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1 bỳti
bỳti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a \{1\} Proto-Slavic meaning: `be'Page in Trubačev: III 155Old Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:być `be' [verb], będę [1sg]Serbo-Croatian:bȉti `be' [verb];Čak. bȉti (Vrgada) `be' [verb];Čak. bȉti (Orbanići) `be' [verb]Slovene:bíti `be' [verb]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bʔuteiLithuanian:bū́ti `be' [verb]Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: bʰHu-Page in Pokorny: 146Other cognates:Skt. bhávati `be, become';Notes:\{1\} The AP refers to the (perfective) present *bǫdǫ. The present forms that derive from PIE * h₁es- are discussed separately. -
2 děti
I. děti I Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `do, say'Page in Trubačev: IV 229-230Old Church Slavic:dějati `do, say' [verb], dějǫ [1sg];děti sę `get to, disappear' [verb], deždǫ sę [1sg] \{1\};-děti `do, say' [verb], -dějǫ [1sg], -deždǫ [1sg], -děnǫ [1sg]Russian:déjat' (dial.) `do, make' [verb], déju [1sg]Czech:díti (obs.) `speak' [verb]Old Czech:Polish:dziać `weave, knit (arch.), do' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:djȅti `do, say' [verb], djȅdēm [1sg], djȅnēm [1sg];djȅsti (Vuk) `do, say' [verb], djȅdēm [1sg], djȅnēm [1sg]Slovene:dẹjáti `do, say' [verb], dẹ̑jem [1sg];dẹjáti `place, put, do, say' [verb], dẹ̑m [1sg];dẹjáti `place, put' [verb], dẹ́nem [1sg], dę́nem [1sg];dẹ́ti `place, put, do, say' [verb], dẹ̑m [1sg]Lithuanian:dė́ti `lay, put' [verb], dẽda [3ps];Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: dʰeh₁-Page in Pokorny: 235Other cognates:Skt. dádhāti `put, place, make' [verb];Notes:\{1\} The SJS gives děti sę, 1sg. deždǫ sę, 2sg. deždeši sę (Hilf., Venc.). The latter text does not belong to the Old Church Slavic canon. The quoted passages do not show that the present stem dežd- occurs in Hilf. \{2\} In his Old Czech dictionary, Gebauer has děti, děju `do' and děti, děju `speak, say'. In his Czech historical grammar (III.2: 228), however, he says that deju `I speak' is not attested and claims that the attested 1sg. diem is an innovation.II. děti II Grammatical information: Nompf. Proto-Slavic meaning: `children'Page in Trubačev: V 14Old Church Slavic:děti `children' [Nompf]Russian:déti `children' [Nom p]Czech:děti `children' [Nom p]Slovak:Polish:Slovincian:ʒìe̯cä `children' [Nom p]Bulgarian:déti (dial.) `children' [Nom p]Page in Pokorny: 241Comments: A derivative of the root * dʰeh₁-, cf. Latv. dę̂ls `son', dêt `suck'. The singular *dětь is hardly attested. The common singular of the word for `child' is -> *dětę, wehere the suffix *-t- was enlarged with the suffix *-ę < *- ent-, which is frequent in designations of young living creatures.Other cognates: -
3 dojìti
dojìti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `give milk, milk'Page in Trubačev: V 53-54Old Church Slavic:Russian:doít' `milk' [verb], dojú [1sg], doít [3sg];doít' (dial.) `give milk (cow), suckle (calf)' [verb]Czech:Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:dòjiti `breast-feed, suckle, give milk' [verb], dòjīm [1sg];Čak. dojȉti (Vrgada) `breast-feed, suckle, give milk' [verb], dojĩš [2sg];Čak. dojȉt (Orbanići) `suckle, breast-feed' [verb], dojĩ [3sg]Slovene:dojíti `breast-feed, give milk, milk' [verb], dojím [1sg]Bulgarian:dojá `breast-feed, give milk, milk' [verb]Page in Pokorny: 241Comments: The straightfoward analysis * dʰoiH₁-eie meets with several difficulties. In the first place, one would rather expect * dʰoH₁i-eie in view of forms such as Latv. dêt `suck', where we are dealing with an unextended root. This reconstruction would yield * dajati, however. Skt. dáyati `suckle', has been analyzed as * dʰh₁-eie (see LIV: 142), where the same analysis is applied to OSw. dīa), but this reconstruction cannot account the Slavic form. Klingenschmitt (1982: 148) has suggested for both Slavic *dojìti and Go. daddjan that the formation is built on the present stem, i.e. *dʰ(h₁)éie gave rise to *dʰoi̯éi̯e.Other cognates:Skt. dháyati `suck' [verb]; -
