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  • 61 adficio

    af-fĭcĭo (better adf-), affēci (adf-), affectum (adf-), 3, v. a. [facio], to do something to one, i. e. to exert an influence on body or mind, so that it is brought into such or such a state (used by the poets rarely, by Hor. never).
    1.
    Aliquem.
    A.
    Of the body rarely, and then commonly in a bad sense:

    ut aestus, labor, fames, sitisque corpora adficerent,

    Liv. 28, 15:

    contumeliis adficere corpora sua,

    Vulg. Rom. 1, 24:

    non simplex Damasichthona vulnus Adficit,

    Ov. M. 6, 255:

    aconitum cor adficit,

    Scrib. Comp. 188:

    corpus adficere M. Antonii,

    Cic. Phil. 3:

    pulmo totus adficitur,

    Cels. 4, 7; with abl. of spec.:

    stomacho et vesicā adfici,

    Scrib. Comp. 186. —In bon. part.:

    corpus ita adficiendum est, ut oboedire rationi possit,

    Cic. Off. 1, 23.—
    B.
    More freq. of the mind:

    litterae tuae sic me adfecerunt, ut, etc.,

    Cic. Att. 14, 3, 2:

    is terror milites hostesque in diversum adfecit,

    Tac. A. 11, 19:

    varie sum adfectus tuis litteris,

    Cic. Fam. 16, 2:

    consules oportere sic adfici, ut, etc.,

    Plin. Pan. 90:

    adfici a Gratiā aut a Voluptate,

    Cic. Fam. 5, 12; id. Mil. 29, 79:

    sollicitudo de te duplex nos adficit,

    id. Brut. 92, 332:

    uti ei qui audirent, sic adficerentur animis, ut eos adfici vellet orator,

    id. de Or. 1, 19, 87 B. and K.:

    adfici animos in diversum habitum,

    Quint. 1, 10, 25.—
    2.
    With acc. and abl., to affect a person or (rarely) thing with something; in a good sense, to bestow upon, grace with; in a bad sense, to visit with, inflict upon; or the ablative and verb may be rendered by the verb corresponding to the ablative, and if an adjective accompany the ablative, this adjective becomes an adverb.—Of inanimate things (rare): luce locum adficiens, lighting up the place, Varr. ap. Non. p. 250, 2:

    adficere medicamine vultum,

    Ov. Med. Fac. 67:

    factum non eo nomine adficiendum,

    designated, Cic. Top. 24, 94:

    res honore adficere,

    to honor, id. N. D. 1, 15, 38:

    non postulo, ut dolorem eisdem verbis adficias, quibus Epicurus, etc.,

    id. Tusc. 2, 7, 18.—
    3.
    Very freq. of persons.
    (α).
    In a good sense:

    Qui praedā atque agro adoreāque adfecit populares suos,

    Plaut. Am. 1, 1, 38:

    quem sepulturā adficit,

    buries, Cic. Div. 1, 27, 56:

    patres adfecerat gloriā,

    id. Tusc. 1, 15, 34:

    admiratione,

    id. Off. 2, 10, 37:

    voluptate,

    id. Fin. 3, 11, 37:

    beneficio,

    id. Agr. 1, 4, 13:

    honore,

    id. Rosc. Am. 50, 147:

    laude,

    id. Off. 2, 13, 47:

    nomine regis,

    to style, id. Deiot. 5, 14:

    bonis nuntiis,

    Plaut. Am. prol. 8:

    muneribus,

    Cic. Fam. 2, 3; Nep. Ages. 3, 3:

    praemio,

    Cic. Mil. 30, 82:

    pretio,

    Verg. A. 12, 352:

    stipendio,

    Cic. Balb. 27, 61.—
    (β).
    In a bad sense: injuriā abs te adficior indignā, pater, am wronged unjustly, Enn. ap. Auct. ad Heren. 2, 24, 38; so Ter. Phorm. 5, 1, 3:

    Quantā me curā et sollicitudine adficit Gnatus,

    id. ib. 2, 4, 1; so Cic. Att. 1, 18:

    desiderio,

    id. Fam. 2, 12:

    timore,

    to terrify, id. Quint. 2, 6:

    difficultate,

    to embarrass, Caes. B. G. 7, 6:

    molestiā,

    to trouble, Cic. Att. 15, 1:

    tantis malis,

    Vulg. Num. 11, 15:

    maculā,

    Cic. Rosc. Am. 39, 113:

    ignominiā,

    id. ib. 39, 123:

    contumeliis,

    Vulg. Ezech. 22, 7; ib. Luc. 20, 11:

    rerum et verborum acerbitatibus,

    Suet. Calig. 2:

    verberibus,

    Just. 1, 5:

    supplicio,

    Cic. Brut. 1, 16; so Caes. B. G. 1, 27:

    poenā,

    Nep. Hann. 8, 2:

    exsilio,

    to banish, id. Thras. 3:

    morte, cruciatu, cruce,

    Cic. Verr. 3, 4, 9:

    morte,

    Vulg. Matt. 10, 21:

    cruce,

    Suet. Galb. 9:

    ultimis cruciatibus,

    Liv. 21, 44:

    leto,

    Nep. Regg. 3, 2.—And often in pass.:

    sollicitudine et inopiā consilii,

    Cic. Att. 3, 6:

    adfici aegritudine,

    id. Tusc. 3, 7, 15:

    doloribus pedum,

    id. Fam. 6, 19:

    morbo oculorum,

    Nep. Hann. 4, 3:

    inopiā rei frumentariae,

    Caes. B. G. 7, 17:

    calamitate et injuriā,

    Cic. Att. 11, 2:

    magnā poenā, Auct. B. G. 8, 39: vulneribus,

    Col. R. R. 4, 11:

    torminibus et inflationibus,

    Plin. 29, 5, 33, § 103:

    servitute,

    Cic. Rep. 1, 44.—Hence, affectus ( adf-), a, um, P. a.
    I.
    In a peculiar sense, that on which we have bestowed labor, that which we are now doing, so that it is nearly at an end; cf.: Adfecta, sicut M. Cicero et [p. 67] veterum elegantissime locuti sunt, ea proprie dicebantur, quae non ad finem ipsum, sed proxime finem progressa deductave erant, Gell. 3, 16:

    bellum adfectum videmus et paene confectum,

    Cic. Prov. Cons. 8, 19:

    in provinciā (Caesar) commoratur, ut ea. quae per eum adfecta sunt, perfecta rei publicae tradat,

    id. ib. 12, 29: cum adfectā prope aestate uvas a sole mitescere tempus, etc., near the end of summer, id. ap. Gell. l. c.:

    Jamque hieme adfectā mitescere coeperat annus,

    Sil. 15, 502:

    in Q. Mucii infirmissimā valetudine adfectāque jam aetate,

    Cic. de Or. 1,45,200; id. Verr. 2,4,43, § 95.—
    II.
    In nearly the same sense as the verb, absol. and with abl.
    A.
    Absol.
    (α).
    Of persons laboring under disease, or not yet quite recovered:

    Qui cum ita adfectus esset, ut sibi ipse diffideret,

    was in such a state, Cic. Phil. 9, 1, 2:

    Caesarem Neapoli adfectum graviter videam,

    very ill, id. Att. 14, 17; so Sen. Ep. 101:

    quem adfectum visuros crediderant,

    ill, Liv. 28, 26:

    corpus adfectum,

    id. 9, 3:

    adfectae vires corporis,

    reduced strength, weakness, id. 5, 18:

    puella,

    Prop. 3, 24, 1:

    aegra et adfecta mancipia,

    Suet. Claud. 25:

    jam quidem adfectum, sed tamen spirantem,

    id. Tib. 21.—
    (β).
    Of things, weakened, sick, broken, reduced:

    partem istam rei publicae male adfectam tueri,

    Cic. Fam. 13, 68:

    adfecta res publica,

    Liv. 5, 57:

    Quid est enim non ita adfectum, ut non deletum exstinctumque esse fateare?

    Cic. Fam. 5, 13, 3:

    sic mihi (Sicilia) adfecta visa est, ut hae terrae solent, in quibus bellum versatum est,

    id. Verr. 5, 18, 47:

    adfecta res familiaris,

    Liv. 5, 10:

    opem rebus adfectis orare,

    id. 6, 3; so Tac. H. 2, 69:

    fides,

    id. ib. 3, 65:

    spes,

    Val. Fl. 4, 60.—
    (γ).
    Of persons, in gen. sense, disposed, affected, moved, touched:

    Quonam modo, Philumena mea, nunc te offendam adfectam?

    Ter. Hec. 3, 1, 45:

    quomodo sim adfectus, e Leptā poteris cognoscere,

    Cic. Fam. 14, 17:

    ut eodem modo erga amicum adfecti simus, quo erga nosmetipsos,

    id. Lael. 16, 56; id. Fin. 1, 20, 68:

    cum ita simus adfecti, ut non possimus plane simul vivere,

    id. Att. 13, 23; id. Fin. 5, 9, 24:

    oculus conturbatus non est probe adfectus ad suum munus fungendum,

    in proper state, id. Tusc. 3, 7, 15:

    oculi nimis arguti, quem ad modum animo adfecti simus, loquuntur,

    id. Leg. 1, 9, 27; id. Off. 3, 5, 21; id. Att. 12, 41, 2.—
    (δ).
    As rhet. t. t.: affectus ad, related to, resembling:

    Tum ex eis rebus, quae quodam modo affectae sunt ad id, de quo quaeritur,

    Cic. Top. 2, 8 Forcellini.—
    B.
    With abl. chiefly of persons, in indifferent sense, in good or bad sense (cf.:

    Animi quem ad modum adfecti sint, virtutibus, vitiis, artibus, inertiis, aut quem ad modum commoti, cupiditate, metu, voluptate, molestiā,

    Cic. Part. Or. 10, 35).
    (α).
    In indifferent sense, furnished with, having:

    validos lictores ulmeis affectos lentis virgis,

    Plaut. As. 3, 2, 29:

    pari filo similique (corpora) adfecta figurā,

    Lucr. 2, 341:

    Tantāne adfectum quemquam esse hominem audaciā!

    Ter. Phorm. 5, 7, 84:

    omnibus virtutibus,

    Cic. Planc. 33, 80.—
    (β).
    In bad sense:

    aegritudine, morbo adfectus,

    Col. R. R. 7, 5, 20:

    aerumnis omnibus,

    Lucr. 3, 50:

    sollicitudine,

    Caes. B. G. 7, 40:

    difficultatibus,

    Cic. Fam. 7, 13:

    fatigatione,

    Curt. 7, 11:

    frigore et penuriā,

    id. 7, 3:

    adfecta sterilitate terra, Col. R. R. praef. 1, 2: vitiis,

    Cic. Mur. 6, 13:

    ignominiā,

    id. Att. 7, 3:

    supplicio,

    Tac. A. 15, 54:

    verberibus,

    Curt. 7, 11:

    vulnere corpus adfectum,

    Liv. 1, 25:

    morbo,

    Ter. Hec. 3, 3, 6:

    dolore,

    Cic. de Or. 2, 49, 201:

    febre,

    Suet. Vit. 14:

    pestilentiā,

    Liv. 41, 5:

    desperatione,

    Cic. Att. 14, 22:

    clade,

    Curt. 10, 6:

    senectute,

    Cic. de Or. 3, 18, 68:

    aetate,

    id. Cat. 2, 20; id. Sen. 14, 47:

    morte,

    Serv. ad Cic. Fam. 4, 12.— Sup.:

    remiges inopiā adfectissimi,

    Vell. 2, 84.—
    (γ).
    In good sense:

    beneficio adfectus,

    Cic. Fam. 14, 4:

    aliquo honore aut imperio,

    id. Off. 1, 41, 149:

    valetudine optimā,

    id. Tusc. 4, 37, 81:

    laetitiā,

    id. Mur. 2, 4, and ad Brut. 1, 4:

    munere deorum,

    id. N. D. 3, 26, 67:

    praemiis,

    id. Pis. 37, 90.— Adv.: affectē ( adf-), with (a strong) affection, deeply:

    oblectamur et contristamur et conterremur in somniis quam adfecte et anxie et passibiliter,

    Tert. Anim. 45.

