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root+of

  • 1 korenina

    Slovenian-english dictionary > korenina

  • 2 korenь

    korenь Grammatical information: m. n Proto-Slavic meaning: `root'
    Page in Trubačev: XI 62-65
    Old Church Slavic:
    korenь `root' [m n];
    korę (PsDim.) `root' [Accsm?? n] \{1\}
    Church Slavic:
    korenь (RuCS) `root' [m n];
    korę (RuCS) `root' [m?? n]
    Russian:
    kóren' `root' [m jo], kórnja [Gens]
    Czech:
    kořen `root' [m o]
    Slovak:
    koreň `root' [m jo]
    Polish:
    korzeń `root' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    kȍrijen `root' [m o];
    Čak. kȍren (Vrgada, Orbanići) `root' [m o];
    Čak. kȍrēn (Novi) `root' [m o]
    Slovene:
    korę̑n `root' [m o];
    kǫ̑ren `root' [m o];
    kǫ̑rǝn `root' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    kóren `root' [m o]
    Lithuanian:
    kẽras `tree-stump, stub, bush, shrub' [m o] 4
    Latvian:
    cęrs `bush, knotty root of a tree' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: k(ʷ)or(H)-en-
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also kory (see Birnbaum and Schaeken 1997: 32, 147-148).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > korenь

  • 3 natь

    natь Grammatical information: f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `leafy top of a root vegetable'
    Page in Trubačev: XXIII 186-187
    Russian:
    natína (dial.) `leafy top of a root vegetable' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    nat' (dial.) `leafy top of a root vegetable' [f ā]
    Czech:
    nat' `leafy top of a root vegetable' [f i]
    Slovak:
    nat' `leafy top of a root vegetable' [f i]
    Polish:
    nać `leafy top of a root vegetable' [f i]
    Slovene:
    nȃt `leafy top of a root vegetable' [f i]
    Lithuanian:
    notrė̃ `(stinging) nettle' [f ē] 4
    Latvian:
    nâtre `(stinging) nettle' [f ē]
    Old Prussian:
    noatis `(stinging) nettle'
    Indo-European reconstruction: noHt-r- (neH₂/₃t-r-??)
    Other cognates:
    The relationship with OHG nazza, OIc. nǫtr `nettle' is unclear.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > natь

  • 4 màlъ

    màlъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `small, little'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 173-178
    Old Church Slavic:
    malъ `small, little' [adj o]
    Russian:
    mályj `small, little' [adj o]
    Czech:
    malý `small, little' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    malý `small, little' [adj o]
    Polish:
    maɫy `small, little' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁo `small, little' [adj o];
    Čak. må̃lī (Vrgada) `small, little' [adj o];
    Čak. mȃli (Orbanići) `small, little' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    mȃli `small, little' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    mal (BTR) `small, little' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: moh₁-lo-
    Page in Pokorny: 724
    Comments: The question is whether *màlъ can be linked to PIE *melH-, as has been advocated by Varbot, for instance (1972: 63). In view of the acute root vowel, I consider this unlikely: we would have to posit a lengthened grade root of which the acute intonation is analogical after forms with full or zero grade. Thus, I prefer to reconstruct a root *mH₁-, which in the etymon under discussion is followed by an l-suffix (cf. Vaillant IV, 545, where the root is assumed to be identical with the root of Ru. majat', which I reconstruct as *meH₂-). The Germanic forms would have s mobile and zero grade of the root. Notice that Pokorny classifies CS mělъkъ under 1. mel-, melǝ- `zermalmen, schlagen, mahlen etc.', while OCS malъ can be found under mēlo-, smēlo- `kleines Tier'.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. μη̃λον `small cattle, goat, sheep' [n] \{1\};
    OIr. míl `(small) `animal';
    Go. smals `small, insignificant'
    ;
    OIc. smali `small (live) `stock, sheep'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Doric form also has η.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > màlъ

  • 5 mělь

    mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168
    Old Church Slavic:
    měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]
    Russian:
    mel' `sand-bank, shoal' [f i];
    mel `chalk' [m o]
    Czech:
    měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];
    měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];
    měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]
    Old Czech:
    měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]
    Polish:
    miaɫ, mieɫ (dial.) `dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    miel `sand-bank' [f i];
    miaɫ `finely ground substance' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];
    mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-
    Lithuanian:
    smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    smēlis `fine sand' [m io] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 717
    Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. melr (dial.) `sand-bank'
    ;
    Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank'
    ;
    Sw. smula `chunk'
    ;
    Nw. smola (dial.) `smash' [verb];
    Nw. smol (dial.) `dust'
    \{3\} \{4\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mělь