4 klěščiti
klěščiti Grammatical information: v.Page in Trubačev: X 22-23Czech:Old Czech:Slovak:Polish:kleścić (dial.) `castrate' [verb], kleszczę [1sg], kleścisz [2sg];Serbo-Croatian:klijèštiti `squeeze' [verb]Comments: Apparently a derivative of -> *klěšča. The ESSJa suggests that forms reflecting * klestiti are analogical after * pustiti, 1sg. *puščǫ. This may very well be correct, but it should be noted that the West Slavic forms with *- šč-, which could be analogical after the present stem or the noun *klěšča, are comparatively recent. -
5 bàviti
bàviti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `be, linger'Page in Trubačev: I 168-170Russian:bávit' (dial.) `linger' [verb]Ukrainian:Czech:Polish:bawić `amuse, be, abide' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:bȁvit (dial.) `be late, linger' [verb];bȁviti se (dial.) `be late, linger' [verb]Slovene:báviti se `occupy oneself with, linger' [verb], bȃvim se [1sg] \{1\}Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: boʔu-iʔ-tei; bʔu-inʔ-teiLithuanian:bùvintis `sojourn' [verb]Indo-European reconstruction: bʰoHu-eie-Page in Pokorny: 146Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} Pleteršnik (I: s.v.) does not indicate the change of tone in the present (o.c. II: I). -
6 ězda
ězda Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `ride'Page in Trubačev: VIII 184-185Church Slavic:Russian:ezdá `ride, drive' [f ā]Czech:jízda `ride, cavalry' [f ā]Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:Slovene:jẹ́zda `riding' [f ā]Bulgarian:jazdá `riding, ride' [f ā];jezdá `riding, ride' [f ā] -
7 čùti
čùti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `sense, feel, notice'Page in Trubačev: IV 134-136Old Church Slavic:Church Slavic:Russian:čújat' `scent, sense, feel' [verb], čúju [1sg], čúet [3sg];Old Russian:Czech:číti `sense, feel' [verb];Old Czech:čúti `sense, feel' [verb];Slovak:Polish:czuć `feel' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:čȕti `hear' [verb], čȕjēm [1sg];Čak. čȕti (Vrgada) `hear, feel, sense' [verb], čȕješ [2sg];Čak. čȕt (Orbanići) `hear, taste, smell' [verb], čȗjen [1sg]Slovene:čúti `hear, be awake' [verb], čújem [1sg] \{1\}Bulgarian:čúja `hear' [verb]Notes:\{1\} Pleteršnik (I: s.v.) incorrectly has a falling tone in the present (see o.c. II: III). -
8 jьměti
jьměti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: c \{1\} Proto-Slavic meaning: `have'Page in Trubačev: VIII 226-227Old Church Slavic:Russian:imét' `have (of abstract possession)' [verb], iméju [1sg]Ukrainian:imíty (dial.) `have' [verb];míty (dial.) `have' [verb]Czech:míti `have' [verb]Old Czech:Polish:mieć `have' [verb];imieć (arch.) `have' [verb]Old Polish:imieć `have' [verb];jemieć `have' [verb];jmieć `have' [verb]Slovincian:mjìe̯c `have' [verb], mȯ́u̯m [1sg]Upper Sorbian:měć `have' [verb]Lower Sorbian:měś `have' [verb]Polabian:Serbo-Croatian:Čak. imȅt (Orbanići) `have' [verb], ȉman [1sg]Slovene:imẹ́ti `have' [verb], imȃm [1sg]Bulgarian:ímam `have' [verb]Indo-European reconstruction: h₁m-Page in Pokorny: 310Other cognates:Notes: -
9 mьglà
mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94Old Church Slavic:Russian:mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]Slovene:mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]Bulgarian:măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláHLithuanian:miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]Latvian:mìegs `sleep' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂IE meaning: mist, cloudPage in Pokorny: 712Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.Other cognates:Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather';Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];Notes: -