    Lewis & Short latin dictionary > adficio

  • 62 afficio

    af-fĭcĭo (better adf-), affēci (adf-), affectum (adf-), 3, v. a. [facio], to do something to one, i. e. to exert an influence on body or mind, so that it is brought into such or such a state (used by the poets rarely, by Hor. never).
    1.
    Aliquem.
    A.
    Of the body rarely, and then commonly in a bad sense:

    ut aestus, labor, fames, sitisque corpora adficerent,

    Liv. 28, 15:

    contumeliis adficere corpora sua,

    Vulg. Rom. 1, 24:

    non simplex Damasichthona vulnus Adficit,

    Ov. M. 6, 255:

    aconitum cor adficit,

    Scrib. Comp. 188:

    corpus adficere M. Antonii,

    Cic. Phil. 3:

    pulmo totus adficitur,

    Cels. 4, 7; with abl. of spec.:

    stomacho et vesicā adfici,

    Scrib. Comp. 186. —In bon. part.:

    corpus ita adficiendum est, ut oboedire rationi possit,

    Cic. Off. 1, 23.—
    B.
    More freq. of the mind:

    litterae tuae sic me adfecerunt, ut, etc.,

    Cic. Att. 14, 3, 2:

    is terror milites hostesque in diversum adfecit,

    Tac. A. 11, 19:

    varie sum adfectus tuis litteris,

    Cic. Fam. 16, 2:

    consules oportere sic adfici, ut, etc.,

    Plin. Pan. 90:

    adfici a Gratiā aut a Voluptate,

    Cic. Fam. 5, 12; id. Mil. 29, 79:

    sollicitudo de te duplex nos adficit,

    id. Brut. 92, 332:

    uti ei qui audirent, sic adficerentur animis, ut eos adfici vellet orator,

    id. de Or. 1, 19, 87 B. and K.:

    adfici animos in diversum habitum,

    Quint. 1, 10, 25.—
    2.
    With acc. and abl., to affect a person or (rarely) thing with something; in a good sense, to bestow upon, grace with; in a bad sense, to visit with, inflict upon; or the ablative and verb may be rendered by the verb corresponding to the ablative, and if an adjective accompany the ablative, this adjective becomes an adverb.—Of inanimate things (rare): luce locum adficiens, lighting up the place, Varr. ap. Non. p. 250, 2:

    adficere medicamine vultum,

    Ov. Med. Fac. 67:

    factum non eo nomine adficiendum,

    designated, Cic. Top. 24, 94:

    res honore adficere,

    to honor, id. N. D. 1, 15, 38:

    non postulo, ut dolorem eisdem verbis adficias, quibus Epicurus, etc.,

    id. Tusc. 2, 7, 18.—
    3.
    Very freq. of persons.
    (α).
    In a good sense:

    Qui praedā atque agro adoreāque adfecit populares suos,

    Plaut. Am. 1, 1, 38:

    quem sepulturā adficit,

    buries, Cic. Div. 1, 27, 56:

    patres adfecerat gloriā,

    id. Tusc. 1, 15, 34:

    admiratione,

    id. Off. 2, 10, 37:

    voluptate,

    id. Fin. 3, 11, 37:

    beneficio,

    id. Agr. 1, 4, 13:

    honore,

    id. Rosc. Am. 50, 147:

    laude,

    id. Off. 2, 13, 47:

    nomine regis,

    to style, id. Deiot. 5, 14:

    bonis nuntiis,

    Plaut. Am. prol. 8:

    muneribus,

    Cic. Fam. 2, 3; Nep. Ages. 3, 3:

    praemio,

    Cic. Mil. 30, 82:

    pretio,

    Verg. A. 12, 352:

    stipendio,

    Cic. Balb. 27, 61.—
    (β).
    In a bad sense: injuriā abs te adficior indignā, pater, am wronged unjustly, Enn. ap. Auct. ad Heren. 2, 24, 38; so Ter. Phorm. 5, 1, 3:

    Quantā me curā et sollicitudine adficit Gnatus,

    id. ib. 2, 4, 1; so Cic. Att. 1, 18:

    desiderio,

    id. Fam. 2, 12:

    timore,

    to terrify, id. Quint. 2, 6:

    difficultate,

    to embarrass, Caes. B. G. 7, 6:

    molestiā,

    to trouble, Cic. Att. 15, 1:

    tantis malis,

    Vulg. Num. 11, 15:

    maculā,

    Cic. Rosc. Am. 39, 113:

    ignominiā,

    id. ib. 39, 123:

    contumeliis,

    Vulg. Ezech. 22, 7; ib. Luc. 20, 11:

    rerum et verborum acerbitatibus,

    Suet. Calig. 2:

    verberibus,

    Just. 1, 5:

    supplicio,

    Cic. Brut. 1, 16; so Caes. B. G. 1, 27:

    poenā,

    Nep. Hann. 8, 2:

    exsilio,

    to banish, id. Thras. 3:

    morte, cruciatu, cruce,

    Cic. Verr. 3, 4, 9:

    morte,

    Vulg. Matt. 10, 21:

    cruce,

    Suet. Galb. 9:

    ultimis cruciatibus,

    Liv. 21, 44:

    leto,

    Nep. Regg. 3, 2.—And often in pass.:

    sollicitudine et inopiā consilii,

    Cic. Att. 3, 6:

    adfici aegritudine,

    id. Tusc. 3, 7, 15:

    doloribus pedum,

    id. Fam. 6, 19:

    morbo oculorum,

    Nep. Hann. 4, 3:

    inopiā rei frumentariae,

    Caes. B. G. 7, 17:

    calamitate et injuriā,

    Cic. Att. 11, 2:

    magnā poenā, Auct. B. G. 8, 39: vulneribus,

    Col. R. R. 4, 11:

    torminibus et inflationibus,

    Plin. 29, 5, 33, § 103:

    servitute,

    Cic. Rep. 1, 44.—Hence, affectus ( adf-), a, um, P. a.
    I.
    In a peculiar sense, that on which we have bestowed labor, that which we are now doing, so that it is nearly at an end; cf.: Adfecta, sicut M. Cicero et [p. 67] veterum elegantissime locuti sunt, ea proprie dicebantur, quae non ad finem ipsum, sed proxime finem progressa deductave erant, Gell. 3, 16:

    bellum adfectum videmus et paene confectum,

    Cic. Prov. Cons. 8, 19:

    in provinciā (Caesar) commoratur, ut ea. quae per eum adfecta sunt, perfecta rei publicae tradat,

    id. ib. 12, 29: cum adfectā prope aestate uvas a sole mitescere tempus, etc., near the end of summer, id. ap. Gell. l. c.:

    Jamque hieme adfectā mitescere coeperat annus,

    Sil. 15, 502:

    in Q. Mucii infirmissimā valetudine adfectāque jam aetate,

    Cic. de Or. 1,45,200; id. Verr. 2,4,43, § 95.—
    II.
    In nearly the same sense as the verb, absol. and with abl.
    A.
    Absol.
    (α).
    Of persons laboring under disease, or not yet quite recovered:

    Qui cum ita adfectus esset, ut sibi ipse diffideret,

    was in such a state, Cic. Phil. 9, 1, 2:

    Caesarem Neapoli adfectum graviter videam,

    very ill, id. Att. 14, 17; so Sen. Ep. 101:

    quem adfectum visuros crediderant,

    ill, Liv. 28, 26:

    corpus adfectum,

    id. 9, 3:

    adfectae vires corporis,

    reduced strength, weakness, id. 5, 18:

    puella,

    Prop. 3, 24, 1:

    aegra et adfecta mancipia,

    Suet. Claud. 25:

    jam quidem adfectum, sed tamen spirantem,

    id. Tib. 21.—
    (β).
    Of things, weakened, sick, broken, reduced:

    partem istam rei publicae male adfectam tueri,

    Cic. Fam. 13, 68:

    adfecta res publica,

    Liv. 5, 57:

    Quid est enim non ita adfectum, ut non deletum exstinctumque esse fateare?

    Cic. Fam. 5, 13, 3:

    sic mihi (Sicilia) adfecta visa est, ut hae terrae solent, in quibus bellum versatum est,

    id. Verr. 5, 18, 47:

    adfecta res familiaris,

    Liv. 5, 10:

    opem rebus adfectis orare,

    id. 6, 3; so Tac. H. 2, 69:

    fides,

    id. ib. 3, 65:

    spes,

    Val. Fl. 4, 60.—
    (γ).
    Of persons, in gen. sense, disposed, affected, moved, touched:

    Quonam modo, Philumena mea, nunc te offendam adfectam?

    Ter. Hec. 3, 1, 45:

    quomodo sim adfectus, e Leptā poteris cognoscere,

    Cic. Fam. 14, 17:

    ut eodem modo erga amicum adfecti simus, quo erga nosmetipsos,

    id. Lael. 16, 56; id. Fin. 1, 20, 68:

    cum ita simus adfecti, ut non possimus plane simul vivere,

    id. Att. 13, 23; id. Fin. 5, 9, 24:

    oculus conturbatus non est probe adfectus ad suum munus fungendum,

    in proper state, id. Tusc. 3, 7, 15:

    oculi nimis arguti, quem ad modum animo adfecti simus, loquuntur,

    id. Leg. 1, 9, 27; id. Off. 3, 5, 21; id. Att. 12, 41, 2.—
    (δ).
    As rhet. t. t.: affectus ad, related to, resembling:

    Tum ex eis rebus, quae quodam modo affectae sunt ad id, de quo quaeritur,

    Cic. Top. 2, 8 Forcellini.—
    B.
    With abl. chiefly of persons, in indifferent sense, in good or bad sense (cf.:

    Animi quem ad modum adfecti sint, virtutibus, vitiis, artibus, inertiis, aut quem ad modum commoti, cupiditate, metu, voluptate, molestiā,

    Cic. Part. Or. 10, 35).
    (α).
    In indifferent sense, furnished with, having:

    validos lictores ulmeis affectos lentis virgis,

    Plaut. As. 3, 2, 29:

    pari filo similique (corpora) adfecta figurā,

    Lucr. 2, 341:

    Tantāne adfectum quemquam esse hominem audaciā!

    Ter. Phorm. 5, 7, 84:

    omnibus virtutibus,

    Cic. Planc. 33, 80.—
    (β).
    In bad sense:

    aegritudine, morbo adfectus,

    Col. R. R. 7, 5, 20:

    aerumnis omnibus,

    Lucr. 3, 50:

    sollicitudine,

    Caes. B. G. 7, 40:

    difficultatibus,

    Cic. Fam. 7, 13:

    fatigatione,

    Curt. 7, 11:

    frigore et penuriā,

    id. 7, 3:

    adfecta sterilitate terra, Col. R. R. praef. 1, 2: vitiis,

    Cic. Mur. 6, 13:

    ignominiā,

    id. Att. 7, 3:

    supplicio,

    Tac. A. 15, 54:

    verberibus,

    Curt. 7, 11:

    vulnere corpus adfectum,

    Liv. 1, 25:

    morbo,

    Ter. Hec. 3, 3, 6:

    dolore,

    Cic. de Or. 2, 49, 201:

    febre,

    Suet. Vit. 14:

    pestilentiā,

    Liv. 41, 5:

    desperatione,

    Cic. Att. 14, 22:

    clade,

    Curt. 10, 6:

    senectute,

    Cic. de Or. 3, 18, 68:

    aetate,

    id. Cat. 2, 20; id. Sen. 14, 47:

    morte,

    Serv. ad Cic. Fam. 4, 12.— Sup.:

    remiges inopiā adfectissimi,

    Vell. 2, 84.—
    (γ).
    In good sense:

    beneficio adfectus,

    Cic. Fam. 14, 4:

    aliquo honore aut imperio,

    id. Off. 1, 41, 149:

    valetudine optimā,

    id. Tusc. 4, 37, 81:

    laetitiā,

    id. Mur. 2, 4, and ad Brut. 1, 4:

    munere deorum,

    id. N. D. 3, 26, 67:

    praemiis,

    id. Pis. 37, 90.— Adv.: affectē ( adf-), with (a strong) affection, deeply:

    oblectamur et contristamur et conterremur in somniis quam adfecte et anxie et passibiliter,

    Tert. Anim. 45.

