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semantic

  • 1 mьglà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьglà

  • 2 mьgà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьgà

  • 3 miglъ

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > miglъ

  • 4 majati

    majati; mavati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `wave, beckon'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 133-135, XVIII 21-22
    Old Church Slavic:
    namaiaaxǫ (Supr.) `beckoned' [3pl ipf]
    Church Slavic:
    pomavati (RuCS) `give a signal with one's hand or head' [verb]
    Russian:
    májat' `exhaust, harass' [verb];
    mavat' (dial.) `wave' [verb]
    Old Russian:
    majati `beckon, agitate, vibrate' [verb];
    pomavati `give a signal with one's hand or head' [verb]
    Czech:
    mávati `wave' [verb]
    Slovak:
    mávat' `wave' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    mawaś `wave, rock' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁjati `beckon, keep, detain' [verb]
    Slovene:
    májati `move about, shake' [verb], májam [1sg], májem [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    mája `dawdle, detain' [verb]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: maH-
    Lithuanian:
    móti `beckon' [verb]
    Latvian:
    mãt `beckon' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂-
    IE meaning: beckon
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: It is clear that *majati and *mavati continue one and the same verb, j and v being "Hiatustilger". While majati `to beckon' cannot be separated from Lith. móti, Latv. mãt `id.', majati `to detain, to tire, to exhaust' has been linked to Germanic forms like OHG muoan and Go. afmauiʮs (cf. Stang 1972: 35). The respective roots in Pokorny are mā- (693) and mō- (746). If we assume that *majati indeed continues *meh₂- as well as *meh₃- (LIV: 382), we have to settle for semantic arguments. Since it is also possible to argue on semantic grounds that *majati ultimately continues *meh₂- `to beckon' only (Trubačëv XVII 134), it is to a certain extent a matter of choice which solution one prefers.
    Other cognates:
    Go. afmauiʮs `tired' [ppp];
    OHG muoan `alarm, worry' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > majati

  • 5 mavati

    majati; mavati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `wave, beckon'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 133-135, XVIII 21-22
    Old Church Slavic:
    namaiaaxǫ (Supr.) `beckoned' [3pl ipf]
    Church Slavic:
    pomavati (RuCS) `give a signal with one's hand or head' [verb]
    Russian:
    májat' `exhaust, harass' [verb];
    mavat' (dial.) `wave' [verb]
    Old Russian:
    majati `beckon, agitate, vibrate' [verb];
    pomavati `give a signal with one's hand or head' [verb]
    Czech:
    mávati `wave' [verb]
    Slovak:
    mávat' `wave' [verb]
    Lower Sorbian:
    mawaś `wave, rock' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁjati `beckon, keep, detain' [verb]
    Slovene:
    májati `move about, shake' [verb], májam [1sg], májem [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    mája `dawdle, detain' [verb]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: maH-
    Lithuanian:
    móti `beckon' [verb]
    Latvian:
    mãt `beckon' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂-
    IE meaning: beckon
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: It is clear that *majati and *mavati continue one and the same verb, j and v being "Hiatustilger". While majati `to beckon' cannot be separated from Lith. móti, Latv. mãt `id.', majati `to detain, to tire, to exhaust' has been linked to Germanic forms like OHG muoan and Go. afmauiʮs (cf. Stang 1972: 35). The respective roots in Pokorny are mā- (693) and mō- (746). If we assume that *majati indeed continues *meh₂- as well as *meh₃- (LIV: 382), we have to settle for semantic arguments. Since it is also possible to argue on semantic grounds that *majati ultimately continues *meh₂- `to beckon' only (Trubačëv XVII 134), it is to a certain extent a matter of choice which solution one prefers.
    Other cognates:
    Go. afmauiʮs `tired' [ppp];
    OHG muoan `alarm, worry' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mavati

