt `elbow, ell' [m o];

lǝkȃt `elbow, ell' [f i], lǝhtȋ [Gens];

lǝkȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], lǝhtȗ [Gens];

lèhǝt `elbow' [m o], lǝ̀hta [Gens]

Bulgarian:

lákăt `elbow, ell' [m jo]

Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: Hol-k-

Lithuanian:

alkū́nė `elbow' [f ē] 1;

elkū́nė (arch., dial.) `elbow' [f ē] 1 \{3\}

Latvian:

ę̀lks `elbow, bend' [m o];

ę̀lkuons `elbow, bend' [m o] \{4\}

Old Prussian:

alkunis (EV) `elbow'

Indo-European reconstruction: HHolkuti- \{1\}

IE meaning: elbow

Comments: The e- of the East Baltic forms may be another instance of "Rozwadowski's change". The somewhat awkward reconstruction *HHol- (*HH₃el-) is required by the acute intonation of Lith. úolektis, Latv. uôlekts `ell' < *HoHl- (*HeH₃l-), cf. OPr. woaltis `forearm', woaltis `ell', ὠλένη `elbow, forearm'. If one subscribes to the view that a lengthened grade vowel yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, *(H)ōl- is the obvious reconstruction.

Other cognates:

Gk. ολέκρα̑νος `point of the elbow'
;

Lat. ulna `elbow' [f];

OIr. uilen `elbow' [f];

OHG elina `ell' [f];

Arm. oɫn `spine, shoulder'

Notes:

\{1\} *HH₃elkuti seems also possible. \{2\} In some case forms OCS lakъtь is inflected as a consonant stem. In the modern languages *ȍlkъtь has adopted the pattern of the jo- or o-stems. \{3\} The LKŽ has elkū̃nė instead of elkū́nė, even though one of the sources mentioned - F. Kurschat's dictionary - actually has an acute. \{4\} Also ę̀lkuonis, ę̀lkuone, ę̀lkūne².

Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȍlkъtь
10 ȍlkъtъ

ȍlkъtь; ȍlkъtъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `elbow, ell'
Page in Trubačev: XXXII 65-67

Old Church Slavic:

lakъtь `elbow, ell' [m i], lakъte [Gens] \{2\}

Russian:

lókot' `elbow, ell' [m jo], lóktja [Gens]

Czech:

loket `elbow, ell' [m (j)o]

Slovak:

lakot' `elbow, ell' [m (j)o]

Polish:

ɫokieć `elbow, ell' [m jo]

Upper Sorbian:

ɫochć `elbow' [m jo];

ɫóchć (dial.) `elbow' [m jo]

Serbo-Croatian:

lȃkat `elbow, ell' [m o], lākta [Gens];

Čak. lȁkat (Vrgada) `elbow, ell' [m o], lȁhta [Gens];

Čak. lȁkat (Novi) `elbow, ell' [m o], lȁhta [Gens];

Čak. lȃkat (Orbanići) `elbow, armlength, yard (measure)' [m o], lȃhta [Gens]

Slovene:

lakȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], laktà [Gens], laktȗ [Gens], lahtà [Gens], lahtȗ [Gens];

lakȃt `elbow, ell' [f i], laktȋ [Gens], lahtȋ [Gens];

lahȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], lahtȗ [Gens];

lakǝ̀t `elbow, ell' [m o], laktà [Gens];

lákǝt `elbow, ell' [m o];

lǝkȃt `elbow, ell' [f i], lǝhtȋ [Gens];

lǝkȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], lǝhtȗ [Gens];

lèhǝt `elbow' [m o], lǝ̀hta [Gens]

Bulgarian:

lákăt `elbow, ell' [m jo]

Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: Hol-k-

Lithuanian:

alkū́nė `elbow' [f ē] 1;

elkū́nė (arch., dial.) `elbow' [f ē] 1 \{3\}

Latvian:

ę̀lks `elbow, bend' [m o];

ę̀lkuons `elbow, bend' [m o] \{4\}

Old Prussian:

alkunis (EV) `elbow'

Indo-European reconstruction: HHolkuti- \{1\}

IE meaning: elbow

Comments: The e- of the East Baltic forms may be another instance of "Rozwadowski's change". The somewhat awkward reconstruction *HHol- (*HH₃el-) is required by the acute intonation of Lith. úolektis, Latv. uôlekts `ell' < *HoHl- (*HeH₃l-), cf. OPr. woaltis `forearm', woaltis `ell', ὠλένη `elbow, forearm'. If one subscribes to the view that a lengthened grade vowel yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, *(H)ōl- is the obvious reconstruction.