    Lewis & Short latin dictionary > afficio

  • 63 HINN

    * * *
    I)
    (hin, hitt), dem. pron.
    1) the other; á hinn fótinn, on the other leg; pl. the others, the rest (Kimbi bar sár sín engan mun betr en hinir);
    2) emphatically, that; hitt ek hugða, that was what I thought; hitt vil ek vita, that I want to know.
    (hin, hit), def. art., before an adjective standing alone or followed by a substantive, the, = inn, enn( eptir hinni eystri kvísl).
    * * *
    1.
    HIN, HIT, the article, an enclitic, which therefore can never serve as an accentuated syllable in a verse, either as rhyme or in alliteration. In good old MSS. (e. g. Cod. Reg. of Sæm.) it is hardly ever spelt with the aspirate, but is written inn, in, it or ið, or enn, en, et or eð, and thus distinguished from the demonstr. pron. hinn; but in the Editions the prob. spurious aspirate has been generally prefixed: an indecl. inu or hinu occurs often in later MSS. of the 14th century, e. g. the Fb.; but as it has not been heard of since and is unknown in the modern language, it simply seems to be a Norwegianism, thus, inu sömu orð, Th. 2; hinnu fyrri biskupa (gen. pl.), H. E. ii. 79; enu instu luti ( res intimas), Hom. 57 (Norse MS.); hinu ágæztu menn (nom. pl.), id.; innu óargu dýra, 657 A. ii. 12: [cp. Goth. jains = ἐκεινος; A. S. geond; Engl. yon; Germ. jener.]
    A. The:
    I. preceding the noun:
    1. before an adjective standing alone or followed by a substantive; inn mæri, inn ríki, inn dimmi dreki, inn mikli mögr, Vsp.; in aldna, id.; inn góða mjöð, the good mead, Gm. 13; inn mæra mjöð, Skm. 16; inn helga mjöð, Sdm. 18; in forna fold, Hým. 24; in fríða frilla, 30; inn fróði jötum, Vþm. 20; inn gamli þulr, 9; inn hára þul, Fm. 34; inn fráni ormr, 19; opt inn betri bilar þá er inn verri vegr, Hm. 127; in alsnotra ambátt, in arma, Þkv.; enn fróði afi, Skm. 2; in ílla mæra, 32; enn fráni ormr, 27; eð manunga man, Hm. 163; enn aldna jötun, 104; en horska mær, 95; it betra, Stor. 22; ena þriðju, the third, Vsp. 20; inn móður-lausi mögr, Fm. 2; it gjalla gull, ok it glóðrauða fé, 9; ið fyrsta orð, Sdm. 14; enu skírleita goði, Gm. 39; in glýstömu græti, Hðm. 1; in svásu goð, Vþm. 17; enum frægja syni, Hm. 141; at ins tryggva vinar, 66; ennar góðu konu, 100; ins svinna mans, 162; ens dýra mjaðar, 141; ens hindra dags, 109; ens unga mans, Skm. 11; ens deykkva hrafns, Skv. 2. 20; æ til ins eina dags, Fm. 10; ena níundu hverja nótt, Skm. 21: with the ordinals, inn fyrsti, þriði …, Gm. 6 sqq., Sdm. 21 sqq.
    2. so also before an adverb; it sama, likewise, Hm. 75, Fm. 4, Vþm. 22, 23, Gm. 15, Hdl. 26.
    3. as an indecl. particle ‘in’ or ‘en’ before a comparative; in heldr, the more, Hm. 60, Sdm. 36, Hkv. 1. 12, Skv. 1. 21, Gh. 3, Nj. 219; in lengr, the longer, Am. 58, 61; this has been already mentioned s. v. en (p. 127, B. at bottom, and p. 128), but it is almost exclusively poetical.
    II. placed between a pronoun and an adjective in the definite form:
    1. after a demonstr.; sá inn fráni ormr, Fm. 26; sá inn harði hallr, Gs. 10; sá inn aldni jötun, Skm. 25; sá inn ámáttki jötunn, 10; þat ið mikla men, Þkv. 13; þat ið litla, ‘that the little,’ i. e. the little thing, Ls. 44: þann inn alsvinna jötun, Vþm. 1; þann inn aldna jötun, Fm. 29; þann inn hrímkalda jötun, 38; þess ins alsvinna jötuns, Vþm. 5; þat it unga man, Alm. 6; þann inn aldna jötun, Gm. 50; þau in harðmóðgu ský, 41; sá inn máttki munr, 93; mönnum þeim enum aldrœnum, Hbl. 44; börn þau in blíðu, Og. 9; hrís þat ið mæra, Akv. 5: in prose, fjölmenni þat it mikla, Eg. 46; þetta it mikla skip, Fms. x. 347, passim: with ordinals, segðu þat ið eina, say that the first, Vþm. 20; þat ið þriðja, fjórða …, 20 sqq.
    2. after a possessive; síns ins heila hugar, síns ins svára sefa, Hm. 105; þíns ins hvassa hjörs, Fm. 29; minn inn hvassi hjörr, 6; míns ins hvassa hjörs, 28; bækr þínar inar bláhvítu, Hðm.
    3. after a pers. pron.: þú hinn armi, thou wretch! Ld. 326; gakk þú hingat hinn mikli maðr! Eg. 488.
    III. placed between two nouns in apposition:
    1. between a proper name and a title or epithet in the definite form; Sigurðr inn Suðræni, Sigurd the Southerner, Skv. 3. 4; Atli inn Ríki, Akv. 29; Högna ins frækna, Hjalla ins blauða, 23; Guðröðr inn Göfugláti, Ýt.; Hamðir inn hugumstóri, Hðm. 25; Kjötva’nn (= Kjötva enn) Auðga, Hornklofi; Svan enum Rauða, Álfr enn Gamli, Hdl.; as also in prose, Ívarr inn Víðfaðmi, Haraldr enn Hárfagri, Ólafr inn Digri, Knútr inn Fundni, Auðr in Djúpauðga, Þorbjörg in Digra, Hildr in Mjófa, Steinólfr inn Lági, Þorkell inn Hávi, Kjarlakr inn Gamli, Björn inn Austræni, Ólafr inn Hvíti, Hálfdan inn Svarti, Sighvatr inn Rauði, Kyjólfr inn Grá, Gestr inn Spaki; Ari inn Fróði (Aren Froðe contr. = Are enn Froðe, Ó. T. 23, line 1), Ketill inn Heimski, Knútr inn Ríki, Eadvarðr inn Góði, Hálfdan inn Mildi, Ingjaldr inn Illráði, Helgi inn Magri, Úlfr inn Skjálgi, Landn., Fb. iii; cp. Gr. Νέστωρ ὁ γέρων, Σωκράτης ὁ φιλόσοφος, Germ. Nathan der Weise, Engl. Alfred the Great, etc.: of ships, Ormr inn Langi, Ormr inn Skammi.
    2. between an appellative and an adjective; sveinn inn hvíti, Ls. 20; hendi inni hægri, 61; þengill inn meins-vani, Gm. 16; seggr inn ungi, Skm. 2; skati inn ungi, Hdl. 9; brúðr in kappsvinna, Am. 75; hest inn hraðfæra, Gh. 18; varr inn vígfrækni, gumi inn gunnhelgi, Hðm. 30; auð inn fagra, Skv. 1. 13; orm inn frána, 1, 11; fjánda inn fólkská, Fm. 37; konungr inn Húnski, Skv. 3. 8, 18, 63, 64; orð ið fyrra, Og. 9; mál ið efsta, 16; seggr inn suðræni, Akv. 3; seggr inn æri, 6; mar’inum mélgreypa, 3, 13; borg inni há, 14; sól inni suðrhöllu, 30; veðrs ens mikla, Hkv. 1. 12; handar ennar hægri, Ls. 38, 61; vífs ins vegliga, Am. 54; konung inn kostsama, Hkm.; gramr inn glaðværi, id.; hlut inn mjóvara, Ýt. 13; konungr inn kynstóri, fylkir inn framlyndi, hilmi’nom hálsdigra, konu’na Dönsku, hverr’ enni Heinversku, Hornklofi, Sæm. (Möb.) 228–231; við arm inn vestra, Sighvat; so also in prose passim.
    B. When there was no adjective the article became a suffix to the noun (see Gramm. pp. xix, xx), a usage common even in early prose, but extremely rare in poetry; the reason is, not that the poems were composed before the suffixed article had come into use, but that the metres themselves in which all the old poems were composed are older than that usage, and are not well adapted to it, so that the absence of the article became traditional. The old poem Harbarðsljóð makes an exception, no doubt not from being later than all other poems, but from being composed in a peculiar metre, half verse and half prose; thus in that single poem alone there are nearly twenty instances, or about twice or thrice as many as in all the other poems together:—váginn, Hbl. 2, 13, 15; sundit, 1, 3, 8, 13; verðinum, 4; eikjunni, 7; skipit, id.; stöðna, landit, id.; leiðina, 55; höfuðit, 15; bátinum, 53; veggsins, stokksins, steinsins, 56; matrinn, 3: other solitary instances are, goðin öll, Vsp. 27 (prob. somewhat corrupt); eiki-köstinn, Gh. 20; vömmin vár, Ls. 52.
    II. in prose, old and modern, the suffixed article occurs at every step; only one or two instances are worth noticing as peculiar to the Icelandic:
    1. as vocative in addressing; konan, O woman! mjöðnannan, id., Sighvat (in a verse of A. D. 1018, and so in mod. usage); elskan! hjartað! heillin! ástin, my love! dear! heart! þursinn! Fas. i. 385; hundarnir! = ω κύνες, Od. xxii. 35: also with another word, barnið gott, good child! Þrúðnaþussinn, thou monster giant! Miðgarðs-ormrinn! Fas. i. 373.
    2. esp. if with a possessive adjective following, as in Gr. οὑμός, τοὐμόν, τἀμά, etc.; elskan mín, ástin mín, hjartað mitt, góðrinn minn! hér er nú ástin mín, here is my darling! Sturl. ii. 78, of a father presenting a darling child to a friend; and so in mod. usage: as abuse, hundrinn þinn, thou dog! Ísl. ii. 176; þjófrinn þinn! Fms. vii. 127; dyðrillinn þinn! ii. 279; hundinum þínum! vi. 323: this use is not confined to the vocative, e. g. konan mín biðr að heilsa, my wife (kona mín is never used); maðrinn minn, my husband; biddu foreldrana þína ( ask thy parents) að lofa þér að fara; augun hans, his eyes, Pass. 24. 4; hugrinn vor og hjartað sé, our mind and heart (cp. Gr. τω ἐμω θυμω), 43. 5; svo hjartað bæði og málið mitt | mikli samhuga nafnið þitt, 10. 7; gef þú að móður-málið mitt, 35. 9; bókin mín, my favourite book, my own book; as also, fáðu mér hattinn minn, vetlingana mína, skóna mína, give me my hat, gloves, shoes; tungan í þér, augun í þér, thy tongue, thy eyes; höfuðið á mér, fætrnir á mér, my head, my feet; hendrnar á þér (‘á mér, á þér’ are here equivalent to a possessive, see p. 37, C. IV), thy hands, cp. Homer, τα σα γούνατα; hestana þína, Gr. ϊππους τους σούς: similar is the instance, vömmin vár, the sins of ours, Ls. 52; this may be a remnant of a time when the article was used separately, even with an indefinite adjective.
    3. a double article, one suffixed to the noun and the other prefixed to the word in apposition; hirðin sú in Danska, Fms. vi. 323; þau in stóru skipin, viii. 384 and passim: again, when a noun is put in the genitive after another noun the former has no article; as the Engl. phrase ‘the fish of the sea and the fowl of the air’ is in Icel. ‘fiskar sjávarins og fuglar loptsins:’ but this belongs to the syntax; see also Grimm’s D. G. iv. 432.
    C. SPECIAL CHANGES, in mod. usage:
    I. the demonstr. pron. sá, sú, það has in speech generally taken the place of inn, in, it; thus, sá gamli maðr, sú gamla kona, það gamla skáld; sometimes the article is dropped altogether, e. g. á fimta degi, on the fifth day (= á enum fimta degi); á sömn stundu, in the same hour; even in old writers this is found, með sömu ætlan, Bs. i. 289; á níundu tíð dags, Stj. 41, (but rarely); yet the old form is often retained in writing.
    II. in case A. II. the article may be dropped; þann gamla maim, þá gömlu konu, það gamla skáld, þú armi, etc.; sá ráða-góði, sú goðum-líki, sá ágæti Odysseifr, sú vitra Penelopa, sá Jarðkringjandi Pósídon, Od. passim (in Dr. Egilsson’s translation).
    III. in case A. III. 1. the article is also dropped, Knútr Ríki, Haraldr Hárfagri; even old writers (esp. in later vellums) omitted it now and then, Hálfdan Svarta, Fms. i. 1; Haraldr Grænski, 90; Haraldr Hárfagri, 192; Óttarr ungi, Hdl.: even in the Sæm. Cod. Reg., Völsungr ungi, Skv. 3. 1, 3.
    IV. in case A. III. 2. the pronouns sá, sú, það, and hinn, hin, hit may be used indiscriminately, although the former is more usual.
    V. lastly, in case B. the suffixed article has gained ground, and is in modern prose used more freq. than in ancient.
    ☞ CONCLUSION.—The old poetical language, with the sole exception of a single poem, had no article in the modern and proper sense; in every instance the ‘inn, in, it’ bears the character of a demonstrative pronoun, preceding an adjective and enhancing and emphasising its sense, like the pers. pron. hann, q. v.; but it is never attached to a single substantive; when the adjective was placed in apposition after a noun, the pronoun came to stand as an enclitic just after the noun, and was sounded as if suffixed thereto; at last it was tacked as an actual suffix to single nouns standing without apposition, and thus the true suffixed article gradually arose, first in speech, then in writing; whereas at the same time the old pronominal enclitic (A. I-III) gradually went out of use, and was either dropped or replaced by the stronger demonstrative pronoun ‘sá, sú.’
    2.
    HIN, HITT, demonstr. pron., prob. identical in etymology with the preceding word, from which it is however distinguished,
    1. by the neut. hitt, Dan. hint;
    2. by the initial aspirate, which is never dropped;
    3. by being a fully accentuated pronoun, so that the h can stand as an alliterative letter, e. g. handar ennar hægri | mun ek hinnar geta, Ls.; veitkat ek hitt hvart Heita | hungr …, Hallfred; Hitt kvað þá Hamðir, etc., Hom. 23, 25, Korm. 40; Raun er hins at Heinir | hræ …; Skáld biðr hins at haldi | hjálm …, Sighvat, Hkv. Hjörv. 26: [Ulf. jains = ἐκεινος; A. S. geond; Engl. yon; Germ. jener.]
    A. This pronoun is used,
    I. in a demonstr. sense, emphatically and without being opp. to a preceding demonstr.; raun er hins at …, it is proved that …; skáld biðr hins, at …, Sighvat; veitkat ek hitt hvat (hvárt) …, Hallfred; hitt ek hugða, emphatically, that was what I thought, I thought forsooth, Hm. 98; hitt kvað pá Hróðrglóð, Hðm. 13; hitt kvað þá Hamðir, 25; hitt vil ek vita, that I want to know, Vþm. 3, 6; þó ek hins get, ef …, yet I guess, that if …, Skm. 24; vita skal hitt, ef …, Korm. 40 (in a verse), Ísl. ii. 225 (in a verse); hitt var fyrr = in former times, formerly, Ýt., Fs. 94 (in a verse); hinn er sæll, er …, he is happy, that …, Hm. 8; maðr hinn er …, ‘man he that’ = the man who, 26; hinn er Surts ór Sökkdölum, Edda 51 (in a verse); veitat hinn er tin tannar, hinn er um eyki annask, Kormak (in a verse); handar innar hægri mun ek hinnar geta, er …, the right hand, that hand namely, which …, Ls. 38; this usage scarcely occurs except in old poetry.
    II. demonstr. referring to another pronoun, denoting the former, farther, the other, = Dan. hiin, hint, Germ. jener, cp. Gr. ἐκεινος, Lat. ille; freq. in prose, old and mod.; fóru þeir með þau skip er þeim þóttu bezt en brenndu hin, Fms. v. 8; Kimbi bar sár sitt engan mun betr en hinir, er hann hafði áðr á fært, 92; en hitt er meira, at hann lætr sér annarra manna fé jafnheimilt, Eg. 47; kemr örvar-oddrinn í strenglag hinnar örvarinnar, Fb. iii. 405; er þú hefir mik fyrir lagt á hinu áðr, 407; hinir frændr þínir, ii. 425; á hinn fótinn, on that, the other leg, Nj. 97; þat er válítið, … hitt er undr …, Ls. 33; hinir hlaða seglunum ok bíða, Fms. x. 347; ef hinn ( the other part) er eigi þar við staddr, Grág. i. 52; hvárt hinn ( the other one) hefir jafnmikit fé hins ( of the other one) er austr er, 220; rétt er at kveðja frá hennar heimili ef hann veit hvártki hinna (gen. pl.), 339; ok vill annarr hluta en annarr eigi … ok verðr sem hinn mæli ekki um er eigi vill hluta, 393; ef maðr sendir annan mann til eindaga, ok erat hinn skyldr við at taka, id.; þess á milli er hón fór at sofa á kveldit, ok hins er hón var klædd, Ld. 14; ærit fögr er mær sjá, … en hitt veit ek eigi hvaðan þjófs-augu eru komin í ættir várar, forsooth she is a beautiful girl, but yet I know not, Nj. 2:—demonstr. in the sense of this (but rare), stjörnur þær er nær eru leiðar-stjöruu ganga aldri undir með oss, en í Blálandi eðr Arabia ganga hinar stjörnur, these very stars, Rb. 468: phrases, hitt ok annat, this and the other, Rd. 235; mod. hitt og þetta.
    B. COMPOUND FORMS, hinn-ug, hinn-og, or hins-ig, mod. hins-egin, also hizig, q. v. [from vegr], adv. the other way; þótt Gísl þykki hinsig (hinn veg, v. l.) eigi síðr til vísa, Fms. vii. 46; hinnig værir þú undir brún at líta sem …, Nj. 55: locally, there, in the other place, illic, ok láta bera vætti þat hinneg var nefnt, Grág. i. 90; heimta af erfingja ef hinnig er eigi til, K. Þ. K. 28; brenndi þar ok görði hervirki eigi minna enn hinneg, Fms. vi. 340; ef hinnig mundi kostr, K. Þ. K. 24; eigi er hægra undir þeim at búa fyrir kulda sakir, enn hinnog er fyrir ofrhita sakir, Sks. 196; því at hón er kaldari hér en hizug, 70: temp. the other day, formerly (rare), er ek hinnig mælta, Og. 11.
    2. denoting motion, hither, thither; hinnig deyja ór Helju halir, Vþm. 43; renna hinnig, Gh. 18; ríða hinig, Fm. 26: koma hinig, Gs. 18.