  • 6 blekъ

    blekъ Grammatical information: m. o
    Page in Trubačev: II 109
    Czech:
    blek `bleating' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    blek `henbane' [m o];
    blik `henbane' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blȇk `bleating' [m o]
    Slovene:
    blę́k `flock (of sheep)' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    blek (dial.) `henbane' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰlek-o-
    Page in Pokorny: 157
    Comments: The semantic connection between *blek(ot)ъ as the name of various poisonous plants and *blekotъ `chatter, chatterer' is the fact that particularly henbane may cause a delirium, cf. Ru. (dial.) belenít'sja `become infuriated', SCr. belèna `fool' from *belena `henbane', or the Polish expression brodzi, jakby się blekotu (`fool's parsley') objadɫ, which equals Cz. jako by se blínu napil. I am inclined to consider the verbs *blekati `chatter, mutter, bleat' and *blekotati derivatives of *blekъ and *blekotъ rather than vice versa (pace Trubačëv). The development of a meaning `bleat' may have been favoured by the onomatopoeic qualities of the root. Alternatively, we could distinguish a separate onomatopoeic root *blek- `bleat' or even separate *blek- `henbane' from *blek- `chatter, mutter'. Pokorny erroneously classifies Ru. blëkotъ `fool's parsley' under *bʰleiq- `shine'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > blekъ

  • 7 blizь

    blizъ II; blizь Grammatical information: adv., prep.
    Page in Trubačev: II 121-122
    Old Church Slavic:
    blizъ `near, close to' [adv/prep]
    Russian:
    bliz `near, close to' [prep]
    Polish:
    blizo (dial.) `near, close by' [adv]
    Old Polish:
    blizu `near, close by' [adv]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blízu `near, close by' [prep/adv];
    Čak. blīzȕ (Orbanići) `near, nearby' [prep/adv];
    Čak. blĩzu (Orbanići) `near, nearby' [prep/adv]
    Slovene:
    blìz `near, close by' [adv];
    blìz `near, close to' [prep]
    Bulgarian:
    blízo `near, close by' [adv]
    Lithuanian:
    bliežti (dial.) `throw hard' [verb];
    bláižyti `tear off, shell' [verb]
    Latvian:
    bliêzt `beat, hew' [verb];
    blaîzît `squeeze, squash, hit, beat, rub' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰl(e)iǵ-o-
    IE meaning: near
    Page in Pokorny: 161
    Comments: Although puzzling at first, the semantic transition from `to beat' to `near' appears to have a few convincing parallels, e.g. MoFr. près `near' : Lat. pressus `squeezed' (Trubačëv II: 122, with references).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. flīgere `hit' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} Rarely blizь.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > blizь

  • 8 bòlna

    bòlna Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `membrane'
    Page in Trubačev: II 175-177
    Church Slavic:
    blana (RuCS) `placenta' [f ā]
    Russian:
    boloná `sickly outgrowth on trees, sap-wood, (dial.) lump' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    bolona `placenta' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    bolóna `membrane, window-pane' [f ā]
    Czech:
    blána `film, membrane, web (of water-fowl), sap-wood' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    blana `membrane, film' [f ā]
    Polish:
    bɫona `membrane, film' [f ā]
    Old Polish:
    bɫona `placenta, eyeweb, peritoneum, entrails' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    bɫona `membrane, film' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    blȃna `membrane, thin skin, parchment' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    blaná `manure (used as fuel), turf' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    bálnas `white, having a white back (cattle)' [adj] 3
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰolH-neh₂
    Page in Pokorny: 118
    Comments: Both Trubačëv and Sɫawski are inclined to derive bolna `membrane, sapwood' and bolna `turf, meadow' from a root meaning `white'. Though the relationship between `membrane' and `white' may not be obvious, the relationship between the usually light-coloured sapwood and `white' is unproblematic. In view of the semantic similarities between `sapwood' and `membrane', the etymology advocated by Trubačëv and Sɫawski may very well be correct. The connection between * bolna `turf, meadow' and * bolto `swamp', where an etymology involving the root for `white' is widely accepted, seems quite plausible.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bòlna

  • 9 bòrti

    bòrti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: b
    Page in Trubačev: II 213-214
    Old Church Slavic:
    brati (sę) `fight' [verb], borjǫ (sę) [1sg], borješi (sę) [2sg]
    Russian:
    borót' `overpower, throw to the ground' [verb], borjú [1sg], bóret [3sg];
    borót'sja `fight' [verb], borjús' [1sg], bóretsja [3sg]
    Ukrainian:
    boróty `overpower' [verb]
    Polish:
    bróć się (dial.) `fight, contend' [verb]
    Bulgarian:
    bórja `torment, conquer' [verb];
    bórja se `fight' [verb]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: borʔ-
    Lithuanian:
    bárti `scold, accuse, forbid' [verb];
    bártis `quarrel' [verb]
    Latvian:
    bãrti `scold, blame' [verb];
    bãrtiês `quarrel' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰorH-tei
    Page in Pokorny: 133
    Comments: For semantic reasons it is unclear whether Lat. forāre `perforate', OIc. bora `id.' etc. belong here as well (cf. Schrijver 1991: 216; see also s.v. *borna I). \{2\} The Germanic forms continue PGm. *barjan.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. ferīre `hit' [verb];
    OIc. berja `beat, hit' [verb];
    OHG berjan `hit, pound, knead'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bòrti