  • 6 mělъ

    mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168
    Old Church Slavic:
    měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]
    Russian:
    mel' `sand-bank, shoal' [f i];
    mel `chalk' [m o]
    Czech:
    měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];
    měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];
    měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]
    Old Czech:
    měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]
    Polish:
    miaɫ, mieɫ (dial.) `dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    miel `sand-bank' [f i];
    miaɫ `finely ground substance' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];
    mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-
    Lithuanian:
    smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    smēlis `fine sand' [m io] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 717
    Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. melr (dial.) `sand-bank'
    ;
    Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank'
    ;
    Sw. smula `chunk'
    ;
    Nw. smola (dial.) `smash' [verb];
    Nw. smol (dial.) `dust'
    \{3\} \{4\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mělъ

  • 7 elьcь

    elьcь Grammatical information: m. jo Proto-Slavic meaning: `dace'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 22-23
    Russian:
    eléc `dace' [m jo], el'cá [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    jaléc' `bleak' [m jo]
    Czech:
    jelec `dace, chub' [m jo]
    Slovak:
    jalec `dace, chub' [m jo]
    Polish:
    jelec `dace' [m jo]
    Kashubian:
    i̯el `a fish' [m jo??]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jalc `dace' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jálac `dace' [m jo];
    jal (dial.) `ide' [m o??]
    Indo-European reconstruction: eliko-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-304
    Comments: As Trubačëv observes (VI: 305), the semantics of Pokorny's root *el- are capacious and complex. In my opinion, there is little evidence for a root *el- `light-coloured'. It is tempting to seek a connection between *jelьcь and OHG alunt `ide'. Pokorny identifies what is presumedly the root of the latter word with the first element of *albʰo- `white' and links it to *el-. Since the fish-names under discussion refer to shining, whitish species, this is semantically unproblematic. Nevertheless, it seems quite possible that the root *al/el (Slavic *el as a result of Rozwadowski's change?) originates from a substratum language.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elьcь

  • 8 berstъ

    berstъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: b/c Proto-Slavic meaning: `elm'
    Page in Trubačev: I 199-200
    Russian:
    bérest `elm' [m o], béresta [Gens] \{1\}
    Belorussian:
    bérast `elm' [m o], bérasta [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    bérest `elm' [m o], béresta [Gens]
    Czech:
    břest `elm' [m o]
    Slovak:
    brest `elm' [m o]
    Polish:
    brzost `elm' [m o];
    brzóst (dial.) `elm' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    brȉjest `elm' [m o], brijèsta [Gens];
    Čak. brĩst (Vrgada) `a herb similar to rosemary' [m o], brīstȁ [Gens];
    brést (Novi) `elm' [m o], brēstȁ [Gens];
    Čak. briȇs (Orbanići) `elm' [m o], brȅsta [Gens]
    Slovene:
    brẹ́st `elm' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    brjast `elm' [m o];
    brest `elm' [m o]
    Comments: If we assume that * berstъ is cognate with -> *bèrza, which has an acute root, we must explain the variant belonging AP (b). In my view, a form bʰerHǵ-tó- (admittedly with slightly unexpected end-stress) would remain oxytone in Balto-Slavic, in which case the root would be affected by the Proto-Slavic loss of pretonic laryngeals. As I consider it possible that the generalization of accentual mobility in masculine o-stems with a non-acute root vowel did not apply to the marginal class of Balto-Slavic oxytona, Illič-Svityč's reconstruction of a substantivized neuter adjective is not necessarily correct.
    Other cognates:
    Go. bairhts `bright, clear' [adj]
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč (1963: 52), mentions a Gsg. berestá (dial.).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > berstъ

  • 9 dyra

    dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 205
    Russian:
    dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    dyrja `hole' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    dară `hole, prison' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-
    Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dyra

  • 10 dyr'a

    dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 205
    Russian:
    dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    dyrja `hole' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    dară `hole, prison' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-
    Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dyr'a