    Íslensk-ensk orðabók > HINN

  • 64 остана

    вж. оставам
    * * *
    оста̀на,
    оста̀вам гл.
    1. remain, stay; (не заминавам) stay/remain behind, stay on; \остана в паметта на stick in o.’s memory; \остана в сила remain in force, hold good, (за заповед) stand; \остана в съзнанието stick/linger in the mind; \остана в същия клас not get o.’s remove, stay down; \остана до края (на представление и пр.) sit out; \остана на власт remain in power, continue in office; \остана назад (за часовник) be slow, lose time; \остана през нощта stay (for) the night, stay over night;
    2. (на лице, на разположение съм) be left; не ми остава нищо друго освен I have no choice/option but (to с inf.); nothing remains for me but; не остава нищо друго, освен there is nothing for it but (to с inf.), the only alternative is; остава ми за цял живот remain with one all o.’s life; остава ми само едно I have only one course left, the only thing left for me (to do); остава много малко време/пари time/money is very short; остават още две обиколки спорт. two more laps to go;
    3. (в дадено състояние, положение) be, be left, remain; не \остана без работа keep busy, have no lack of employment; не \остана гладен keep the wolf from the door; не \остана назад от keep up with, keep abreast of; не \остана назад от времето си move with the times; \остана без баща/майка be left fatherless/motherless; \остана без подслон be left homeless, lose o.’s home; \остана без работа be thrown out of work; \остана без средства/\остана на улицата be left destitute/without resources; \остана верен на remain/stay faithful to, stay loyal to, (на принципи) live up to, abide by, stick with, stand by; \остана верен на себе си remain true to o.s.; \остана висящ (за въпрос и пр.) remain outstanding; be pendent; \остана все същия remain for ever one/always the same; \остана гладен go hungry; \остана да се чудя be left wondering; \остана доволен be pleased (от with); \остана където съм stay where one is; \остана на мястото си разг. stay put; \остана на работа stay on the job; \остана на сухо/с пръст в уста be left out in the cold; get nothing for all o.’s pains; \остана назад fall behind, be left behind; \остана незабелязан от някого escape s.o.’s notice; \остана постоянно ( във времето) come to stay; \остана с впечатление get the impression, be left with the impression (че that); \остана сам (на света), \остана без близки be thrown upon the world; \остана сам на себе си be thrown back upon o.s., be left to o.’s own resources; • ако остана на if I should depend on; ако остане на мене if I had my way, left to myself; къде остана …? what about …? малко остана да падна I almost/(very) nearly/all but fell; между нас да си остане, тук да си остане let this remain between us, keep mum about it; не ми останаха крака от ходене I have walked myself lame/my legs off; не \остана длъжен give as good as one gets, answer back, get o.’s own back; не се оставяй! stand up for yourself; остава да се види it remains to be seen; \остана в сянка прен. take a back seat; \остана на милостта на throw o.s. on the mercy of; \остана на своето hold o.’s own, agree to disagree; остават ми очите в нещо I can’t keep my eyes off s.th.; остави другото, ами … what matters is …; остани си със здраве keep well, God be with you; прякорът му остана the nickname stuck to him; та какво остава за to say nothing of; така си и остана it was left at that; творба, която ще остане a work that will endure.
    * * *
    вж. оставам