  • 10 čekati

    čekati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `wait, await, expect'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 36-37
    Church Slavic:
    čekati (Venc.) `wait, await' [verb]
    Russian:
    čekát' (S., W. dial.) `wait, await' [verb]
    Ukrainian:
    čekáty `wait, await' [verb]
    Czech:
    čekati `wait, await' [verb]
    Old Czech:
    čekati `wait, await' [verb];
    čkáti `wait, await' [verb]
    Polish:
    czekać `wait, await' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    čȅkati `wait, await, expect' [verb], čȅkām [1sg];
    Čak. čȅkati (Vrgada) `wait, await, expect' [verb], čȅkå̄š [2sg];
    Čak. čȅkat (Orbanići) `wait' [verb], čȅkan [1sg]
    Macedonian:
    čéka `wait, await' [verb]
    Comments: Stang (1961: 68-69) has suggested that čekati is cognate with OPr. kackint `attain', Lith. kàkti `be sufficient' (cf. Toporov PJ 1980: 162-163 for the semantic development). In Slavic, we may originally have had * čekti alongside the intensive *čěkati. According to an older etymology (cf. Vasmer s.v. čekát'), * čeka- is a reduplicated variant of the root * keh₂- that we find in Lat. cārus `dear', MHG huore `whore' (note, however, that according to Schrijver (1996: 98, 112), the -r- belongs to the root here). It seems to me that Stang's scenario is preferable because it offers a solutio for the variation *ček-/čak-.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čekati

  • 11 čerpti

    čerpti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `scoop, draw'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 71-72
    Old Church Slavic:
    počrěti `scoop, draw' [verb], počrьpǫ [1sg]
    Czech:
    čříti (Jungmann) `scoop, draw' [verb]
    Old Czech:
    čřieti `scoop, draw' [verb], čru [1sg]
    Slovak:
    čriet' (poet.) `gather' [verb]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: kerp-; kirp-
    Lithuanian:
    kir̃pti `chop, cut' [verb], kerpù [1sg]
    Indo-European reconstruction: -
    Page in Pokorny: 944
    Comments: Though the semantic development is not evident, I assume that čerp- continues PIE * (s)kerp- `cut off, tear off'.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. carpere `pick, pluck' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čerpti

  • 12 dikъ

    dikъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `wild'
    Page in Trubačev: V 29-30
    Church Slavic:
    dikyi (RuCS) `wild, rude' [adj o]
    Russian:
    díkij `wild' [adj o], diká [Nomsf], díko [Nomsn]
    Old Russian:
    dikyi `wild' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    diký (Kott) `wild' [adj o]
    Polish:
    dziki `wild' [adj o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    dźiki `wild' [adj o]
    Lithuanian:
    dỹkas `empty, idle, for free, vacant' [adj o] 4
    Latvian:
    dīks `empty, idle, inactive' [adj o] \{1\}
    Comments: Perhaps cognate with Skt. dayi `fly (of birds, chariots, horses, gods)'. In view of the evidence for circumflex long i, the East Baltic forms, may be borrowings from Slavic, but the semantic difference (for which cf. Du. woest `desolate' -> `uncultivated, rough, wild') is conspicuous. Note that East Latv. dìeks2, if correctly interpreted, may reflect * deik-.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Both dîks2 and dìks2 are attested. In principle this combination points to dìks. In East Latvian, there are also forms reflecting dìeks2.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dikъ