10 mьgà
mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94Old Church Slavic:Russian:mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]Slovene:mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]Bulgarian:măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláHLithuanian:miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]Latvian:mìegs `sleep' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂IE meaning: mist, cloudPage in Pokorny: 712Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.Other cognates:Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather';Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];Notes: -
11 miglъ
mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94Old Church Slavic:Russian:mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]Slovene:mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]Bulgarian:măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláHLithuanian:miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]Latvian:mìegs `sleep' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂IE meaning: mist, cloudPage in Pokorny: 712Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.Other cognates:Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather';Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];Notes: -
12 luska
luska Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `peel, shell, pod, scale'Page in Trubačev: XVI 188-191Russian:Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:ljȕska `shell, pod, scale (of fish, reptiles)' [f ā];lȕska (arch.) `skin, shell, pod, scale (of fish), splinter' [f ā];Čak. lūskȁ (Orbanići) `splinter' [f ā], lūskȍ [Accs]Slovene:lȗska `scale, bran' [f ā]Latvian:làuskas2 `flake, dandruff' [Nompf ā]Comments: According to Vaillant, * luska is derived from the verb * luskati < * lup-sk-ati (< * loup-). Though the accentuation of several forms is in conflict with this etymology, its is nevertheless an attractive solution. The East Latvian form làuskas2 may very well differ etymologically from laûska `something broken, potsherd, splinter, the breaker (personification of frost)', which clearly derive from laûzt `break'. This raises the question to what extent *louǵ-sk- may be present in Slavic. -
13 xoditi
xoditi Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `go, walk'Page in Trubačev: VIII 48-49Old Church Slavic:Russian:xodít' `go, walk' [verb], xožú [1sg], xódit [3sg]Czech:Slovak:Polish:chodzić `go, walk' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:hòditi `go, walk' [verb], hȍdīm [1sg];Čak. hodȉti (Vrgada) `go, walk' [verb];Čak. hodȉt (Orbanići) `go, walk' [verb], hȍdin [1sg]Slovene:hóditi `go, walk' [verb], hǫ́dim [Gens]Bulgarian:xódja `go, walk' [verb]Indo-European reconstruction: sod-Certainty: +Page in Pokorny: 884Comments: The initial x is thought to have originated after prefixes triggering the "ruki-rule" (e.g. pri-, u-). In order to explain the absence of the effects of Winter's law, Kortlandt assumes that xoditi replaces a reduplicated present *sizd-, where the law would not apply (Kortlandt 1988: 394).Other cognates: -
14 xȏdъ
xȏdъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `motion, movement'Page in Trubačev: VIII 51-52Old Church Slavic:Russian:Ukrainian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:hȏd `motion, movement, speed' [m o], hȍda [Gens];Čak. hȏd (Vrgada) `motion, movement, speed' [m o], hȍda [Gens];Čak. huȏt (Orbanići) `walk, walking' [m o], hȍda [Gens]Slovene:hòd `motion, movement, walking' [m o], hóda [Gens];hǫ̑d `motion, movement, walking' [m o], hodȃ [Gens]Bulgarian:Certainty: +Page in Pokorny: 884Other cognates:Notes: -