    Български-английски речник > остана

  • 65 być

    impf (jestem, jesteś, jest, jesteśmy, jesteście, są, byłem, byłeś, był, byliśmy, byliście, byli, będę, będziesz, będzie, będziemy, będziecie, będą) Ⅰ vi 1. (istnieć, żyć) to be
    - jest wielu znanych aktorów there are many well known actors
    - nie ma nikogo, kto mógłby to zrobić there’s no one who could do it
    - czy jest Bóg, czy go nie ma? does God exist, or not?
    - był sobie kiedyś stary król there was a. lived once an old king
    - nie było cię jeszcze wtedy na świecie this was before you were born
    - kiedy mnie już z wami nie będzie euf. when I am no more a. I am no longer with you euf.
    - myślę, więc jestem I think, therefore I am
    - być albo nie być to be or not to be
    - to dla nas być albo nie być this is our to be or not to be, this is our Waterloo
    - nie ma już dla niej ratunku nothing can save her now
    - jest wiele powodów do zadowolenia there’s good reason to be happy
    - nie ma obaw a. strachu pot. ! no problem! pot., not to worry! pot.
    - nie ma powodu do obaw there is no reason a. need to worry
    - są sprawy, których nigdy nie zrozumiesz there are (certain) things that you’ll never understand
    - nie ma co płakać/gadać it’s no use crying/talking (about it)
    - nie ma co żałować (there’s) no need to be sorry
    - nie ma co a. czego żałować it’s no great loss
    - nie ma czemu się dziwić, że… it’s no surprise a. wonder that…
    - nie ma o co się kłócić there’s nothing to quarrel about
    - nie ma czym się martwić/czego się bać there’s nothing to worry about/to be afraid of
    - nie ma z czego być dumnym (it’s) nothing to be proud of
    - nie ma z czego się cieszyć/śmiać there’s nothing to rejoice/to laugh about
    - „dziękuję za podwiezienie” – „nie ma za co” ‘thanks for the lift’ – ‘don’t mention it’ a. ‘you’re welcome‘
    - „przepraszam, że panu przerwałem” – „nie ma za co” ‘sorry I interrupted you’ – ‘that’s all right’
    - już cię/was nie ma! off with you!
    2. (przebywać, znajdować się) to be
    - być w pracy/szkole to be at work/at school
    - być w teatrze/na koncercie to be at the theatre/at a concert
    - teraz wychodzę, ale będę w domu o piątej I’m going out now, but I’ll be home at five
    - dzisiaj nie ma go w biurze he’s not in the office today
    - w pokoju nikogo nie ma/nie było there is/was no-one in the room
    - jest już piąta, a jego jak nie ma, tak nie ma it’s already five, and he’s still not here a. there’s still no trace of him
    - „czy jest Robert?” – „nie, nie ma go, jest jeszcze w szkole” ‘is Robert in?’ – ‘no, he’s not, he’s still at school’
    - „są jeszcze bilety na ostatni seans?” – „niestety, już nie ma” ‘do you still have tickets for the last showing?’ – ‘sorry, all sold out’
    - czy będziesz jutro w domu? ‘will you be at home a. in home tomorrow?’
    - kiedy (ona) będzie znowu w Warszawie? when will she be in Warsaw again?
    - byłem wczoraj u Roberta/u babci I was at Robert’s/granny’s yesterday, I went to see Robert/granny yesterday
    - był przy narodzinach swojej córki he was present at the birth of his daughter
    - nigdy nie byłem w Rosji I’ve never been to Russia
    - „skąd jesteś?” – „(jestem) z Krakowa/Polski” ‘where are you from?’ – ‘(I’m) from Cracow/Poland’
    - „gdzie jesteś?” – „tutaj!” ‘where are you?’ – ‘(I’m) here!’
    - „jestem!” (przy odczytywaniu listy) ‘here!’, ‘present’
    - będąc w Londynie, odwiedziłem Annę when a. while I was in London I went to see Anna
    - biblioteka jest w budynku głównym the library is in the main building
    - w jednym pudełku jest dziesięć bateryjek there are ten batteries in a packet
    - w domu nie było nic do jedzenia there was nothing to eat at home a. in the house
    - co jest w tym pudle? what’s in this box?
    - gdzie jest moja książka/najbliższa apteka? where’s my book/the nearest chemist’s?
    - co jest dzisiaj na lunch? what’s for lunch today?
    - wczoraj na kolację był dorsz there was cod for dinner yesterday
    - „dużo masz tych ziemniaków?” – „oj, będzie” pot. ‘got a lot of those spuds?’ – ‘loads’ pot.
    - będzie, będzie, więcej się nie zmieści pot. that’s plenty a. that’ll do, there’s no room for any more
    3. (trwać, stawać się) to be
    - jest godzina druga po południu it’s two in the afternoon a. two p.m.
    - nie ma jeszcze szóstej rano it’s not yet six a.m.
    - zanim dotrzemy do domu, będzie ósma wieczorem/północ it’ll be eight p.m./midnight by the time we reach home
    - był maj it was in May
    - to było w grudniu 1999 it was in December 1999
    - to było dawno, dawno temu this was a long, long time ago
    - jest piękny ranek it’s a fine morning
    - jest mroźno/upalnie it’s nippy/hot
    - wczoraj był deszcz/mróz it was raining/freezing yesterday
    - ciekawe, czy jutro będzie pogoda I wonder if it’s going to be fine tomorrow
    - nie pamiętam dokładnie, to było dość dawno temu I can’t really remember, it was some time ago
    - z niego jeszcze coś będzie he’ll turn out all right
    - co z niego będzie? how will he turn out?, what will become of him?
    - będzie z niego dobry pracownik he’ll be a good worker
    - kuchmistrz to z ciebie nie będzie you’ll never make a chef
    - z tych kwiatów nic już nie będzie these flowers/plants have had it pot.
    - z naszych planów/wakacji nic nie będzie nothing will come of our plans/holidays
    - nic z tego nie będzie it’s hopeless
    - nic dobrego z tego nie będzie nothing good will come of it
    - tyle pracy i nic z tego nie ma (he’s done) so much work and nothing to show for it
    4. (odbywać się, zdarzać się) to be
    - koncert/egzamin jest jutro the concert/exam is tomorrow
    - zebranie było w sali konferencyjnej the meeting was (held) in the conference room
    - jutro nie będzie a. nie ma lekcji there are no classes tomorrow
    - był do ciebie telefon there was a phone call for you
    - czy były do mnie jakieś telefony? has anyone called me?
    - był wypadek w kopalni there was an accident in the mine
    - co będzie, jeśli nie zdasz egzaminu? what’s going to happen if you fail the exam?
    - co będzie, jeśli ktoś nas zobaczy? supposing a. what if someone sees us?
    - nie martw się, wszystko będzie dobrze don’t worry, it’ll be a. it’s going to be fine
    - w życiu bywa rozmaicie you never know what life may bring
    - opowiedziałem jej wszystko, tak jak było I told her everything just as it happened
    - co ci/jej jest? what’s the matter with you/her?
    - coś mi/jemu jest something’s the matter with me/him
    - czy jemu coś jest? is anything the matter with him?
    - nic mu nie będzie, to tylko przeziębienie he’ll be fine, it’s only a cold
    5. (uczestniczyć, uczęszczać) to be
    - być na weselu/zebraniu to be at a wedding/meeting
    - wczoraj byliśmy na przyjęciu we were at a reception yesterday
    - być w liceum/na uniwersytecie to be at secondary school/at university
    - być na studiach to be a student a. at college
    - być na prawie/medycynie to study law/medicine
    - był na trzecim roku anglistyki he was in his third year in the English department
    - być na kursie komputerowym to be on a computer course
    - być na wojnie to go to war
    6. (przybyć) to be, to come
    - być pierwszym/drugim to be the first/second to arrive
    - był na mecie trzeci he came third
    - czy był już listonosz? has the postman been a. come yet?
    7. (znajdować się w jakimś stanie) to be
    - być pod urokiem/wrażeniem kogoś/czegoś to be charmed/impressed by sb/sth
    - być pod wpływem kogoś/czegoś to be under the influence of sb/sth
    - prowadzić samochód, będąc pod wpływem alkoholu to drive while under the influence of alcohol
    - być w ciąży to be pregnant
    - być w dobrym/złym humorze to be in a good/bad mood
    - nie być w nastroju do zabawy not to feel like going out a. partying
    - być w doskonałej formie to be in excellent form a. in fine fettle
    - być w strachu to be scared
    - być w rozpaczy to be in despair
    - bądźmy dobrej myśli let’s hope for the best
    - jestem przed obiadem I haven’t had my lunch yet
    - jestem już po śniadaniu I’ve already had breakfast
    - był siedem lat po studiach he had graduated seven years earlier
    - być po kielichu/po paru kieliszkach pot. to have had a drop/a few euf.
    - być na diecie to be on a diet
    - być na kaszce a. kleiku to be on a diet of gruel
    - być na emeryturze/rencie to be on a pension
    - sukienka jest do kolan the dress is knee-length
    - wody było do kostek the water was ankle-deep
    - firanka była do połowy okna the net curtain reached halfway down the window
    - chwila nieuwagi i było po wazonie one unguarded moment and the vase was smashed to pieces
    - jest już po nim/nas! it’s curtains for him/us! pot.
    - jeszcze chwila i byłoby po mnie another instant and it would have been curtains for me a. would have been all up with me pot.
    Ⅱ v aux. 1. (łącznik w orzeczeniu złożonym) to be
    - być nauczycielem/malarzem to be a teacher/painter
    - kiedy dorosnę, będę aktorem when I grow up, I’ll be an actor
    - być Polakiem/Duńczykiem to be Polish/Danish
    - borsuk jest drapieżnikiem the badger is a predator
    - nie bądź dzieckiem! don’t be childish a. such a child!
    - jestem Anna Kowalska I’m Anna Kowalska
    - „cześć, to ty jesteś Robert?” – „nie, jestem Adam” ‘hi, are you Robert? a. you’re Robert, are you?’ – ‘no, I’m Adam’
    - co to jest – ma cztery nogi i robi „miau”? what (is it that) has four legs and says ‘miaow’?
    - była wysoka/niska she was tall/short
    - jest autorką cenioną przez wszystkich she’s an author appreciated by all a. everybody
    - mój dziadek był podobno bardzo przystojnym mężczyzną my grandfather is said to have been a very handsome man
    - wciąż jest taka, jaką była za młodu she’s still her old self
    - kwiaty były żółte i czerwone the flowers were yellow and red
    - pizza była całkiem dobra the pizza was quite good
    - pojemnik był z drewna/plastiku the container was made of wood/plastic
    - z tych listewek byłby ładny latawiec these slats could make a fine kite
    - wszystko to były jedynie domysły it was all only conjecture
    - czyj jest ten samochód? whose car is this?, who does this car belong to?
    - ta książka jest jej/Adama this book is hers/Adam’s, this is her/Adam’s book
    - żona była dla niego wszystkim his wife was everything to him
    - nie naśladuj innych, bądź sobą don’t imitate others, be yourself
    - ta zupa jest zimna this soup is cold
    - Maria jest niewidoma Maria is blind
    - jesteś głodny? are you hungry?
    - Robert jest żonaty/rozwiedziony Robert is married/divorced
    - są małżeństwem od dziesięciu lat they’ve been married for ten years
    - bądź dla niej miły be nice to her
    - bądź tak dobry a. uprzejmy would you mind
    - bądź tak miły i otwórz okno would you mind opening the window?
    - czy byłaby pani uprzejma podać mi sól would you be kind enough a. would you be so kind as to pass me the salt?
    - nie bądź głupi! don’t be a fool!
    - cicho bądź! be quiet!
    - być w kapeluszu/kaloszach/spodniach to be wearing a hat/rubber boots/trousers
    - była w zielonym żakiecie/czarnym berecie she was wearing a green jacket/black beret, she had a green jacket/black beret on
    - być za kimś/czymś (opowiadać się) to support sb/sth, to be for sb/sth
    - byłem za tym, żeby nikomu nic nie mówić I was for not telling anyone anything
    - dwa razy dwa jest cztery two times two is four
    2. (w stronie biernej) artykuł jest dobrze napisany the article is well written
    - ściany pokoju były pomalowane na różowo the walls of the room were painted pink
    - dzieci, które są maltretowane przez rodziców children who are abused by their parents
    - tak jest napisane w gazecie that’s what it says in the paper
    - samochód będzie naprawiony jutro the car will be repaired by tomorrow
    - to musi być zrobione do czwartku this must be done by Thursday
    - sukienka była uszyta z czarnej wełenki the dress was made of black wool
    3. (w czasie przyszłym złożonym) shall, will
    - będzie pamiętał a. pamiętać tę scenę przez cały życie he will remember this scene all his life
    - będziemy długo go wspominali a. wspominać we shall a. will long remember him
    4. przest. (w czasie zaprzeszłym) w Krakowie mieszkał był przed trzema laty he would have been living a. was living in Cracow three years ago 5. (w trybie warunkowym) byłbym napisał a. napisałbym był do ciebie, gdybym znał twój adres I would have written to you, had I known your address a. if I had known your address
    - co by się było stało, gdyby nie jego pomoc what would have happened if it hadn’t been for his help
    - byłaby spadła ze schodów (omal nie) she almost fell down the stairs
    - byłbym zapomniał! zabierz ze sobą śpiwór I almost a. nearly forgot! take a sleeping bag with you
    6. (w zwrotach nieosobowych) było już późno it was already late
    - jest dopiero wpół do ósmej it’s only half past seven
    - nie było co jeść there was nothing to eat
    - za ciepło będzie ci w tym swetrze you’ll be too hot in this jumper
    - byłoby przyjemnie zjeść razem obiad it would be nice to have lunch together
    - wychodzić po zmierzchu było niebezpiecznie it was dangerous going out after dark
    - nie kupić tego mieszkania będzie niewybaczalnym błędem not to buy that a. the flat would be an inexcusable mistake
    - z chorym było źle/coraz gorzej the patient was bad/getting worse
    - z dziadkiem jest nienajlepiej grandfather is poorly
    - wszystko będzie na niego he’ll get all the blame
    - żeby nie było na mnie I don’t want to get the blame
    - na imię było jej Maria her name was Maria
    - było dobrze po północy it was well after midnight
    - będzie z godzinę/trzy lata temu an hour or so/some three years ago
    - będzie kwadrans jak wyszedł he must have left fifteen minutes or so ago, it’s been fifteen minutes or so since he left
    - do najbliższego sklepu będzie ze trzy kilometry it’s a good three kilometres to the nearest shop
    - nie ma tu gdzie usiąść there’s nowhere here to sit
    - w tym mieście na ma dokąd pójść wieczorem there’s nowhere to go at night in this town
    - nie ma komu posprzątać/zrobić zakupy there’s no-one to clean/to do shopping
    - nie ma z kim się bawić there’s no-one to play with
    7. (z czasownikami niewłaściwymi) to be
    - trzeba było coś z tym zrobić something had to be done about it
    - trzeba było od razu tak mówić why didn’t you say so in the first place?
    - czytać można było tylko przy świecach one could read only by candlelight
    - jest gorzej niż można było przypuszczać it’s worse than might have been expected
    ■ bądź zdrów! (pożegnanie) goodbye!, take care!
    - być bez forsy/przy forsie pot. to be penniless/flush pot.
    - być do niczego (bezużyteczny) [osoba, przedmiot] to be useless a. no good; (chory, słaby) [osoba] to be poorly a. out of sorts
    - być może perhaps, maybe
    - być może nam się uda perhaps we’ll succeed
    - być może a. może być, że… it may happen that…
    - być niczym [osoba] to be a nobody
    - znałem ją, kiedy jeszcze była nikim I knew her when she was still a nobody
    - być przy nadziei a. być w poważnym a. odmiennym a. błogosławionym stanie książk. to be in an interesting condition a. in the family way przest.; to have a bun in the oven euf., pot.
    - było nie było (tak czy owak) when all’s said and done, after all; (niech się dzieje co chce) come what may, be that as it may
    - było nie było, to już ćwierć wieku od naszego ślubu when all’s said and done a. after all, it’s twenty-five years since we got married
    - było nie było, idę pogadać z szefem o podwyżce come what may, I’m going to the boss to talk about a rise
    - było siedzieć w domu/nie pożyczać mu pieniędzy pot. serves you right, you should have stayed at home/shouldn’t have lent him money
    - było nic mu nie mówić you should have told him nothing
    - co będzie, to będzie whatever will be, will be
    - co było, to było let bygones be bygones
    - co jest? pot. what’s up? pot.
    - co jest, do jasnej cholery? dlaczego nikt nie otwiera? what the hell’s going on? – why doesn’t anyone open the door? pot.
    - co jest? przyjacielowi paru groszy żałujesz? what’s wrong? – can’t spare a friend a few pence? pot.
    - coś w tym jest a. coś w tym musi być there must be something in it
    - coś w tym musi być, że wszyscy dyrektorzy będą na tym zebraniu there must be something in it, if all the directors are going to the meeting
    - jakoś to będzie things’ll a. it’ll work out somehow pot.
    - nie ma co a. rady oh well
    - nie ma co, trzeba brać się do roboty oh well, time to do some work
    - nie ma co! well, well!
    - mieszkanie, nie ma co, widne i ustawne well, well, not a bad flat, airy and well laid out
    - ładnie się spisałeś, nie ma co! iron. well, well, you’ve done it now, haven’t you!
    - nie ma (to) jak kuchnia domowa/kieliszek zimnej wódki nothing beats a. you can’t beat home cooking/a glass of cold vodka
    - nie ma (to) jak muzyka klasyczna give me classical music every time
    - nie ma to jak wakacje! there’s nothing like a holiday!
    - nie może być! (niedowierzanie) I don’t believe it!, you don’t say!
    - niech będzie! oh well!
    - niech ci/wam będzie! have it your own way!
    - niech mu/jej będzie! let him/her have his/her own way!
    - niech tak będzie! (zgoda) so be it!
    - tak jest! (owszem) (that’s) right!
    - „to jest pańskie ostatnie słowo” – „tak jest, ostatnie” ‘is that your final word?’ – ‘yes, it is’, ‘that’s right’
    - tak jest, panie pułkowniku/generale! Wojsk. yes, sir!
    - to jest książk. that is, that is to say
    - główne gałęzie przemysłu, to jest górnictwo i hutnictwo the main branches of industry, that is (to say) mining and metallurgy
    * * *
    (jestem, jesteś); pl jesteśmy; pl jesteście; pl są; imp bądź; pt był, była, byli; sg fut będę; sg fut; będziesz; vi