  • 13 ȅzero

    ȅzero; ȅzerъ Grammatical information: n. o; m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `lake'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 33-34
    Old Church Slavic:
    jezero `lake' [n o];
    jezerъ (Zogr., Ass.) `lake' [Accm o]
    Russian:
    ózero `lake' [n o]
    Czech:
    jezero `lake' [n o]
    Slovak:
    jazero `lake' [n o];
    jeźer (E. dial.) `lake' [m o]
    Polish:
    jezioro `lake' [n o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jězer `lake' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȅzero `lake' [n o], jezèra [Nom p];
    Čak. jȅzero (Vrgada) `lake' [n o], jezerå̃ [Nom p];
    Čak. jȅzero?? (Novi) `lake' [n o], jȅzera [Nom p];
    jȅzēr `lake' [m o]
    Slovene:
    ję̑zerọ `lake' [n o];
    ję̑zer `lake' [m o];
    jezer `lake' [f i]
    Bulgarian:
    ézero `lake' [n o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: éźero
    Lithuanian:
    ẽžeras `lake' [m o] 3b
    Latvian:
    ęzęrs `lake' [m o];
    ęzars `lake' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    assaran `lake' [n]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁eǵʰ-(e)r-o-
    IE meaning: lake
    Certainty: -
    Comments: In view of "Rozwadowski's change", the reconstruction of the anlaut offers a number of alternatives (*h₂e-, *h₃e-, *Ho-), but not if the etymon under discussion belongs to *ězъ `balk, weir', which in my opinion is the case. A cognate outside Balto-Slavic is Arm. ezr `bank, border, limit' < *h₁(e)ǵʰ- (-> *ězъ for the semantic apects of the etymology). Note that the short initial vowel of *jȅzero requires the reconstruction of an aspirated velar anyhow (Winter's law). The connection with the Greek mythological river Α χέρων is dubious.
    Other cognates:
    Arm. ezr `edge, border, bank' [r]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȅzero

  • 14 ȅzerъ

    ȅzero; ȅzerъ Grammatical information: n. o; m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `lake'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 33-34
    Old Church Slavic:
    jezero `lake' [n o];
    jezerъ (Zogr., Ass.) `lake' [Accm o]
    Russian:
    ózero `lake' [n o]
    Czech:
    jezero `lake' [n o]
    Slovak:
    jazero `lake' [n o];
    jeźer (E. dial.) `lake' [m o]
    Polish:
    jezioro `lake' [n o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jězer `lake' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȅzero `lake' [n o], jezèra [Nom p];
    Čak. jȅzero (Vrgada) `lake' [n o], jezerå̃ [Nom p];
    Čak. jȅzero?? (Novi) `lake' [n o], jȅzera [Nom p];
    jȅzēr `lake' [m o]
    Slovene:
    ję̑zerọ `lake' [n o];
    ję̑zer `lake' [m o];
    jezer `lake' [f i]
    Bulgarian:
    ézero `lake' [n o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: éźero
    Lithuanian:
    ẽžeras `lake' [m o] 3b
    Latvian:
    ęzęrs `lake' [m o];
    ęzars `lake' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    assaran `lake' [n]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁eǵʰ-(e)r-o-
    IE meaning: lake
    Certainty: -
    Comments: In view of "Rozwadowski's change", the reconstruction of the anlaut offers a number of alternatives (*h₂e-, *h₃e-, *Ho-), but not if the etymon under discussion belongs to *ězъ `balk, weir', which in my opinion is the case. A cognate outside Balto-Slavic is Arm. ezr `bank, border, limit' < *h₁(e)ǵʰ- (-> *ězъ for the semantic apects of the etymology). Note that the short initial vowel of *jȅzero requires the reconstruction of an aspirated velar anyhow (Winter's law). The connection with the Greek mythological river Α χέρων is dubious.
    Other cognates:
    Arm. ezr `edge, border, bank' [r]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȅzerъ

  • 15 ězъ

    ězъ; ěžь; ěža; ezъ Grammatical information: m. o; m. jo; f. jā; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `weir'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 59
    Church Slavic:
    ězъ (RuCS) `fish weir' [m o];
    (j)ezъ (RuCS) `fish weir' [m o];
    Russian:
    (dial.) `fishing tackle made of willow-twigs or a net' [m jo];
    ëz `fish weir' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    ězъ `fish weir' [m o];
    (j)ezъ `fish weir' [m o]
    Belorussian:
    jaz `fishing tackle [m o];
    ez (dial.) `fish weir' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jiz `fish weir' [m o];
    jaz `fish weir' [m o]
    Czech:
    jez `mill-pond, dam, weir, dike' [m o]
    Polish:
    jaz `mill-pond, fish weir' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȃz `drain (at a dam or weir), mill-pond, dike' [m o];
    jȇz `mill-pond, dam, weir' [m o];
    jȃž (dial.) `canal' [m jo];
    jȃža (dial.) `brook streaming from a spring' [f jā]
    Slovene:
    jẹ̑z `dike, dam, weir' [m o], jẹ̑za [Gens], jẹzȗ [Gens];
    jẹ́ža `dike, dam, weir, mill-pond' [f jā]
    Bulgarian:
    jaz `dam, weir, dike' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ēź-; eź-o-
    Lithuanian:
    ežià `boundary(-strip), balk' [f jā] 2
    Latvian:
    eža `boundary(-strip), balk' [f jā]
    Old Prussian:
    asy (EV) `boundary(-strip), balk'
    Comments: Meanings such as `mill-pond', `drain, canal' and `brook' form a semantic link between *ěz-/ez- `dam, weir' and -> *ȅzero `lake', cf. MoE dike `thick bank or wall built to control water' vs. MoHG Teich `pond'. The original meaning in Balto-Slavic is best covered by the word balk, meaning both `boundary-strip, dividing ridge', `wooden beam' and (dial.) `fishing-weir'. Arm. ezr (-> *ȅzero), which basically means `edge', agrees semantically very well with the Balto-Slavic etymon under discussion. We must reconstruct *h₁ēǵʰ-o/ā-, with an obscure lengthened grade, alongside *h₁eǵʰ-o/ā-.
    Other cognates:
    Arm. ezr `bank, border, limit' \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ězъ

  • 16 ěžь

    ězъ; ěžь; ěža; ezъ Grammatical information: m. o; m. jo; f. jā; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `weir'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 59
    Church Slavic:
    ězъ (RuCS) `fish weir' [m o];
    (j)ezъ (RuCS) `fish weir' [m o];
    Russian:
    (dial.) `fishing tackle made of willow-twigs or a net' [m jo];
    ëz `fish weir' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    ězъ `fish weir' [m o];
    (j)ezъ `fish weir' [m o]
    Belorussian:
    jaz `fishing tackle [m o];
    ez (dial.) `fish weir' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jiz `fish weir' [m o];
    jaz `fish weir' [m o]
    Czech:
    jez `mill-pond, dam, weir, dike' [m o]
    Polish:
    jaz `mill-pond, fish weir' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȃz `drain (at a dam or weir), mill-pond, dike' [m o];
    jȇz `mill-pond, dam, weir' [m o];
    jȃž (dial.) `canal' [m jo];
    jȃža (dial.) `brook streaming from a spring' [f jā]
    Slovene:
    jẹ̑z `dike, dam, weir' [m o], jẹ̑za [Gens], jẹzȗ [Gens];
    jẹ́ža `dike, dam, weir, mill-pond' [f jā]
    Bulgarian:
    jaz `dam, weir, dike' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ēź-; eź-o-
    Lithuanian:
    ežià `boundary(-strip), balk' [f jā] 2
    Latvian:
    eža `boundary(-strip), balk' [f jā]
    Old Prussian:
    asy (EV) `boundary(-strip), balk'
    Comments: Meanings such as `mill-pond', `drain, canal' and `brook' form a semantic link between *ěz-/ez- `dam, weir' and -> *ȅzero `lake', cf. MoE dike `thick bank or wall built to control water' vs. MoHG Teich `pond'. The original meaning in Balto-Slavic is best covered by the word balk, meaning both `boundary-strip, dividing ridge', `wooden beam' and (dial.) `fishing-weir'. Arm. ezr (-> *ȅzero), which basically means `edge', agrees semantically very well with the Balto-Slavic etymon under discussion. We must reconstruct *h₁ēǵʰ-o/ā-, with an obscure lengthened grade, alongside *h₁eǵʰ-o/ā-.
    Other cognates:
    Arm. ezr `bank, border, limit' \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ěžь