Other cognates:

Gk. ολέκρα̑νος `point of the elbow'
;

Lat. ulna `elbow' [f];

OIr. uilen `elbow' [f];

OHG elina `ell' [f];

Arm. oɫn `spine, shoulder'

Notes:

\{1\} *HH₃elkuti seems also possible. \{2\} In some case forms OCS lakъtь is inflected as a consonant stem. In the modern languages *ȍlkъtь has adopted the pattern of the jo- or o-stems. \{3\} The LKŽ has elkū̃nė instead of elkū́nė, even though one of the sources mentioned - F. Kurschat's dictionary - actually has an acute. \{4\} Also ę̀lkuonis, ę̀lkuone, ę̀lkūne².

Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȍlkъtъ
11 ȅsenь

ȅsenь Grammatical information: f. i Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `autumn'
Page in Trubačev: VI 28-29

Church Slavic:

esenь (Const.) `autumn' [Accf i]

Russian:

ósen' `autumn' [f i];

jésen' (Rjaz.) `autumn' [f i]

Ukrainian:

ósin' `autumn' [f i]

Slovak:

jeseň `autumn' [f i]

Polish:

jesień `autumn' [f i]

Serbo-Croatian:

jȅsēn `autumn' [f i];

Čak. jȅsēn (Vrgada) `autumn' [f i];

Čak. jȅsēn (Novi) `autumn' [f i];

Čak. jȅsen (Orbanići) `autumn' [nd]

Slovene:

jesę́n `autumn' [f i]

Bulgarian:

jésen `autumn' [f i]

Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: es-eni-

Old Prussian:

assanis `autumn'

IE meaning: summer, autumn

Certainty: +

Page in Pokorny: 340

Comments: If the root is indeed PIE *h₁s `to be', which would lead to a reconstruction *h₁os-en-, the e- of the Slavic forms as opposed to the *o- elsewhere (Old Prussian being inconclusive) may be an instance of ablaut or a result of "Rozwadowski's change".

Other cognates:

Gk. ὀπώρα, ὀπάρα (Lak.) `late summer, early autumn' [f];

Go. asans `harvest time, summer' [f];

OHG ar(a)n `harvest'
;

Fi. kesä `summer'

Notes:

The e- of the Slavic forms as opposed to the *o- elsewhere (Old Prussian being unclear) may be an instance of ablaut or a result of "Rozwadowski's change", but it must be said that the etymology is unclear. The Greek forms may reflect *οσαρᾱ, which would point to an r/n-stem.

Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȅsenь
12 borzdà

borzdà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `furrow'
Page in Trubačev: II 220

Old Church Slavic:

brazda `furrow' [f ā]

Russian:

borozdá `furrow, (dial.) harrow, canal' [f ā]

Czech:

brázda `furrow' [f ā]

Slovak:

brázda `furrow' [f ā]

Polish:

bruzda `furrow' [f ā]

Slovincian:

bḁ́řḍă `furrow' [f ā]

Upper Sorbian:

brózda `furrow' [f ā]

Lower Sorbian:

brozda `furrow' [f ā];

brůzda (dial.) `furrow' [f ā];

brou̯zda (dial.) `furrow' [f ā]

Serbo-Croatian:

brázda `furrow, (dial.) canal' [f ā];

Čak. bråzdȁ (Vrgada) `furrow' [f ā];

Čak. brāzdȁ (Orbanići) `furrow, row (of potatoes etc., planted in one furrow)' [f ā] \{1\}

Slovene:

brázda `furrow, wrinkle' [f ā]

Bulgarian:

brazdá `furrow' [f ā];

brezdá `furrow' [f ā]

Macedonian:

brazdá `furrow, irrigation canal, wrinkle' [f ā]

Lithuanian:

bir̃žė `sign (out of straws or twigs) that marks the boundary of the sowed land, furrow' [f ē] 2 \{2\}

Latvian:

bìrze `furrow' [f ē]

Comments: The reconstruction * bʰrs-d(ʰ)-, which would enable a connection with Skt. bhr̥ṣṭí- f. (RV) `point, top, spike, tooth', cannot account for the Baltic forms.

