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  • 81 dojìti

    dojìti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `give milk, milk'
    Page in Trubačev: V 53-54
    Old Church Slavic:
    doiti `breast-feed, nurse' [verb], dojǫ [1sg]
    Russian:
    doít' `milk' [verb], dojú [1sg], doít [3sg];
    doít' (dial.) `give milk (cow), suckle (calf)' [verb]
    Czech:
    dojiti `milk' [verb]
    Slovak:
    dojit' `milk, give milk' [verb]
    Polish:
    doić `milk, (arch., dial. ) give milk' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dòjiti `breast-feed, suckle, give milk' [verb], dòjīm [1sg];
    Čak. dojȉti (Vrgada) `breast-feed, suckle, give milk' [verb], dojĩš [2sg];
    Čak. dojȉt (Orbanići) `suckle, breast-feed' [verb], dojĩ [3sg]
    Slovene:
    dojíti `breast-feed, give milk, milk' [verb], dojím [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    dojá `breast-feed, give milk, milk' [verb]
    Page in Pokorny: 241
    Comments: The straightfoward analysis * dʰoiH₁-eie meets with several difficulties. In the first place, one would rather expect * dʰoH₁i-eie in view of forms such as Latv. dêt `suck', where we are dealing with an unextended root. This reconstruction would yield * dajati, however. Skt. dáyati `suckle', has been analyzed as * dʰh₁-eie (see LIV: 142), where the same analysis is applied to OSw. dīa), but this reconstruction cannot account the Slavic form. Klingenschmitt (1982: 148) has suggested for both Slavic *dojìti and Go. daddjan that the formation is built on the present stem, i.e. *dʰ(h₁)éie gave rise to *dʰoi̯éi̯e.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. dháyati `suck' [verb];
    Go. daddjan `breast-feed' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dojìti

  • 82 drobìti

    drobìti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `crumble, crush'
    Page in Trubačev: V 119
    Old Church Slavic:
    droběi (Supr.) `crushing' [pprsa]
    Church Slavic:
    drobiti `crumble, chop, break' [verb]
    Russian:
    drobít' `crush' [verb], drobljú [1sg], drobít [3sg]
    Czech:
    drobiti `crumble, chop, crush' [verb]
    Slovak:
    drobit' `crumble, chop, crush' [verb]
    Polish:
    drobić `crumble' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dròbiti `crush, crumble' [verb], drȍbīm [1sg];
    Čak. drobȉti (Vrgada) `crush, crumble' [verb], drobĩš [2sg];
    Čak. drobȉt (Vrgada) `pulverize, crush' [verb], drobĩn [1sg]
    Slovene:
    drobíti `crumble, mince' [verb], drobím [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    drobjá `crumble' [verb]
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 272
    Comments: LIV (153) reconstructs * dʰreb- on the basis of Germanic forms such as OIc. drepa `beat, kill', OHG treffan `hit'. Since this proto-form is in conflict with Winter's law, I reconstruct *dʰrobʰ-eie- for Slavic. The discrepancy between Slavic may have something to do with the fact that the etymon is of non-Indo-European origin or Kluge's law may have played a role.
    Other cognates:
    Go. gadraban `cut out' [verb] \{1\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Unless this is a mistake for gagraban.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > drobìti

  • 83 drъžь

    drъžь Grammatical information: m. jo? Proto-Slavic meaning: `shivering, tremor'
    Page in Trubačev: V 144
    Russian:
    drož' `shivering, tremor' [f i];
    drošč (Psk.) `shivering, tremor' [m. jo??]
    Polish:
    dreszcz `shivering, tremor, shudder' [m jo];
    dreszcz (dial.) `shivering, tremor, shudder' [f i] \{1\}
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: drugios
    Lithuanian:
    drugỹs `fever, malaria, butterfly, moth' [m io] 4
    Latvian:
    drudzis `fever, ague' [m io];
    drudzi `moths' [Nompm io]
    Comments: BSl. * drug- may in principle reflect * drugʰ- or * dʰrugʰ-, but to my knowledge there are no cognates outside Balto-Slavic.
    Notes:
    \{1\} In the 18th century, we find forms such as dresz, dreś, drez and dreść (Sɫawski SEJP I: 163). According to Bańkowski (2000: 297), may be based on a plural dreszcze from *dreżca < * drьž-ьca.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > drъžь