    jestem! — present!, here!

    jest ciepło/zimno — it's warm/cold

    jest mi zimno/przykro — I'm cold/sorry

    będę pamiętać lub pamiętał — I will remember

    co będzie, jeśli nie przyjdą? — what will happen if they don't come?

    nie może być! — this lub it can't be!

    tak jest! — yes, sir!

    jestem za +instr /przeciw być — +dat I am for/against

    * * *
    I.
    być1
    ipf.
    1. (= znajdować się w jakimś stanie l. miejscu) be; (= istnieć) exist, be there; być na diecie be on a diet; być na emeryturze be retired; jestem po robocie I'm finished l. done with work (for today); pewnego razu był sobie król... once upon a time there lived a king...; w ogrodzie były róże there were roses in the garden; w Galaktyce są miliardy gwiazd there are billions of stars in the Galaxy; ile ich jest? how many of them are there?; być w kinie be at the theater; być na wycieczce be on a trip; być w Warszawie be in Warsaw; być u babci na wsi be at grandma's house in the country; być z kimś sam na sam be one on one with sb; od świtu jestem na nogach I have been on my feet all day; Ewa jest na ostatnich nogach Eva is ready to drop l. dead on her feet; jesteś na drodze do zawału you are on the road to a heart attack; wszystko jest na swoim miejscu everything is in its place; to było nie na miejscu that was out of line; być na ustach całego miasteczka be on the lips of everyone in town; być jedną nogą na tamtym świecie have one foot in the grave; co dzisiaj będzie na obiad? what's for supper today?; wszystko jest pod ręką we have everything right at hand; być u steru przen. be at the wheel; no to jestem w domu (= zrozumiałem) that hits home; być w latach l. w leciech be up in one's years; być w sile wieku be in one's prime; być w opałach be in a bind; teraz wszystko jest w twoich rękach now everything is in your hands l. up to you; być w siódmym niebie be in seventh heaven; być w swoim żywiole be in one's element; być na zebraniu be at a meeting; być na wojnie be (fighting) in a war; być na studiach be at college; być na anglistyce be in the English Department; nigdy nie byłem w Chicago I've never been to Chicago; Adam jest pod pantoflem swojej żony Adam is henpecked; być nie w sosie be in a bad mood; jest gaz i woda we have gas and water; jestem takiego samego zdania I'm of the same opinion; jestem dobrej myśli I'm hoping for the best; jest mi u ciebie tak dobrze I feel so good at your place; jest mi głupio I feel stupid; to jest do niczego it's no good; być górą be on top; to nie jest czas po temu this is not the time for that; to nie jest mi na rękę this is inconvenient (for me); to nie jest po mojej myśli that's not what I intended l. what I had in mind; jestem pod wrażeniem I'm impressed; jestem bez pieniędzy I'm broke; jestem w ciąży I'm pregnant; Ewa jest przy nadziei przest. Eva is in the family way; jestem na służbie I'm on duty; byliśmy na spacerze we were taking a walk; dobrze wiesz, że jesteś na mojej łasce you know fully well that you're at my mercy; czy jesteś w stanie mnie zrozumieć? are you able to understand me?; jestem w dobrym humorze I'm in a good mood; byliśmy w kłopocie, co zrobić z... we couldn't figure out what to do with...; Ewa przez moment była w rozterce for a moment Ewa was in a dilemma; Ewa jest z Adamem w przyjaźni Ewa is friends with Adam; po czyjej jesteś stronie? whose side are you on?; Adam jest w porządku Adam is OK l. alright; to nie jest w moim guście that's not my style; jestem na bakier z gramatyką I haven't a clue about grammar; z teściową jestem na złej stopie I'm on bad terms with my mother-in-law; z prezesem jestem na ty I'm on a first name basis with the president; jestem za reformą I'm for the reform; oni są z sobą za pan brat they are on familiar terms; jestem z Ewą po słowie przest. I'm engaged to Eve.
    2. ( część orzeczenia imiennego) jestem studentem I am a student; byłam piosenkarką I was a singer; będę generałem I will be a general; ta dziewczyna jest ładna that girl is pretty; samochód jest ojca that's father's car; ten długopis nie jest mój this pen isn't mine; bądź zdrów! get well!; jesteś dla mnie niczym! you mean nothing to me; on nie był sobą he wasn't himself; dwa razy dwa jest cztery two plus two is l. equals four.
    3. ( w zdaniach bezosobowych) (= zdarzać się) jest piękny dzień it's a beautiful day; był kwiecień it was April; było to dość dawno it was l. happened quite a long time ago; był do ciebie telefon you had a call; było już późno it was getting late; nie ma co jeść there's nothing to eat; będzie z godzinę temu, jak... it's been an hour since...; a co będzie ze mną? what will happen to me?; ciekaw jestem, co z niego będzie I'm curious (about) what will become of him; jeżeli tak jest if it is so; być może maybe, perhaps; co będzie, to będzie come what may; co było, to było let bygones be bygones; jakoś to (w końcu) będzie thing's will turn out fine (in the end); co ci jest? what's wrong l. the matter with you?; z tej mąki nie będzie chleba it's hopeless; nie może być that's impossible; jest już po nim it's too late for him; he's done for; he's a goner l. a has-been; co było, a nie jest, nie pisze się w rejestr what's done is done; tak jest! exactly!, precisely!, that's right; wojsk. yes, sir!; to jest (= czyli) that is; było nie było whatever happens; no matter what (happens).
    II.
    być2
    ipf.
    1. tylko będę będziesz itd. ( w formach czasu przyszłego) will (be); będę pamiętał o tym I'll remember that; dzieci będą w ogrodzie the kids will be in the garden; będziemy śpiewać kolędy we're going to sing carols.
    2. ( w formach strony biernej) dom był sprzedany za... the house was sold for...; jesteś obserwowany you are being watched; droga jest już naprawiona the road has been repaired.