15 dāvàti
dāvàti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `give'Page in Trubačev: IV 197Old Church Slavic:Russian:davát' `give' [verb], dajú [1sg]Czech:dávati `give' [verb]Slovak:dávat' `give' [verb]Polish:dawać `give' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:dávati `give' [verb], dȃjēm [1sg];dávati (Vuk: SW) `give' [verb], dájēm [1sg];dávati `give' [verb], dȃvām [1sg];Čak. då̄vȁti `give' [verb], då̃ješ [2sg];Čak. dāvȁt (Orbanići) `give' [verb], dājȅn [1sg]Slovene:dávati `give' [verb], dávam [1sg]Bulgarian:dávam `give' [verb]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: doʔu̯aʔ-Latvian:dãvât `give (iter.)' [verb]Page in Pokorny: 223Comments: The secondary je-present dajǫ is built on the aorist stem. The long non-acute root vowel of the imperfective iteratives in - dāvati can be traced to a perfect form * dh₃-ēu (Kortlandt 1989: 111).Other cognates:Skt. dádāti `give' [verb]; -
16 dàti
dàti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `give'Page in Trubačev: IV 194-195Old Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:dáti `give' [verb]Old Czech:dáti `give' [verb], dám [1sg], dáš [2sg], dádie [3pl]Slovak:dáti (OSlk.) `give' [verb];Polish:Serbo-Croatian:dȁti `give' [verb], dȃm [1sg], dámo [1pl];Čak. dȁti (Vrgada) `give' [verb], då̃š [2sg], då̑dȅš [2sg];Čak. dȁt (Orbanići) `give' [verb], dãn [1sg], dāmȍ [1pl]Slovene:dáti `give' [verb], dám [1sg]Bulgarian:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: doʔtei; doʔd-mi [1sg]Lithuanian:dúoti `give' [verb]Latvian:Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: deh₃-; didh₃-IE meaning: givePage in Pokorny: 223Comments: In the reduplicated present the first element became acute as a result of Winter's law.Other cognates:Skt. dádāti `give' [verb]; -
17 žę̄dàti
žę̄dàti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `wish, desire'Old Church Slavic:žędati `wish, long for, desire' [verb], žęždǫ [1sg]Russian:žadát' (dial.) `thirst for' [verb], žadáju [1sg]Czech:žádati `ask, demand' [verb]Slovak:Polish:żądać `demand' [verb]Upper Sorbian:žadać `wish, desire, demand' [verb]Lower Sorbian:žedaś `demand' [verb]Lithuanian:pasigèsti `miss' [verb], pasigeñda [3ps]Comments: The nasal of the Slavic root must have originated from a nasal present, cf. Lith. -geñda.Other cognates: -
18 žędьnъ
žędьnъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `avid, greedy'Russian:žádnyj `greedy, avaricious' [adj o];žáden `greedy, avaricious' [adj o], žadná [Nomsf], žádno [Nomsn]Czech:žádný (obs.) `avid' [adj o]Polish:żądny `eager, anxious' [adj o]Serbo-Croatian:žédan `thirsty' [adj o], žédna [Nomsf], žédno [Nomsn];Čak. žȇdan (Vrgada) `thirsty' [adj o], žēdnȁ [Nomsf], žȇdno [Nomsn]Slovene:žę́dǝn `thirsty' [adj o]Bulgarian:žáden `thirsty' [adj o];žắden `thirsty' [adj o];žéden (dial.) `thirsty' [adj o]Comments: The nasal of the Slavic root must have originated from a nasal present, cf. Lith. -geñda.Other cognates: -
19 želàti
želě̀ti II; želàti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a \{1\} Proto-Slavic meaning: `wish, want'Old Church Slavic:želěti `wish, want' [verb], želějǫ [1sg];Russian:želát' `wish, want' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:žèljeti `wish, want, desire' [verb], žèlīm [1sg];Čak. želȉti (Vrgada) `wish, want, desire' [verb], želĩš [2sg];Čak. želȉt (Hvar) `wish, want, desire' [verb], želín [1sg];Čak. želȅt (Orbanići) `wish, want, desire' [verb], želĩn [1sg]Slovene:želẹ́ti `wish, want' [verb], želím [1sg]Bulgarian:želája `wish, want' [verb]Indo-European reconstruction: gʷʰel-Page in Pokorny: 489Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} The Serbo-Croatian and Slovene i-present is mobile.
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