  • 84 dura

    dura Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 160
    Belorussian:
    dzjurá `hole' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    djúra `hole' [f ā]
    Czech:
    d'oura (Jungmann) `hole' [f ā];
    d'úra (E. Mor. dial.) `hole' [f ā];
    džura (Sil.) `hole' [f ā]
    Polish:
    dziura `hole' [f ā];
    dura (dial.) `hole' [f ā]
    Old Polish:
    dura `hole' [f ā];
    dzióra < dziora> `hole' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    ʒu̇̂ră `hole' [f ā]
    Page in Pokorny: 206
    Comments: West Slavic cognate of * dyra (the Ukr. and Bel. forms are borrowings from Polish). According to Sɫawski (SEJP I: 208-209), there is evidence for a Polish form dzióra. This form may derive from OPl. drać, 1sg. dziorę, or may continue an older noun * dora from the same root, which was then influenced by the Polish verb (similarly Baudouin de Courtenay apud Berneker 1899: 150 fn.).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dura

  • 85 dužь

    dužь Grammatical information: adj. jo Proto-Slavic meaning: `strong'
    Page in Trubačev: V 167-168
    Russian:
    djúžij `sturdy, hefty, robust, healthy' [adj jo];
    dúžij (dial.) `strong, healthy' [adj jo]
    Old Russian:
    djúžij `strong' [adj jo]
    Belorussian:
    dúžy `strong, vigorous' [adj jo]
    Ukrainian:
    dúžyj `strong, healthy' [adj jo]
    Czech:
    duží (rare) `firm, strong' [adj jo]
    Slovak:
    dúži `strong, big, healthy' [adj jo]
    Polish:
    duży `big, (16th-18th c., dial. ) strong' [adj jo];
    dużo `much, many, (16th-18th c.) very' [adv] \{1\}
    Lithuanian:
    daũg `much, many' [adv];
    daugi (OLith.) `much, many' [adv] ;
    daũgia (dial.) `much, many' [adv]
    Latvian:
    daũdz(i) `much, many' [adv]
    Comments: If the Polish forms are "Ruthenianisms", there is no objection against positing a root containing a nasal, cf. dęga, dęglъ(jь)i, nedǫgъ. On the other hand, the parallellism between Pl. dużo and Lith. daũgia is suggestive. Possibly, the roots *dǫg- and *dug- were confused (cf. Shevelov 1964: 321-322, ESSJa 25: 126). The latter root may reflect *dʰougʰ-, cf. Go. daug `is useful'.
    Notes:
    \{1\} According to Bańkowski (II: 312), duży `strong' and dużo (duże) `very', which are attested since the 16th century, originate from Ukrainian. Duży `big' is recorded sporadically from 1600 onwards and more frequently since the 18th century, while dużo `much, many' occurs only since the 18th century.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dužь

  • 86 dyra

    dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 205
    Russian:
    dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    dyrja `hole' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    dară `hole, prison' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-
    Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dyra

  • 87 dyr'a

    dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 205
    Russian:
    dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    dyrja `hole' [f ā]
    Polabian:
    dară `hole, prison' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-
    Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dyr'a

  • 88 dъnò

    dъnò Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bottom'
    Page in Trubačev: V 174-175
    Old Church Slavic:
    dъno `bottom' [n o]
    Russian:
    dno `bottom' [n o]
    Czech:
    dno `bottom' [n o]
    Polish:
    dno `bottom' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dnȍ `bottom' [n o];
    Čak. dnȍ (Vrgada, Orbanići) `bottom' [n o]
    Slovene:
    dnọ̀ `bottom' [n o]
    Bulgarian:
    dắno `bottom, floor' [n o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: dubno
    Lithuanian:
    dùgnas `bottom' [m o] 4
    Indo-European reconstruction: dʰubʰ-no-
    Certainty: -
    Comments: The Slavic vacillation between root-final *b and *p does not have a Baltic counterpart. In East Baltic, however, the full grade * daub- occurs both with acute and circumflex tone, e.g. Latv. duôbjš `deep'. The acute variant could be attributed to Winter's law, which would be in accordance with PGm. * deupa- `deep'< * dʰeub-, but this would leave us without an explanation for the other forms. The many formal problems connected with this root have made it a prime example of a borrowing from a substratum language (cf. Kuiper 1995).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dъnò