    The New English-Polish, Polish-English Kościuszko foundation dictionary > być

  • 66 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

  • 67 παρά

    παρά (Hom.+. On elision s. B-D-F §17; Rob. 208) prep. w. three cases (Kühner-G. §440; Schwyzer II 491–98; B-D-F §236–38; Rob. 612–16. Further lit. s.v. ἀνά, beg.; also HRau, De praepositionis παρά usu: GCurtius, Studien etc. III 1870).
    A. W. gen., which nearly always as in Hom., Hdt., Pla., X. et al. denotes a pers., and indicates that someth. proceeds fr. this pers. (Hs 2:3 is an exception):
    ① marker of extension from the side of, from (the side of) w. local sense preserved, used w. verbs of coming, going, sending, originating, going out, etc. (TestAbr A 2 p. 78, 30 [Stone p. 4] παρὰ τοῦ μεγάλου βασιλέως ἀπεστάλην; Lucian, Demon. 13 ἀπιὼν παρʼ αὐτοῦ) ἐκπορεύεσθαι J 15:26b. ἐξέρχεσθαι 16:27; 17:8; Lk 2:1; 6:19. ἔρχεσθαι 8:49. παραγίνεσθαι Mk 14:43. πέμπειν τινὰ παρά τινος J 15:26a. πνεύματος ἁγίου … παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς ἀποσταλέντος εἰς αὐτήν (=Μαρίαν) AcPlCor 2:5. εἶναι παρά τινος be from someone (cp. Job 21:2, 9) J 6:46; 7:29; 9:16, 33; 17:7.
    ② marker of one who originates or directs, from (Appian, Bell. Civ. 4, 100 §420 παρὰ τ. θεῶν; TestJob 38:8 παρὰ θεοῦ) παρὰ κυρίου ἐγένετο αὕτη this was the Lord’s doing Mt 21:42; Mk 12:11 (both Ps 117:23). W. a double negative: οὐκ ἀδυνατήσει παρὰ τ. θεοῦ πᾶν ῥῆμα (s. ἀδυνατέω) Lk 1:37. τὰ λελαλημένα αὐτῇ παρὰ κυρίου what was said to her (by the angel) at the Lord’s command vs. 45. ἀπεσταλμένος παρὰ θεοῦ John the Baptist was not, like Jesus, sent out fr. the very presence of God, but one whose coming was brought about by God J 1:6 (cp. 2 Macc 11:17). παρʼ ἑαυτῆς φέρει καρπὸν καὶ παρὰ τῆς πτελέας it (i.e. the vine) bears fruit which comes both from itself and from the elm Hs 2:3. On 2 Pt 2:11 s. κρίσις 1bβ.
    ③ marker of the point fr. which an action originates, from
    ⓐ after verbs
    α. of asking, demanding αἰτεῖν and αἰτεῖσθαι (cp. X., An. 1, 3, 16, Hell. 3, 1, 4; SIG 785, 9f; PFay 121, 12ff; Tob 4:19 BA al.; LXX; TestAbr A 9 p. 87, 2 [Stone p. 22]; TestJob 20:2; ParJer 7:14; Jos., Ant. 15, 92) Mt 20:20 v.l. (for ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ); J 4:9; Ac 3:2; 9:2; Js 1:5; 1J 5:15 v.l. (for ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ); 1 Cl 36:4 (Ps 2:8); Hm 9:2, 4; Dg 1. ζητεῖν (Tob 4:18; Sir 7:4; cp. 1 Macc 7:13) Mk 8:11; Lk 11:16; 12:48.
    β. of taking, accepting, receiving λαμβάνειν (class.; Appian, Mithrid. 88 §397; SIG 546 B, 23 [III B.C.]; Jdth 12:15; Sus 55 Theod.; 1 Macc 8:8; 11:34; 4 Macc 12:11; TestJob 11:5; JosAs 24:11; Just., A I, 39, 5 al.) Mk 12:2; Lk 6:34; J 5:34, 41, 44; 10:18; Ac 2:33; 3:5; 17:9; 20:24; 26:10 (Jos., Ant. 14, 167 λαβὼν ἐξουσίαν παρά σου [= τ. ἀρχιερέως]; 11, 169); Js 1:7; 2 Pt 1:17; 2J 4; Rv 2:28; Hs 1:8; 8, 3, 5; GJs 20, 2 codices. ἀπολαμβάνειν (SIG 150, 19f [restored text; IV B.C.]; 4 Macc 18:23) Hv 5:7. παραλαμβάνειν (Hdt. et al.; oft. ins; POxy 504, 14 al. in pap) Gal 1:12; 1 Th 2:13; 4:1; 2 Th 3:6. δέχεσθαι (Thu. 1, 20, 1 et al.; 1 Macc 15:20; TestJob 11:12; cp. διαδέχεσθαι Ath. 37, 1) Ac 22:5; Phil 4:18a. κομίζεσθαι (SIG 244 I, 5ff [IV B.C.]; Gen 38:20; 2 Macc 7:11; Ath. 12, 1) Eph 6:8. εὑρεῖν (SIG 537, 69; 1099, 28; cp. εὑρίσκω 3, end) 2 Ti 1:18. ἔχειν τι παρά τινος have received someth. fr. someone (1 Esdr 6:5) Ac 9:14; cp. Hv 3, 9, 8. γίνεταί μοί τι παρά τινος I receive someth. from someone (Att.) Mt 18:19. ἔσται μεθʼ ἡμῶν χάρις … παρὰ θεοῦ πατρὸς καὶ παρὰ Ἰησοῦ 2J 3 (cp. X., An. 7, 2, 25). οἱ πιστευθέντες παρὰ θεοῦ ἔργον those who were entrusted by God with a task 1 Cl 43:1 (cp. Polyb. 3, 69, 1; SIG 1207, 12f). παρὰ τοῦ κυρίου πλουτίζεσθαι receive one’s wealth fr. the Lord Hs 2:10.—Sim. in the case of a purchase the seller is introduced by παρά: buy fr. someone ἀγοράζειν (s. ἀγοράζω 1, end) Rv 3:18. ὠνεῖσθαι Ac 7:16. ἄρτον φαγεῖν παρά τινος receive support from someone 2 Th 3:8.
    γ. of learning, coming to know, hearing, asking ἀκούειν (s. ἀκούω 1bβ and 3) J 1:40; 6:45; 7:51; 8:26, 40; 15:15; Ac 10:22; 28:22; 2 Ti 1:13; 2:2; AcPlCor 1:6; ἀκριβοῦν Mt 2:7, 16. ἐξακριβάζεσθαι Hm 4, 2, 3. ἐπιγινώσκειν Ac 24:8. μανθάνειν (since Aeschyl., Ag. 858; Jos., C. Ap. 2, 176; Sir 8:8f; 2 Macc 7:2 v.l.; 3 Macc 1:1; Just., A I, 23, 1 and D. 78, 1 al.; Ath. 7, 2; 22, 8) 2 Ti 3:14. πυνθάνεσθαι (Hdt. 3, 68; X., Cyr. 1, 6, 23; Pla., Rep. 5, 476e; SIG 1169, 30; 2 Ch 32:31) Mt 2:4; J 4:52 (without παρά v.l.); B 13:2 (Gen 25:22).
    ⓑ w. adjectival function ὁ, ἡ, τὸ παρά τινος made, given, etc., by someone
    α. w. a noun (funct. as a gen.: Pla., Symp. 197e ὁ παρά τινος λόγος ‘the expression made by someone’; X., Hell. 3, 1, 6 δῶρον παρὰ βασιλέως, Mem. 2, 2, 12 ἡ παρά τινος εὔνοια, Cyr. 5, 5, 13 τὸ παρʼ ἐμοῦ ἀδίκημα ‘the crime committed by me’; Polyb. 3, 69, 3 ἡ παρʼ αὐτοῦ σωτηρία; Polyaenus 3, 9, 28 ἡ παρὰ στρατηγοῦ ἀρετή; SIG 543, 27; Ex 4:20; 14:13; Philo, Plant. 14; Jos., Ant. 12, 400; Just., A I, 32, 8 and D. 92, 1 al.; Ath. 7, 1) ἡ παρʼ ἐμοῦ διαθήκη Ro 11:27 (Is 59:21).—Ac 26:12 v.l.; 22 v.l.
    β. w. subst. function
    א. τὰ παρά τινος what someone gives, someone’s gifts (X., Mem. 3, 11, 13; Jos., Bell. 2, 124, Ant. 8, 175; Tat. 32, 1 τὰ παρὰ θεοῦ) Lk 10:7; Phil 4:18b. τὰ παρʼ αὐτῆς her property, what she had Mk 5:26 (cp. IPriene 111, 177). τὰ παρὰ ζώσης καὶ μενούσης (the help that I received) from a living, contemporary voice Papias (2:4).
    ב. οἱ παρά τινος someone’s envoys (οἱ παρὰ βασιλέω πρέσβει X., Hell. 1, 3, 9; oft. in ins.: see, e.g., OGI 5, 50 from Ptolemy; the full expression οἱ παρʼ ὑμῶν πρεσβείς OGI 8 VI, 108–9; Schwyzer II 498; B-D-F §237, 2) οἱ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως (1 Macc 2:15; 1 Esdr 1:15) 1 Cl 12:4.—The Koine also uses this expr. to denote others who are intimately connected w. someone, e.g. family, relatives (PGrenf II, 36, 9 [II B.C.]; POxy 805 [I B.C.]; 298, 37 [I A.D.]; CPR I, 179, 16; 187, 7; Sb 5238, 19 [I A.D.]; Sus 33; 1 Macc 13:52; Jos., Ant. 1, 193. Further exx. fr. pap in Mlt. 106f; Rossberg [s. ἀνά, beg.] 52) Mk 3:21 (s. CBruston/PFarel: RTQR 18, 1909, 82–93; AWabnitz, ibid. 221–25; SMonteil, ibid. 19, 1910, 317–25; JMoulton, Mk 3:21: ET 20, 1909, 476; GHartmann, Mk 3:20f: BZ 11, 1913, 248–79; FZorell, Zu Mk 3:20, 21: ZKT 37, 1913, 695–7; JBelser, Zu Mk 3:20f: TQ 98, 1916, 401–18; Rdm.2 141; 227.—S. also at ἐξίστημι 2a).
    B. w. dat., the case that exhibits close association
    ① marker of nearness in space, at/by (the side of), beside, near, with, acc. to the standpoint fr. which the relationship is viewed
    ⓐ near, beside
    α. w. things (Synes., Ep. 126 p. 262a; Kaibel 703, 1; POxy 120, 23; 2 Km 10:8; 11:9; Jos., Ant. 1, 196) εἱστήκεισαν παρὰ τῷ σταυρῷ J 19:25. κεῖσθαι παρὰ τῷ πύργῳ Hv 3, 5, 5.
    β. w. persons ἔστησεν αὐτὸ παρʼ ἑαυτῷ he had him (i.e. the child) stand by his side Lk 9:47.
    ⓑ in (someone’s) house, city, company, etc. (Demetr.: 722 Fgm. 1, 5 al. παρὰ Λάβαν)
    α. house: ἀριστᾶν Lk 11:37. καταλύειν 19:7 (Pla., Gorg. 447b; Demosth. 18, 82). μένειν (JosAs 20:8; Jos., Ant. 1, 298; 299) J 1:39; Ac 9:43; 18:3; 21:8. ξενίζεσθαι 10:6; 21:16 (ξενίζω 1). So prob. also ἕκαστος παρʼ ἑαυτῷ each one at home 1 Cor 16:2 (cp. Philo, Cher. 48 παρʼ ἑαυτοῖς, Leg. ad Gai. 271). ὸ̔ν ἀπέλιπον ἐν Τρῳάδι παρὰ Κάρπῳ 2 Ti 4:13.
    β. city: Rv 2:13. So prob. also ἦσαν παρʼ ἡμῖν ἑπτὰ ἀδελφοί Mt 22:25.—J 4:40; Col 4:16 (where the congregation at Laodicea is contrasted w. the one at Col.).
    γ. other uses: παρὰ Ἰουδαίοις among Judeans Mt 28:15. παρʼ αὐτοῖς ἐπιμεῖναι remain with them Ac 28:14; cp. 21:7. οἱ παρʼ ὑμῖν πρεσβύτεροι the elders among you 1 Cl 1:3.—παρὰ τῷ πατρί with (of spatial proximity) the Father Mt 6:1; J 8:38a; cp. 17:5 (Synes., Kingship 29 p. 31d: philosophy has her abode παρὰ τῷ θεῷ and if the world refuses to receive her when she descends to earth, μένει παρὰ τῷ πατρί). Of Jesus: παρʼ ὑμῖν μένων while I was with you (on earth) J 14:25. Of the Spirit: παρʼ ὑμῖν μένει vs. 17. Of the Father and Son in their relation to the faithful Christian: μονὴν παρʼ αὐτῷ ποιησόμεθα we will take up our abode with him vs. 23.
    δ. fig. παρά τινι before someone’s judgment seat (Demosth. 18, 13 εἰς κρίσιν καθιστάναι παρά τινι; Appian, Maced. 11 §8 παρʼ ὑμῖν ἐς κρίσιν) 2 Pt 2:11 v.l. Closely related is
    ② marker of one whose viewpoint is relevant, in the sight or judgment of someone (Soph., Hdt.; PSI 435, 19 [258 B.C.] παρὰ τῷ βασιλεῖ) παρὰ τῷ θεῷ: δίκαιος παρὰ τῷ θεῷ righteous in the sight of God Ro 2:13 (cp. Job 9:2; Jos., Ant. 6, 205; Ath. 31, 2 εὐδοξοῦμεν … παρὰ τῷ θεῷ).—Cp. 1 Cor 3:19; Gal 3:11; 2 Th 1:6; Js 1:27; 1 Pt 2:4; 2 Pt 3:8. θυσία δεκτὴ παρὰ τῷ θεῷ Hs 5, 3, 8. ἔνδοξος παρὰ τῷ θεῷ m 2:6; Hs 5, 3, 3; 8, 10, 1; 9, 27, 3; 9, 28, 3; 9, 29, 3.—9, 7, 6.—Acc. to the judgment of humans (Jos., Ant. 7, 84; Just., A I, 20, 3) 8, 9, 1. τί ἄπιστον κρίνεται παρʼ ὑμῖν; Ac 26:8. ἵνα μὴ ἦτε παρʼ ἑαυτοῖς φρόνιμοι Ro 11:25; cp. 12:16 (s. Pr 3:7 μὴ ἴσθι φρόνιμος παρὰ σεαυτῷ).—‘In the judgment’ passes over into a simpler with (PsSol 9:5 παρὰ κυρίῳ; Jos. Himerius, Or. 8 [=23], 10 παρὰ θεοῖς=with the gods) εὑρεῖν χάριν παρά τινι find favor with someone (Ex 33:16; cp. Num 11:15) Lk 1:30; Hs 5, 2, 10. τοῦτο χάρις παρὰ θεῷ 1 Pt 2:20. χάριν ἔχειν (Ex 33:12) m 5, 1, 5. προέκοπτεν ἐν τῇ χάριτι παρὰ θεῷ καὶ ἀνθρώποις Lk 2:52. τί ταπεινοφροσύνη παρὰ θεῷ ἰσχύει, τί ἀγάπη ἁγνὴ παρά θεῷ δύναται how strong humility is before God, what pure love before God can do 1 Cl 21:8.
    ③ marker of personal reference, at the side of, with almost equivalent to the dat. as such (Ps 75:13): δυνατόν or ἀδύνατον παρά τινι possible or impossible for someone (Gen 18:14; Just., A I, 33, 2; Ath., R. 9 p. 58, 6) Mt 19:26ab; Mk 10:27abc; Lk 1:37 v.l.; 18:27ab; 1 Cl 27:2.—AFridrichsen, SymbOsl 14, ’35, 44–46. Closely related in mng. is
    ④ marker of connection of a quality or characteristic w. a pers., with (οὐκ) ἔστιν τι παρά τινι someth. is (not) with or in someone, someone has someth. (nothing) to do w. someth. (Demosth. 18, 277 εἰ ἔστι καὶ παρʼ ἐμοί τις ἐμπειρία; Gen 24:25; Job 12:13; Ps 129:4 παρὰ σοι ὁ ἱλασμός ἐστιν; Just., D. 82, 1 παρὰ … ἡμῖν … χαρίσματα) οὐκ ἔστιν προσωπολημψία παρὰ τ. θεῷ Ro 2:11 (TestJob 43, 13). Cp. 9:14; Eph 6:9; Js 1:17. Sim. Mt 8:10; 2 Cor 1:17.
    ⑤ marker of a relationship w. a narrow focus, among, before παρʼ ἑαυτοῖς among themselves (Philo, Cher. 48) διαλογίζεσθαι Mt 21:25 v.l. (cp. Demosth. 10, 17 γιγνώσκειν παρʼ αὑτῷ; Epict., Ench. 48, 2).—In ἐν τούτῳ μενέτω παρὰ θεῷ 1 Cor 7:24, the mng. of παρὰ θεῷ is not certain: let the pers. remain in that position (the same one in which he was when called to salvation) before God; it is prob. meant to remind Christians of the One before whom they cannot even have the appearance of inferiority (ins: Mitt-Wilck, I/2, 4, 4 [13 B.C.] παρὰ τῷ κυρίῳ Ἑρμῇ=‘before, in the sight of’; Sb 7616 [II A.D.] τὸ προσκύνημά σου ποιῶ παρὰ τῷ κυρίῳ Σαράπι=‘before the Lord’ S.; 7661, 3 [c. 100 A.D.]; 7932, 7992, 6 [letter II/III A.D.]). Or perh. it simply means that no matter what the situation may be, one is to be focused on God.
    C. w. acc. of pers. or thing
    ① marker of a position viewed as extended (w. no difference whether παρά answers the question ‘where?’ or ‘whither?’ See B-D-F §236, 1; Rob. 615).
    ⓐ by, along περιπατεῖν παρὰ τὴν θάλασσαν (Pla., Gorg. 511e. Cp. SIG 1182; Jos., Ant. 2, 81) Mt 4:18; cp. Mk 1:16.
    α. παρὰ (τὴν) θάλασσαν by the sea (or lake) , at the shore Mt 13:1; Mk 4:1; 5:21; Ac 10:6, 32; cp. Lk 5:1, 2. παρὰ τὴν ὁδόν by the side of the road (X., An. 1, 2, 13; Plut., Lysander 450 [29, 4] a tomb παρὰ τ. ὁδόν=beside the road) Mt 20:30; Mk 10:46; Lk 18:35 (but on the road is also poss. in these three places; s. d below).
    β. παρὰ τὴν θάλασσαν to (the side of) the sea (lake) Mt 15:29; Mk 2:13. παρὰ ποταμόν to the river Ac 16:13.
    ⓒ gener. near, at παρὰ τοὺς πόδας τινός at someone’s feet (sit, fall, place etc.; TestAbr A 17 p. 98, 16 [Stone p. 44]) Mt 15:30; Lk 7:38; 8:35, 41; 10:39 v.l.; 17:16; Ac 4:35, 37 v.l.; 5:2; 7:58; 22:3 (s. ET 30, 1919, 39f). παρὰ τὸν πὺργον beside the tower Hs 9, 4, 8; 9, 6, 5; 8; 9, 7, 1; 9, 11, 6.—παρὰ τὴν ἰτέαν 8, 1, 2 (cp. TestAbr A 6 p. 83, 10 [Stone p. 14] παρὰ τὴν δρῦν τὴν Μαμβρῆ).
    ⓓ on παρὰ τὴν ὁδόν on the road (w. motion implied; Aesop, Fab. 226 P.=420 H.: πεσὼν παρὰ τὴν ὁδόν; Phot., Bibl. 94 p. 74b on Iambl. Erot. [Hercher I p. 222, 22] πίπτουσι παρὰ τὴν ὁδόν) Mt 13:4, 19; Mk 4:4; Lk 8:5; on the road (w. no motion implied; Theophr., HP 6, 6, 10: the crocus likes to be trodden under foot, διὸ καὶ παρὰ τὰς ὁδοὺς κάλλιστος; Phot. p. 222, 29 H. [s. above]) Mk 4:15; Lk 8:12. Perh. also Mt 20:30; Mk 10:46; Lk 18:35 (s. bα above).—παρὰ τὸ χεῖλος τῆς θαλάσσης on the seashore Hb 11:12 (TestAbr A 1 p. 78, 1 [Stone p. 4]; ApcEsdr 3:10; ApcSed 8:9).
    ② marker of extension in time, during, from … to (Lucian, Catapl. 24 παρὰ τ. βίον=during his life; POxy 472, 10; TestAbr A 20 p. 102, 26 [Stone p. 52] παρὰ μίαν ὥραν; Tat. 14, 2 παρʼ ὸ̔ν ἔζων χρόνον) παρʼ ἐνιαυτόν from year to year (Plut., Cleom. 15, 1; cp. ἐνιαυτός 1) B 10:7.
    ③ marker of comparative advantage, in comparison to, more than, beyond ἁμαρτωλοί, ὀφειλέται π. πάντας Lk 13:2, 4 (PSI 317, 6 [95 A.D.] παρὰ πάντας; Jos., C. Ap. 2, 234 παρὰ τ. ἄλλους ἅπαντας; JosAs 10:6 παρὰ πάσας τὰς παρθένους; Just., A I, 20, 3 παρὰ πάντας ἀδίκως μισούμεθα). κρίνειν ἡμέραν παρʼ ἡμέραν (s. κρίνω 1) Ro 14:5. π. πᾶσαν τὴν γῆν B 11:9 (prophetic quot. of unknown orig.). π. πάντα τὰ πνεύματα more than all other spirits Hm 10, 1, 2. ἐλαττοῦν τινα π. τινα make someone inferior to someone Hb 2:7, 9 (s. ἐλαττόω 1 and cp. PGrenf I, 42, 12 [II B.C.] ἐλαττουμένων ἡμῶν παρὰ τοὺς δεῖνα). εἶδος ἐκλεῖπον π. τὸ εἶδος τῶν ἀνθρώπων (s. ἐκλείπω 4) 1 Cl 16:3.—After a comp. (Thu. 1, 23, 3; ApcEsdr 1:22; Tat. 2, 2) Lk 3:13; Hb 1:4; 3:3; 9:23; 11:4; 12:24; B 4:5 (cp. Da 7:7); Hv 3, 12, 1; Hs 9, 18, 2.—When a comparison is made, one member of it may receive so little attention as to pass fr. consideration entirely, so that ‘more than’ becomes instead of, rather than, to the exclusion of (Plut., Mor. 984c; PsSol 9:9; EpArist 134; Just., A I, 22, 2) λατρεύειν τῇ κτίσει παρὰ τὸν κτίσαντα serve the creation rather than the Creator Ro 1:25 (cp. EpArist 139: the Jews worship τὸν μόνον θεὸν παρʼ ὅλην τὴν κτίσιν). δεδικαιωμένος παρʼ ἐκεῖνον justified rather than the other Lk 18:14. ἔχρισέν σε … παρὰ τοὺς μετόχους (God) has anointed you and not your comrades Hb 1:9 (Ps 44:8). ὑπερφρονεῖν παρʼ ὸ̔ δεῖ φρονεῖν Ro 12:3 (Plut., Mor. 83f παρʼ ὸ̔ δεῖ). παρὰ καιρὸν ἡλικίας Hb 11:11 (Plut., Rom. 25, 6 παρʼ ἡλικίαν; cp. ἡλικία 2a).—παρὰ δύναμιν beyond their means (s. δύναμις 2) 2 Cor 8:3.—After ἄλλος (Pla., Lach. 178b, Leg. 3, 693b; X., Hell. 1, 5, 5; Demosth. 18, 235) another than 1 Cor 3:11.
    ④ marker of degree that falls slightly short in comparison, except for, almost παρὰ μικρόν except for a little, almost (s. μικρός 1eγ) Hs 8, 1, 14. Likew. παρά τι (cp. Vett. Val. 228, 6) Lk 5:7 D; Hs 9, 19, 3.
    ⑤ marker of causality, because of (cp. Pind., O. 2, 65 κενεὰν παρὰ δίαιταν ‘in the interest of’ or ‘for the sake of a scanty livelihood’, the scantiness here contrasting with the immense labor involved; Demosth. 4, 11; 9, 2; PRyl 243, 6; POxy 1420, 7) παρὰ τό w. acc. foll. because (SIG 495, 130; UPZ 7, 13 [163 B.C.] παρὰ τὸ Ἕλληνά με εἶναι.—Mayser II/1, 1926, 331; Gen 29:20; Ex 14:11) 1 Cl 39:5f (Job 4:20f). π. τοῦτο because of this (Kühner-G. I 513, 3; Synes., Ep. 44 p. 185a; 57 p. 192d) ITr 5:2; IRo 5:1 (quot. fr. 1 Cor 4:4, where Paul has ἐν τούτῳ). οὐ παρὰ τοῦτο οὐ (double neg. as a strengthened affirmative) not for that reason any the less 1 Cor 12:15f.
    ⑥ marker of that which does not correspond to what is expected, against, contrary to (Hom., Alc. et al.; ins, pap, LXX; Just., Tat., Ath.—Schwyzer II 497) π. τὴν διδαχήν Ro 16:17. παρʼ ἐλπίδα against hope (s. ἐλπίς 1a) in wordplay w. ἐπʼ ἐλπίδι 4:18. παρὰ φύσιν (Thu. 6, 17, 1; Pla., Rep. 5, 466d; Tat. 22, 2; Ath. 26, 2, R. 6 p. 54, 13) 1:26; 11:24. παρὰ τὸν νόμον (Just., A II, 2, 4; Ath. 1, 3; cp. X., Mem. 1, 1, 18 παρὰ τοὺς νόμους; PMagd 16, 5 [222 B.C.] παρὰ τοὺς νόμους; Jos., C. Ap. 2, 233; Just., A I, 68, 10) Ac 18:13. παρʼ ὅ contrary to that which Gal 1:8f (Just., A I, 43, 8).
    ⑦ marker of something that is less, less (Hdt. 9, 33; Plut., Caesar 722 [30, 5]; Jos., Ant. 4, 176; POxy 264, 4 [I A.D.]) τεσσεράκοντα παρὰ μίαν forty less one=thirty-nine (i.e. lashes) 2 Cor 11:24 (cp. Makkoth 3, 10 [tr. HDanby, The Mishnah ’33, 407]).—On παρʼ αὐτά ITr 11:1 s. παραυτά.—DELG. M-M. TW.

    Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά παλαιοχριστιανική Λογοτεχνία > παρά

  • 68 ни с места

    1) (не двигаться, стоять неподвижно! (команда)) halt!; stay where you are!; don't budge from here!

    Единственно, что я мог, это в ту же секунду, выстрелив в воздух и заорав: "Ни с места! Руки вверх!" - чтобы отвлечь внимание на себя - выскочить из кустов. (В. Богомолов, Момент истины) — The only thing I could do was in that very same second to jump out of the bushes, shoot up in the air and shout: 'Halt! Hands up!' to distract their attention.

    2) (оставаться, не двигаясь, в том же положении) not budge; refuse to budge; cf. not a scrap of progress

    "Полундра!" - крикнул солдату. Тому бы надо бежать, а он ни с места. Мешок ему по башке. Чуть жив остался. (А. Новиков-Прибой, Рассказ боцманмата) — 'Stand clear!' the sailor yelled. The soldier should have jumped clear, but he didn't budge. The bag hit him right on the knob, nearly killed him, it did.

    У ворот, на изволоке, лошадь заартачилась, бьётся в оглоблях, а воз ни с места. (М. Алексеев, Вишнёвый омут) — The cart got stuck on uneven ground in the gateway. The horse bucked and struggled in the shafts, but the cart refused to budge.

    3) (на том же уровне, в том же состоянии) stock-still; not a scrap of progress; not go any further

    Вдруг мысль останавливается - и ни с места. Голова набита плотно, как мешок муки, - не пробиться. (К. Федин, Первые радости) — Suddenly her thoughts would go no further. Her head was stuffed as full as a sack of flour; it wouldn't hold any more.

    Русско-английский фразеологический словарь > ни с места

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