  • 17 ěža

    ězъ; ěžь; ěža; ezъ Grammatical information: m. o; m. jo; f. jā; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `weir'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 59
    Church Slavic:
    ězъ (RuCS) `fish weir' [m o];
    (j)ezъ (RuCS) `fish weir' [m o];
    Russian:
    (dial.) `fishing tackle made of willow-twigs or a net' [m jo];
    ëz `fish weir' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    ězъ `fish weir' [m o];
    (j)ezъ `fish weir' [m o]
    Belorussian:
    jaz `fishing tackle [m o];
    ez (dial.) `fish weir' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jiz `fish weir' [m o];
    jaz `fish weir' [m o]
    Czech:
    jez `mill-pond, dam, weir, dike' [m o]
    Polish:
    jaz `mill-pond, fish weir' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȃz `drain (at a dam or weir), mill-pond, dike' [m o];
    jȇz `mill-pond, dam, weir' [m o];
    jȃž (dial.) `canal' [m jo];
    jȃža (dial.) `brook streaming from a spring' [f jā]
    Slovene:
    jẹ̑z `dike, dam, weir' [m o], jẹ̑za [Gens], jẹzȗ [Gens];
    jẹ́ža `dike, dam, weir, mill-pond' [f jā]
    Bulgarian:
    jaz `dam, weir, dike' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ēź-; eź-o-
    Lithuanian:
    ežià `boundary(-strip), balk' [f jā] 2
    Latvian:
    eža `boundary(-strip), balk' [f jā]
    Old Prussian:
    asy (EV) `boundary(-strip), balk'
    Comments: Meanings such as `mill-pond', `drain, canal' and `brook' form a semantic link between *ěz-/ez- `dam, weir' and -> *ȅzero `lake', cf. MoE dike `thick bank or wall built to control water' vs. MoHG Teich `pond'. The original meaning in Balto-Slavic is best covered by the word balk, meaning both `boundary-strip, dividing ridge', `wooden beam' and (dial.) `fishing-weir'. Arm. ezr (-> *ȅzero), which basically means `edge', agrees semantically very well with the Balto-Slavic etymon under discussion. We must reconstruct *h₁ēǵʰ-o/ā-, with an obscure lengthened grade, alongside *h₁eǵʰ-o/ā-.
    Other cognates:
    Arm. ezr `bank, border, limit' \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ěža

  • 18 ezъ

    ězъ; ěžь; ěža; ezъ Grammatical information: m. o; m. jo; f. jā; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `weir'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 59
    Church Slavic:
    ězъ (RuCS) `fish weir' [m o];
    (j)ezъ (RuCS) `fish weir' [m o];
    Russian:
    (dial.) `fishing tackle made of willow-twigs or a net' [m jo];
    ëz `fish weir' [m o]
    Old Russian:
    ězъ `fish weir' [m o];
    (j)ezъ `fish weir' [m o]
    Belorussian:
    jaz `fishing tackle [m o];
    ez (dial.) `fish weir' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jiz `fish weir' [m o];
    jaz `fish weir' [m o]
    Czech:
    jez `mill-pond, dam, weir, dike' [m o]
    Polish:
    jaz `mill-pond, fish weir' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȃz `drain (at a dam or weir), mill-pond, dike' [m o];
    jȇz `mill-pond, dam, weir' [m o];
    jȃž (dial.) `canal' [m jo];
    jȃža (dial.) `brook streaming from a spring' [f jā]
    Slovene:
    jẹ̑z `dike, dam, weir' [m o], jẹ̑za [Gens], jẹzȗ [Gens];
    jẹ́ža `dike, dam, weir, mill-pond' [f jā]
    Bulgarian:
    jaz `dam, weir, dike' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ēź-; eź-o-
    Lithuanian:
    ežià `boundary(-strip), balk' [f jā] 2
    Latvian:
    eža `boundary(-strip), balk' [f jā]
    Old Prussian:
    asy (EV) `boundary(-strip), balk'
    Comments: Meanings such as `mill-pond', `drain, canal' and `brook' form a semantic link between *ěz-/ez- `dam, weir' and -> *ȅzero `lake', cf. MoE dike `thick bank or wall built to control water' vs. MoHG Teich `pond'. The original meaning in Balto-Slavic is best covered by the word balk, meaning both `boundary-strip, dividing ridge', `wooden beam' and (dial.) `fishing-weir'. Arm. ezr (-> *ȅzero), which basically means `edge', agrees semantically very well with the Balto-Slavic etymon under discussion. We must reconstruct *h₁ēǵʰ-o/ā-, with an obscure lengthened grade, alongside *h₁eǵʰ-o/ā-.
    Other cognates:
    Arm. ezr `bank, border, limit' \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ezъ