  • 89 dъxъ

    dъxъ Grammatical information: m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `breathing, breath'
    Page in Trubačev: V 178
    Old Church Slavic:
    dъxъ `breathing, breath, smell' [m o]
    Russian:
    dox (dial.) `rest' [m o]
    Czech:
    dech `breathing, breath' [m o]
    Slovak:
    dech (dial.) `breath' [m o]
    Polish:
    dech `breath' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dȃh `breathing, breath' [m o];
    Čak. då̑h (Vrgada) `breathing, breath' [m o], då̑ha [Gens];
    Čak. dȃh (Orbanići) `breath' [m o], dȃha [Gens]
    Slovene:
    dàh `breathing, breath' [m o];
    dáh `breathing, breath' [m o] \{1\}
    Bulgarian:
    dăx `breathing, breath' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: duṣos
    Lithuanian:
    dùsas `short breath, asthma' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dʰus-o-
    Page in Pokorny: 268
    Other cognates:
    Go. dius `wild animal' [n]
    Notes:
    \{1\} Both forms are absent from Pleteršnik's dictionary.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dъxъ

  • 90 dьbrь

    dьbrь Grammatical information: f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `valley, ravine'
    Page in Trubačev: V 176-177
    Old Church Slavic:
    dьbrь `valley, gorge' [f i]
    Russian:
    débri `jungle, thickets, dense forest' [Nompf i]
    Old Czech:
    debř `valley' [f i]
    Old Polish:
    debrz `valley, hollow' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    debri (1302) `hollow, ravine' [Nompf i]
    Slovene:
    debǝr `ravine' [f i]
    Latvian:
    dubra `puddle, marshy spot' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dʰubʰ-r-i-
    Certainty: -
    Comments: I have reconstructed * dьbrь on the strength of the Old Church Slavic and East Slavic evidence, but is plausible that the original form was * dъbrь (-> *dъnò), cf. OPl. debrz. Secondary forms with *i also occur in Baltic, e.g. Latv. dibęns `bottom' alongside dubęns.
    Other cognates:
    Go. diups `deep' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dьbrь

  • 91 dьrvьn̨a

    dьrvьn̨a Grammatical information: f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `field'
    Russian:
    derévnja `village, (dial.) field, wasteland, ploughed field' [f jā]
    Old Russian:
    derévnja `village, field' [f jā] \{1\}
    Lithuanian:
    dirvà `(arable) land, field' [f ā] 2/4
    Latvian:
    dìrva2 `(arable) land, field' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-u-
    Comments: The reconstruction of a zero grade implies that the sequence ere in the Russian forms originates from the so-called vtoroe polnoglasie.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. drū́vā- `spelt' [f]
    Notes:
    \{1\} The meaning `field' is attested in the Domostroj.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dьrvьn̨a

  • 92 edìnъ

    edìnъ; edьnъ Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `one'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 11-13
    Old Church Slavic:
    jedinъ `one' [num o];
    jedьnъ `one' [num o] \{1\}
    Russian:
    odín `one' [num o], odnogó [Gens], odná [Nomsf]
    Czech:
    jeden `one' [num o]
    Polish:
    jeden `one' [num o];
    jedyny `only' [num o]
    Old Polish:
    jedziny `only' [num o]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃dĕn `one' [num o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèdan `one' [num o], jȅdna [Nomsf];
    Čak. jedå̃n (Vrgada) `one' [num o], jednȁ [Nomsf], jednȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. jedãn (Orbanići) `one, some, a certain, a' [num o], jenȁ [Nomsf], jenȍ [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    edín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    jedín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    édǝn `one' [num o];
    jédǝn `one' [num o];
    èn `one' [num o]
    Bulgarian:
    edín `one' [num. o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-HiH-no-
    IE meaning: one
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 284, 286
    Comments: In view of Ru. odín, Gsg. odnogó etc., the form *jedьnь must be due to analogy. The vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called "tense jer": in strong postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour might be linked to the j of *jьnъ. Though the j, which before words beginning with a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *jedinъ/jedьnъ, it is conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jьnъ. The problem with this hypothesis is that forms with *jn- < *jьn appear to be lacking. Andersen's reconstruction *edeino- next to *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *jed- < *(h₁)edʰ- is unclear. Pokorny's reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter's law.
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form with ь is less common than jedinъ.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > edìnъ