  • 11 jьgъlà

    jьgъlà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `needle'
    Page in Trubačev: VIII 213-214
    Old Church Slavic:
    \{1\}
    Church Slavic:
    igla `needle' [f ā]
    Russian:
    iglá `needle' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    hólka `needle' [f ā];
    ihlá (dial.) `needle' [f ā]
    Czech:
    jehla `needle' [f ā];
    ihɫa (dial.) `needle' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    ihla `needle' [f ā]
    Polish:
    igɫa `needle, pin' [f ā];
    jegɫa (dial.) `needle, pin' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    jìe̯glă `needle' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    gɫa `needle' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    jḁglă `needle' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    ìgla `needle' [f ā], ȉglu [Accs];
    jìgla (dial.) `needle' [f ā];
    jàgla (dial.) `needle' [f ā];
    Čak. iglȁ (Vrgada) `needle' [f ā], ȉglu [Accs];
    Čak. iglȁ (Novi) `needle' [f ā];
    Čak. jȏgla (Hvar) `needle' [f ā], ȉglu [Accs];
    Čak. ȉgla (Orbanići) `needle' [f ā], ȉglo [Accs]
    Slovene:
    ígla `needle, kingpin' [f ā];
    iglà `needle, kingpin' [f ā];
    jǝ̀gla `needle, kingpin' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    iglá `needle' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    ayculo `needle' [f ā]
    Comments: The connection with Lith. (dial.) áigyti `prick, sting, incite, beat', aĩgaras `straw' (Toporov PJ s.v. ayculo), does not seem implausible. OPr. ayculo may have <c> for g. The assumption that ay- reflects *ei is not trivial. The Slavic root may have either zero grade or e-grade unless the root has initial *h₂ or *h₃. Note that in case of a zero grade in the root the *u of the suffix would have blocked the progressive palatalization.
    Notes:
    \{1\} According to the Staroslavjanskij slovar', the adjective igъlinъ occurs nine times, always in the context skvozě igъlině uši `through the eye of a needle'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > jьgъlà

  • 12 olbǭdь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olbǭdь

  • 13 olbǭtь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olbǭtь

  • 14 elbedь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elbedь

  • 15 elbǭtь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elbǭtь

  • 16 rỳti

    rỳti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `dig, root'
    Old Church Slavic:
    ryti (Euch.) `dig, tear up' [verb], ryjǫ [1sg]
    Church Slavic:
    ryti ( SerbCS) `dig' [verb], ryjǫ [1sg]
    Russian:
    ryt' `dig' [verb], róju [1sg], róet [3sg]
    Czech:
    rýti `dig' [verb]
    Slovak:
    ryt' `dig' [verb]
    Polish:
    ryć `dig' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    rȉti `dig' [verb], rȉjēm [1sg]
    Slovene:
    ríti `root, dig' [verb], rȋjem [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    ríja `root, dig' [verb]
    Lithuanian:
    ráuti `tear out, pull' [verb]
    Latvian:
    raût `tear, pull, take' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: (H)ruH-
    Other cognates:
    Lat. rūta caesa `minerals and timber already quarried and felled at the time an estate is put up for sale' [Nompn];
    OIc. rýja `tear out wool' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > rỳti

  • 17 vědrò

    vědrò Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bucket'
    Old Church Slavic:
    vědro (Euch., Supr.) `barrel' [n o]
    Russian:
    vedró `bucket' [n o]
    Czech:
    vědro `bucket' [n o]
    Slovak:
    vedro `bucket' [n o]
    Polish:
    wiadro `bucket' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    vjèdro `bucket' [n o];
    vijèdro (Montenegro) `bucket' [n o];
    Čak. vȉdro (Vrgada) `bucket' [n o]
    Slovene:
    vẹ́drọ `bucket' [n o]
    Bulgarian:
    vedró `bucket' [n o]
    Lithuanian:
    vė́daras `sausage, (dial.) belly, intestines' [m o] 3a
    Latvian:
    vę̂dars `belly' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    weders (EV) `belly, stomach'
    Indo-European reconstruction: ued-róm
    Comments: There are basically two etymologies for this noun. According to, among others, Meillet (1902-1905: 407-408) and Vasmer, *vědrò derives from the root of *uod-r/n- `water', cf. Gk. ὑδρία `water-pot, pitcher, vessel'. The other option is to connect the word for `bucket' with forms meaning `belly'. I prefer the latter etymology. In both cases the long vowel of the root can be attributed to Winter's law, which at first sight is incompatible with AP (b). In my framework, however, it is possible to assume that in Proto-Slavic the reflex of the laryngeal was lost in pretonic position (the sequence - dr- prevented the Balto-Slavic retraction of the stress from final open syllables). The remaining problem is the fact that the evidence points almost exclusively to a short root vowel, as words of the aforementioned type as a rule appear to have escaped the pretonic shortening that took place before Dybo's law.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. udára- `belly, womb' [n];
    Gk. ὕδερος
    `dropsy' [m];
    Lat. uterus `lower abdomen, belly, womb'
    Notes:
    \{1\} With unclear -t-.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > vědrò