  • 19 kolě̀no

    kolě̀no Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `knee'
    Page in Trubačev: X 132-134
    Old Church Slavic:
    kolěno `knee' [n o]
    Russian:
    koléno `knee' [n o]
    Czech:
    koleno `knee, generation' [n o]
    Slovak:
    koleno `knee, (arch.) generation' [n o]
    Polish:
    kolano `knee' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    kòljeno `knee, joint' [n o];
    Čak. kolȉno (Vrgada) `knee, joint' [n o];
    Čak. kolȅno (Novi, Orbanići) `knee' [n o]
    Slovene:
    kolẹ́nọ `knee, generation, origin' [n o]
    Bulgarian:
    koljáno `knee, generation, origin' [n o]
    Lithuanian:
    kẽlis `knee' [m io]
    Latvian:
    celis `knee' [m io]
    Comments: As to the etymology of the root, there are two candidates, viz. *kelH- `rise, raise, lift' and *kʷel(H)- `turn, rotate'. I prefer the former option for semantic reasons. The connection with Gk. κω̃λον `limb', which cannot reflect an initial labiovelar, is hardly secure enough to serve as a formal argument.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > kolě̀no

  • 20 matorъ

    matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 244-249
    Church Slavic:
    matorъ `old' [adj o]
    Russian:
    matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];
    materój `full-grown' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    matǫ́r `old' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-
    IE meaning: mother
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. mātūrus `ripe, mature, premature' [adj];
    Lat. mānus `good' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > matorъ

См. также в других словарях:

  • semantic — SEMÁNTIC, Ă, semantici, ce, s.f., adj. I. s.f. 1. Ramură a lingvisticii care se ocupă cu studierea sensurilor cuvintelor şi a evoluţiei acestor sensuri; semasiologie, semantism. 2. (log.) Teoria interpretării unui anumit sistem formalizat prin… …   Dicționar Român

  • Semantic — Sem*an tic, Semantical Sem*an tic*al, n. sing. or pl. [Gr. shmantikos having meaning, from sh^ma a sign.] 1. pertaining to the meanings of words. [PJC] 2. of or pertaining to semantics. [PJC] …   The Collaborative International Dictionary of English

  • semantic — 1894, from Fr. sémantique, applied by Michel Bréal (1883) to the psychology of language, from Gk. semantikos significant, from semainein to show, signify, indicate by a sign, from sema sign (Doric sama) …   Etymology dictionary

  • semantic — ► ADJECTIVE ▪ relating to meaning in language or logic. DERIVATIVES semantically adverb semanticity noun. ORIGIN Greek s mantikos significant …   English terms dictionary

  • semantic — [sə man′tik] adj. [Gr sēmantikos, significant < sēmainein, to show, explain by a sign < sēma, a sign, symbol < IE * dhyāmṇ (> Sans dhyāman, thought) < base * dhyā , to see, behold] 1. of or pertaining to meaning, esp. meaning in… …   English World dictionary

  • semantic — semantically, adv. /si man tik/, adj. 1. of, pertaining to, or arising from the different meanings of words or other symbols: semantic change; semantic confusion. 2. of or pertaining to semantics. Also, semantical. [1655 65; < Gk semantikós… …   Universalium

  • semantic — [[t]sɪmæ̱ntɪk[/t]] ADJ: usu ADJ n Semantic is used to describe things that deal with the meanings of words and sentences. He did not want to enter into a semantic debate …   English dictionary

  • semantic — se•man•tic [[t]sɪˈmæn tɪk[/t]] also se•man′ti•cal adj. 1) ling. of or pertaining to meaning or arising from the different meanings of words or other symbols: semantic change; semantic confusion[/ex] 2) ling. of or pertaining to semantics •… …   From formal English to slang

  • semantic — adj. Semantic is used with these nouns: ↑distinction …   Collocations dictionary

  • Semantic memory — refers to the memory of meanings, understandings, and other concept based knowledge unrelated to specific experiences. The conscious recollection of factual information and general knowledge about the world,cite web… …   Wikipedia

  • Semantic similarity — or semantic relatedness is a concept whereby a set of documents or terms within term lists are assigned a metric based on the likeness of their meaning / semantic content. Concretely, this can be achieved for instance by defining a topological… …   Wikipedia

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