Other cognates:

Skt. bhr̥ṣṭí-

Notes:

\{1\} More common is the i-stem brȃs, Gsg. brāzdȉ. \{2\} The original accentuation of this word cannot be established. In Lithuanian, we find biržė 1/2/4 and biržis 1/2/3/4. In Latvian, bìrze, bir̃ze and biȓze are attested.

Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > borzdà
13 rębika

rębika; rębina Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `rowan tree'
Russian:

rjabíka (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā];

rjabína `rowan tree' [f ā]

Ukrainian:

rjabýna (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā]

Serbo-Croatian:

rebika (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā]

Slovene:

rebíka `rowan tree' [f ā]

Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ri(m)ʔb-;; ru(m)ʔb-

Lithuanian:

ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;

irbẽnis `snowball-tree' [m io]

Latvian:

ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];

irbęnājs `snowball-tree' [m o];

rubenis `black grouse' [m io]

Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-

Certainty: -

Page in Pokorny: 334

Comments: Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. ráibas, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (= Ukr. ribyj?) probably belongs here as well. The i: u alternation in the root and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis must have been secondarily shortened because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'.

Other cognates:

OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{1\}

Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > rębika
14 rębina

rębika; rębina Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `rowan tree'
Russian:

rjabíka (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā];

rjabína `rowan tree' [f ā]

Ukrainian:

rjabýna (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā]

Serbo-Croatian:

rebika (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā]

Slovene:

rebíka `rowan tree' [f ā]

Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ri(m)ʔb-;; ru(m)ʔb-

Lithuanian:

ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;

irbẽnis `snowball-tree' [m io]

Latvian:

ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];

irbęnājs `snowball-tree' [m o];

rubenis `black grouse' [m io]

Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-

Certainty: -

Page in Pokorny: 334

Comments: Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. ráibas, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (= Ukr. ribyj?) probably belongs here as well. The i: u alternation in the root and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis must have been secondarily shortened because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'.

Other cognates:

OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{1\}

Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > rębina
15 rębь

rębь; rębъkъ Grammatical information: m. jo??; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `hazel-grouse, partridge'
Russian:

rjab' ( Dal': eccl., N. dial.) `sand-grouse, hazel-grouse' [m jo];

rjabók (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [m o] \{1\}

Slovene:

rę̑b `partridge' [m o]

Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: re/imbo-

Lithuanian:

ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;

jerubė̃, jerumbė̃ (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [f ē] 3^b

Latvian:

ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];

rubenis `black grouse' [m io]

Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-o-

Certainty: -

Page in Pokorny: 334

Other cognates:

OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{2\}

Notes:

\{1\} Cf. rjábčik (the Standard Russian form), rjábuška and rjábec or rjabéc `hazel-grouse', rjábka `partridge' (Dal' s.v. rjabyj). The form rjabéc also means `trout'. \{2\} Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- and contain u but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. raibas 3/4, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (Ukr. ribyj?) may belong here as well. The e: eu alternation and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ etc.) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis poses a problem because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'.

Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > rębь
16 rębъkъ

rębь; rębъkъ Grammatical information: m. jo??; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `hazel-grouse, partridge'
Russian:

rjab' ( Dal': eccl., N. dial.) `sand-grouse, hazel-grouse' [m jo];

rjabók (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [m o] \{1\}

Slovene:

rę̑b `partridge' [m o]

Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: re/imbo-

Lithuanian:

ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;

jerubė̃, jerumbė̃ (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [f ē] 3^b

Latvian:

ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];

rubenis `black grouse' [m io]

Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-o-

Certainty: -

Page in Pokorny: 334

Other cognates:

OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{2\}

Notes:

\{1\} Cf. rjábčik (the Standard Russian form), rjábuška and rjábec or rjabéc `hazel-grouse', rjábka `partridge' (Dal' s.v. rjabyj). The form rjabéc also means `trout'. \{2\} Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- and contain u but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. raibas 3/4, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (Ukr. ribyj?) may belong here as well. The e: eu alternation and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ etc.) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis poses a problem because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'.

Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > rębъkъ
17 bě̑sъ

bě̑sъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `demon'
Page in Trubačev: II 88-91

Old Church Slavic:

běsъ `demon' [m o]

Russian:

bes `demon' [m o]

Czech:

běs `demon' [m o]

Slovak:

bes `demon' [m o]

Polish:

bies `demon' [m o]

Serbo-Croatian:

bȉjes `demon' [m o];

Čak. bȋs `demon' [m o], bȋsa [Gens]

Slovene:

bẹ̑s `demon' [m o]

Bulgarian:

bjas `rabies, demon' [m o]

Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: boiʔsós

Lithuanian:

baisùs `terrible' [adj u]

Latvian:

baîss `terrible' [adj u]

Indo-European reconstruction: bʰoiHdʰ-so-

Page in Pokorny: 161

Comments: Since both Slavic and Baltic point to BSl. *s instead of *ṣ, it has been suggested that the root of this etymon was * bʰoiHdʰ-, cf. Lat. foedus `repulsive, terrible, disgraceful' (cf. Pedersen 1895). An extension of the root is also found in Lith. baidýti, Latv. baĩdît `scare', but it is uncertain if this *d, which may be identified with * dʰh₁- `put' and is part of a productive suffix (cf. OPr. pobaiint `punish'), is the same element.

Other cognates:

Lat. foedus `repulsive, terrible, disgraceful'

Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bě̑sъ
18 zъly

zъly Grammatical information: f. ū Proto-Slavic meaning: `sister-in-law (husband's sister)'
Church Slavic:

zlъva (Mikl.) `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f ā]

Russian:

zolóvka `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f ā];

zólva (dial.) `sister-in-law (husband's sister), daughter-in-law' [f ā];

zolóva (dial.) `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f ā];

zolóv' (dial.) `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f i];

zólovica (dial.) `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f jā];

zolóvica (dial.) `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f jā]

Old Czech:

zelva `sister-in-law (husband's sister), daughter-in-law' [f ā]

Slovak:

zolvica `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f jā]

Old Polish:

zɫew `sister-in-law (husband's sister), daughter-in-law' [f i];

zeɫw `sister-in-law (husband's sister), daughter-in-law' [f i] \{1\}

Serbo-Croatian:

zȁova `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f ā];

zȃva (Vojv.) `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f ā]

Slovene:

zȃɫva `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f ā];

zȃva `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f ā];

zȏɫva `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f ā]

Bulgarian:

zắlva `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f ā]

Indo-European reconstruction: ǵlh₂-u-

Other cognates:

Skt. giri- (Gr̥Sū) `sister-in-law(?)' [f];

Gk. γάλως `husband's sister [f];

Lat. glōs `sister-in-law' [f]

Notes:

\{1\} The material presented in the Sɫownik staropolski seems to point to a paradigm zɫew, Gsg. zeɫwi < * zъlъvь, Gsg. zъlъvi. In that case the vocalism of zeɫw must be analogical.

Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > zъly
19 bȏrvъ

bȏrvъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c
Page in Trubačev: II 214-215

Church Slavic:

bravъ `small live stock' [m o]

Russian:

bórov `hog, castrated boar, (dial.) boar, castrated bull' [m o]

Old Russian:

borovъ `small live stock, hog, castrated boar' [m o]

Czech:

brav `small live stock' [m o];

brav (dial.) `hog, castrated boar' [m o]

Slovak:

brav `hog, castrated boar' [m o]

Polish:

browek (dial.) `porker' [m o]

Serbo-Croatian:

brȃv `sheep (pl.), (dial.) hog, castrated boar' [m o];

Čak. brå̑v (Vrgada) `ram' [m o]

Slovene:

brȃv `sheep (pl.), pig, animal' [m o];

brȃv `sheep (pl.)' [f i]

Bulgarian:

brav (dial.) `ram' [m o]

Indo-European reconstruction: bʰor-u-o-

Comments: It is unclear whether this root may be identified with the root *bʰrH- of *borti and *bъrtь, as is advocated by Pokorny (133-135).

Other cognates:

OIc. bǫrgr `hog, castrated boar'
;

OHG barug `hog, castrated boar'
;

OHG barh `hog, castrated boar'
;

OE bearg `hog, castrated boar'
;

OE bearh `hog, castrated boar'
;

MoE barrow `hog, castrated boar'
;

MoDu barg `hog, castrated boar'
\{1\}

Notes:

\{1\} The Germanic cognates point to *bʰor-u-ko-.

Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bȏrvъ
20 čitati

čitati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `read, count'
Page in Trubačev: IV 123

Russian:

čitát' `read' [verb], čitáju [1sg]

Czech:

čítati `read, count, suppose' [verb]

Slovak:

čítat' `read' [verb]

Polish:

czytać `read' [verb]

Serbo-Croatian:

čìtati `read' [verb], čìtām [1sg];

Čak. čȉtati (Vrgada) `read' [verb], čȉtå̄š [2sg];

Čak. čȉtat (Orbanići) `read' [verb], čȉtan [1sg] \{1\}

Slovene:

čítati `read' [verb], čítam [1sg]

Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)keit-; (s)koit-

Lithuanian:

skaitýti `read, count' [verb]

Indo-European reconstruction: (s)k^weit-; (s)k^woit-

Page in Pokorny: 637

Other cognates:

Skt. cétati `perceive, take notice of' [verb]

Notes:

\{1\} In Orbanići, čȉtat is on the verge of ousting štȅt, 1sg. štȅn, while in Vrgada the native verb is štȉti, 1sg. štȉjen. In Novi, we find štȁt, 1sg. štén, 2sg. štȅš. These forms seem to point to *čьtěti / * čьtati, 1sg. *čьtǫ, cf. Sln. čtẹ́ti `read', štẹ́ti `count'.

Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čitati

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См. также в других словарях:

The Point! — Studio album by Harry Nilsson Released 1971 … Wikipedia
The Point (radio network) — Infobox Radio Station name = The Point area = Northern Vermont branding = Independent Radio, The Point slogan = It s About the Music! airdate = WNCS: 1977 WDOT: 1989 WRJT: 1995 city = WNCS: Montpelier, Vermont WDOT: Danville, Vermont WRJT:… … Wikipedia
The point (ice hockey) — In ice hockey, a player in the opponent s end zone at the junction of the blue line with the boards is said to be at the point. Usually the players at the two points are the defensemen, and the name is taken from the former names of the defense… … Wikipedia
At the point — Point Point, n. [F. point, and probably also pointe, L. punctum, puncta, fr. pungere, punctum, to prick. See {Pungent}, and cf. {Puncto}, {Puncture}.] 1. That which pricks or pierces; the sharp end of anything, esp. the sharp end of a piercing… … The Collaborative International Dictionary of English
In the point — Point Point, n. [F. point, and probably also pointe, L. punctum, puncta, fr. pungere, punctum, to prick. See {Pungent}, and cf. {Puncto}, {Puncture}.] 1. That which pricks or pierces; the sharp end of anything, esp. the sharp end of a piercing… … The Collaborative International Dictionary of English
On the point — Point Point, n. [F. point, and probably also pointe, L. punctum, puncta, fr. pungere, punctum, to prick. See {Pungent}, and cf. {Puncto}, {Puncture}.] 1. That which pricks or pierces; the sharp end of anything, esp. the sharp end of a piercing… … The Collaborative International Dictionary of English
On the point — Point Point, n. [F. point, and probably also pointe, L. punctum, puncta, fr. pungere, punctum, to prick. See {Pungent}, and cf. {Puncto}, {Puncture}.] 1. That which pricks or pierces; the sharp end of anything, esp. the sharp end of a piercing… … The Collaborative International Dictionary of English
to the point — See: COME TO THE POINT … Dictionary of American idioms
to the point — See: COME TO THE POINT … Dictionary of American idioms
come to the point — or[get to the point] {v. phr.} To talk about the important thing; reach the important facts of the matter; reach the central question or fact. * /Henry was giving a lot of history and explanation, but his father asked him to come to the point./ * … Dictionary of American idioms
come to the point — or[get to the point] {v. phr.} To talk about the important thing; reach the important facts of the matter; reach the central question or fact. * /Henry was giving a lot of history and explanation, but his father asked him to come to the point./ * … Dictionary of American idioms

Словари и энциклопедии на Академике

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to+be+on+the+point+of

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Словари и энциклопедии на Академике

Перевод: со словенского на все языки

to+be+on+the+point+of

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