  • 18 žìla

    žìla Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `vein, sinew, tendon'
    Old Church Slavic:
    žila `vein, sinew, tendon' [f ā]
    Russian:
    žíla `vein, sinew, tendon' [f ā]
    Czech:
    žíla `vein' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    žila `vein' [f ā]
    Polish:
    żyɫa `vein' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    žȉla `tendon, vein, root' [f ā];
    Čak. žȉla (Vrgada, Hvar) `tendon, vein, root' [f ā];
    Čak. žȉla (Orbanići) `vein, root' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    žíla `vein, sinew' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    žíla `vein, sinew' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    gýsla `vein' [f ā]
    Latvian:
    dzî(k)sla `vein' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    pettegislo `Rückenader'
    Indo-European reconstruction: gʷʰiH-l-eh₂ (gʷiH-l-eh₂??)
    Comments: If the alternative etymology is correct, žìla is cognate with Skt. jiyā́ `tendon' [f], Gk. βιός `tendon, string of a bow'
    , MW gieu `sinews, tendons' [Nom p]
    Other cognates:
    Lat. fīlum `thread' [n];
    Arm. jiɫ `sinew'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > žìla

  • 19 bě̑sъ

    bě̑sъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `demon'
    Page in Trubačev: II 88-91
    Old Church Slavic:
    běsъ `demon' [m o]
    Russian:
    bes `demon' [m o]
    Czech:
    běs `demon' [m o]
    Slovak:
    bes `demon' [m o]
    Polish:
    bies `demon' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bȉjes `demon' [m o];
    Čak. bȋs `demon' [m o], bȋsa [Gens]
    Slovene:
    bẹ̑s `demon' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    bjas `rabies, demon' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: boiʔsós
    Lithuanian:
    baisùs `terrible' [adj u]
    Latvian:
    baîss `terrible' [adj u]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰoiHdʰ-so-
    Page in Pokorny: 161
    Comments: Since both Slavic and Baltic point to BSl. *s instead of *ṣ, it has been suggested that the root of this etymon was * bʰoiHdʰ-, cf. Lat. foedus `repulsive, terrible, disgraceful' (cf. Pedersen 1895). An extension of the root is also found in Lith. baidýti, Latv. baĩdît `scare', but it is uncertain if this *d, which may be identified with * dʰh₁- `put' and is part of a productive suffix (cf. OPr. pobaiint `punish'), is the same element.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. foedus `repulsive, terrible, disgraceful'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bě̑sъ

  • 20 bělъ

    bě́lъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `white'
    Page in Trubačev: II 79-81
    Old Church Slavic:
    bělъ `white' [adj o]
    Russian:
    bélyj `white' [adj o];
    bel `white' [adj o], belá [Nomsf], bélo [Nomsn] \{1\}
    Czech:
    bílý `white' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    biely `white' [adj o]
    Polish:
    biaɫy `white' [adj o]
    Slovincian:
    bjáu̯lï `white' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bȉjel, bȉo `white' [adj o], bijȅla [Nomsf], bijèlo [Nomsn];
    Čak. bĩ(l) (Vrgada) `white' [adj o], bīlȁ [Nomsf], bīlȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. biȇl (Orbanići) `white' [adj o], bielȁ [Nomsf], biȇlȍ [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    bẹ́ɫ `white' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    bjal `white' [adj o]
    Lithuanian:
    bãlas `white' [adj o] 4;
    báltas `white' [adj o] 3
    Latvian:
    bā̀ls `pale' [adj o];
    bãls `pale' [adj o];
    bal̃ts `white' [adj o]
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 118
    Comments: The fact that this etymon belongs to AP (b), which implies an non-acute root, does not pose any problems if one assumes that the regular reflex of a lengthened grade vowel was circumflex. We may reconstruct * bʰēlH-o-, with regular loss of the root-final laryngeal.
    Notes:
    \{1\} AP (b) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 136).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bělъ

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