  • 93 edьnъ

    edìnъ; edьnъ Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `one'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 11-13
    Old Church Slavic:
    jedinъ `one' [num o];
    jedьnъ `one' [num o] \{1\}
    Russian:
    odín `one' [num o], odnogó [Gens], odná [Nomsf]
    Czech:
    jeden `one' [num o]
    Polish:
    jeden `one' [num o];
    jedyny `only' [num o]
    Old Polish:
    jedziny `only' [num o]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃dĕn `one' [num o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèdan `one' [num o], jȅdna [Nomsf];
    Čak. jedå̃n (Vrgada) `one' [num o], jednȁ [Nomsf], jednȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. jedãn (Orbanići) `one, some, a certain, a' [num o], jenȁ [Nomsf], jenȍ [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    edín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    jedín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    édǝn `one' [num o];
    jédǝn `one' [num o];
    èn `one' [num o]
    Bulgarian:
    edín `one' [num. o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-HiH-no-
    IE meaning: one
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 284, 286
    Comments: In view of Ru. odín, Gsg. odnogó etc., the form *jedьnь must be due to analogy. The vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called "tense jer": in strong postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour might be linked to the j of *jьnъ. Though the j, which before words beginning with a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *jedinъ/jedьnъ, it is conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jьnъ. The problem with this hypothesis is that forms with *jn- < *jьn appear to be lacking. Andersen's reconstruction *edeino- next to *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *jed- < *(h₁)edʰ- is unclear. Pokorny's reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter's law.
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form with ь is less common than jedinъ.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > edьnъ

  • 94 ȅrxъkъ

    ȅrxъkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c
    Page in Trubačev: -
    Slovene:
    rẹ̑ šǝk `sow thistle (sanchus asper)' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: erʔkṣ-
    Lithuanian:
    erškėtỹs `thorn-bush' [m jo] 3b \{1\}, ẽr(k)šk̨is, ẽrkšis `thorn-bush' [m jo]
    Latvian:
    ẽr(k)šk̨is `thorn-bush' [m jo];
    ẽrkšis `thorn-bush' [m jo]
    Indo-European reconstruction: HerHks-
    Comments: The š of Sln. rẹ̑šǝk may have originated in a form *erš-ьcь < *erx-iko- (cf. Andersen 1996: 140). Bezlaj has proposed to link the Slovene word to SCr. rèkeš `eryngo' (Dubrovnik), with metathesis (1977: 17). The etymological connection with Skt. r̥kṣára- is attractive, notwithstanding the fact that the Baltic forms seem to require a laryngeal.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. r̥kṣara- `thorn'
    Notes:
    \{1\} There are many variants, e.g. erškẽtis, erškė̃tis, (Žem.) érškẽtis (cf. Derksen 1996: 51, 149).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȅrxъkъ

  • 95 ȇdlь

    ȇdlь; edlà Grammatical information: f. i; f. ā Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `spruce, fir'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 14-15
    Russian:
    el' `spruce, fir' [f i], éli [Gens] \{1\}
    Czech:
    jedle `fir' [f jā]
    Old Czech:
    jedl `spruce, fir' [f i]
    Slovak:
    jedl'a `fir' [f jā]
    Polish:
    jodɫa `fir' [f ā] \{2\}
    Old Polish:
    jedl `spruce, fir' [f i];
    jedla [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jéla `fir' [f ā];
    jȅla `fir' [f ā];
    Čak. jȅla (Vrgada) `tree-trunk' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    ję̑l `spruce, fir' [f i], jelȋ [Gens];
    ję̑la `spruce, fir' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    jelá `fir' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: edli-
    Lithuanian:
    ẽglė `spruce, fir' [f ē] 2
    Latvian:
    egle `spruce, fir' [f ē]
    Old Prussian:
    addle (EV) `spruce, fir' [f]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-l-i
    IE meaning: spruce, fir
    Page in Pokorny: 289-290
    Comments: Connecting the name of the `spruce' or `fir-tree' with Lith. ãdata `needle' and adýti `to darn', as advocated by Fraenkel ( Fraenkel I: 117-118) and Pokorny, is semantically attractive but does not make much sense in relation to Lat. ebulum (cf. Andersen 1996: 119).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. ebulum `dwarf-elder, danewort (sambucus ebulus)' [n], ebulus `dwarf-elder, danewort (sambucus ebulus)' [f];
    Gaul. odocos `dwarf-elder, danewort (sambucus ebulus)';
    OHG attuh, attah `dwarf-elder, danewort (sambucus ebulus)'
    Notes:
    \{1\} Alongside ëlka. A different reflex of the sequence *dl is attested in the dialect form ëgla. \{2\} In dialects we find such forms as jegla and jagla.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȇdlь

  • 96 edlà

    ȇdlь; edlà Grammatical information: f. i; f. ā Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `spruce, fir'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 14-15
    Russian:
    el' `spruce, fir' [f i], éli [Gens] \{1\}
    Czech:
    jedle `fir' [f jā]
    Old Czech:
    jedl `spruce, fir' [f i]
    Slovak:
    jedl'a `fir' [f jā]
    Polish:
    jodɫa `fir' [f ā] \{2\}
    Old Polish:
    jedl `spruce, fir' [f i];
    jedla [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jéla `fir' [f ā];
    jȅla `fir' [f ā];
    Čak. jȅla (Vrgada) `tree-trunk' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    ję̑l `spruce, fir' [f i], jelȋ [Gens];
    ję̑la `spruce, fir' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    jelá `fir' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: edli-
    Lithuanian:
    ẽglė `spruce, fir' [f ē] 2
    Latvian:
    egle `spruce, fir' [f ē]
    Old Prussian:
    addle (EV) `spruce, fir' [f]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-l-i
    IE meaning: spruce, fir
    Page in Pokorny: 289-290
    Comments: Connecting the name of the `spruce' or `fir-tree' with Lith. ãdata `needle' and adýti `to darn', as advocated by Fraenkel ( Fraenkel I: 117-118) and Pokorny, is semantically attractive but does not make much sense in relation to Lat. ebulum (cf. Andersen 1996: 119).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. ebulum `dwarf-elder, danewort (sambucus ebulus)' [n], ebulus `dwarf-elder, danewort (sambucus ebulus)' [f];
    Gaul. odocos `dwarf-elder, danewort (sambucus ebulus)';
    OHG attuh, attah `dwarf-elder, danewort (sambucus ebulus)'
    Notes:
    \{1\} Alongside ëlka. A different reflex of the sequence *dl is attested in the dialect form ëgla. \{2\} In dialects we find such forms as jegla and jagla.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > edlà

  • 97 eterъ

    eterъ Grammatical information: prn.
    Page in Trubačev: VIII 187
    Old Church Slavic:
    eterъ `some, someone' [prn o]
    Church Slavic:
    (j)eterъ (RuCS) `some, someone' [prn o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    wot(e)ry `another' [prn o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    wótery, wótary, wótory `some' [prn o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: io-tero-
    IE meaning: someone
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 283
    Comments: It cannot be decided whether this pronoun continues PIE *io-tero- or *h₁e-etero-, cf. Skt. yatará- `which of the two' vs. Av. atāra- `this one of the two'. The Sorbian forms may have been influenced by *vъtorъ `second'.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. yatará- `which of the two'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > eterъ

  • 98 evьja

    evьja; evьn̨a Grammatical information: f. iā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `granary, drying shed'
    Page in Trubačev: -
    Russian:
    évnja (W. dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    ëvnja (Psk.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    evnjá (dial.) `drying shed without a ceiling' [f jā]
    Belorussian:
    ëŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    éŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jaŭja (dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{1\}
    Ukrainian:
    jevja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jévnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā]
    Polish:
    jawia `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{2\};
    jewnia (arch.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jownia (arch.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: iouiaH
    Lithuanian:
    jáuja `granary, drying shed, threshing shed' [f ā] 1 \{3\}
    Latvian:
    jaũja `threshing floor' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    jauge `drying shed, barn for braking flax' \{4\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: ieu-iH-eh₂
    IE meaning: granary
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 512
    Comments: It is evident that *evьja is a borrowing from Baltic. The Baltic word is a derivative of the word for `grain', Lith. javaĩ, which lacks a Slavic counterpart. The resyllabification of *iau̯-iā to *iau-i̯ā may account for the metatonical acute tone of both the Lithuanian and the Latvian form, if we assume that the original form was *iau̯-ìā. The East Slavic word *ovinъ apparently underwent the e- > o- shift (I do not share Andersen's objections to Trubačëv's Proto-Slavic reconstruction *evinъ, theoretical though it is).
    Other cognates:
    MoHG jauge (dial.) `barn'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form without -n- has been recorded from 1540 onwards in many different shapes, e.g. ev'ja, jav'ja, evga and javga. According to Anikin (2005: 143), only the form jaŭja is known in the living language. The other forms are limited to areas that were inhabited by Lithuanians.\{2\} Since 1554 many variants have been recorded, e.g. jawia, jawgia, jewia, jowia. \{3\} There are many variants, viz. jáujė, jáujis, jáujas, jáujus. \{4\} The oldest source (1604) has the spelling jawyge (Toporov II: 21).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > evьja

  • 99 evьn̨a

    evьja; evьn̨a Grammatical information: f. iā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `granary, drying shed'
    Page in Trubačev: -
    Russian:
    évnja (W. dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    ëvnja (Psk.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    evnjá (dial.) `drying shed without a ceiling' [f jā]
    Belorussian:
    ëŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    éŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jaŭja (dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{1\}
    Ukrainian:
    jevja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jévnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā]
    Polish:
    jawia `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{2\};
    jewnia (arch.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];
    jownia (arch.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: iouiaH
    Lithuanian:
    jáuja `granary, drying shed, threshing shed' [f ā] 1 \{3\}
    Latvian:
    jaũja `threshing floor' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    jauge `drying shed, barn for braking flax' \{4\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: ieu-iH-eh₂
    IE meaning: granary
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 512
    Comments: It is evident that *evьja is a borrowing from Baltic. The Baltic word is a derivative of the word for `grain', Lith. javaĩ, which lacks a Slavic counterpart. The resyllabification of *iau̯-iā to *iau-i̯ā may account for the metatonical acute tone of both the Lithuanian and the Latvian form, if we assume that the original form was *iau̯-ìā. The East Slavic word *ovinъ apparently underwent the e- > o- shift (I do not share Andersen's objections to Trubačëv's Proto-Slavic reconstruction *evinъ, theoretical though it is).
    Other cognates:
    MoHG jauge (dial.) `barn'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form without -n- has been recorded from 1540 onwards in many different shapes, e.g. ev'ja, jav'ja, evga and javga. According to Anikin (2005: 143), only the form jaŭja is known in the living language. The other forms are limited to areas that were inhabited by Lithuanians.\{2\} Since 1554 many variants have been recorded, e.g. jawia, jawgia, jewia, jowia. \{3\} There are many variants, viz. jáujė, jáujis, jáujas, jáujus. \{4\} The oldest source (1604) has the spelling jawyge (Toporov II: 21).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > evьn̨a

  • 100 ědro

    ědro Grammatical information: n. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `bosom'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 43
    Old Church Slavic:
    jadra `embrace, bosom' [Nompn o]
    Church Slavic:
    jadro `depth, womb, bosom' [Nompn o]
    Czech:
    ňadro `breast, bosom' [n o];
    ňadra `breast, bosom' [Nompn o]
    Old Czech:
    ňadra `breast, bosom' [Nompn o];
    ňádra `breast, bosom' [n o]
    Polish:
    jadro `net' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȅdro `sail' [n o], jèdra [Nom p];
    jèdro (Vuk) `sail' [n o] \{1\};
    Čak. ȉdro `sail' [n o], idrå̃ [Nom p];
    Čak. jȁdro (Novi) `sail' [n o]
    Slovene:
    jádrọ `sail, "bosom" of a net' [n o];
    nẹ̑drọ `bosom' [n o];
    nẹ̑drje `bosom' [n jo], nẹ̑drja `bosom' [Nomp jo]
    Comments: The forms with n- originate from the syntagms *vъn ědra and *vъn ědrěxъ, cf. vь nědrěxъ (Supr. 244, 26)
    Notes:
    \{1\} According to the RJA, the accentuation of jèdro is wrong.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ědro

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