-
21 līcè
līcè Grammatical information: n. jo Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `cheek, face'Page in Trubačev: XV 75-78Old Church Slavic:Russian:licó `face, person' [n o]Old Russian:Czech:líce `face, (lit.) cheek' [n o]Old Czech:líce `cheek' [n o]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:líce `face, appearance' [n o];Čak. līcȅ (Vrgada: obs.) `face, appearance' [n o], lȉca [Nom p];Čak. līcȅ (Novi) `face, appearance' [n o], líca [Nom p];Čak. līcȅ (Orbanići) `cheek' [n o], lĩca [Nom p]Slovene:líce `cheek, face' [n o]Bulgarian:licé `face, appearance, person' [n o]Old Prussian:laygnan (EV) `cheek'Comments: Since the third palatalization is generally considered not to have operated after *ei, one may advance the hypothesis that the root originally had zero grade.Other cognates: -
22 mělь
mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. oPage in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168Old Church Slavic:měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]Russian:Czech:měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]Old Czech:měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]Slovene:mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-Lithuanian:smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-Certainty: +Page in Pokorny: 717Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).Other cognates:Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank';Notes:\{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root. -
23 mělъ
mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. oPage in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168Old Church Slavic:měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]Russian:Czech:měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]Old Czech:měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]Slovene:mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-Lithuanian:smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-Certainty: +Page in Pokorny: 717Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).Other cognates:Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank';Notes:\{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root. -
24 modrъ
modrъ Grammatical information: adj. oPage in Trubačev: XIX, 101-104Church Slavic:Czech:modrý `blue' [adj o]Slovak:modrý `blue' [adj o]Polish:Slovincian:modrḯ `blue' [adj o]Upper Sorbian:módry `blue' [adj o]Serbo-Croatian:mȍdar `blue' [adj o], mȍdra [Nomsf], mȍdro [Nomsn];mòdar (Croat.) `blue' [adj o], mòdra [Nomsf], mòdro [Nomsn]Slovene:mǫ́dǝr `blue' [adj o], módra [Nomsf] -
25 netopyr'ь
netopyr'ь Grammatical information: m. jo Proto-Slavic meaning: `bat'Page in Trubačev: XXIV 143-145Church Slavic:Russian:netopýr' `bat' [m jo], netopyrjá [Gens];nétopyr' (dial.) `bat' [m jo]Ukrainian:netopýr `bat' [m o]Czech:netopýr `bat' [m o]Old Czech:netopýř `bat' [m o]Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:Upper Sorbian:njetopyŕ `bat' [m o]Slovene:netopír `bat' [m jo], netopírja [Gens] \{1\}Comments: What makes this etymon interesting, is the fact that it may contain * neto- < *nekwto- `night', with e-grade as in Hitt. nekuz `at night'. Vaillant (Gr. I: 83, IV: 655) reconstructs original o-grade, however. The second element is often interpreted as * pyrь `flier', with a lengthened zero grade (-> * pariti, * pьrati). A reanalysis * ne-topyrь seems only possible for East Slavic (Ru. ne `not', topýrit' `bristle'). According to Vaillant (l.c.), * pyrь has replaced original * pirь under the influence of the suffix *- yrь, which originated in borrowings from Greek (cf. Ru. psaltýr').Notes:\{1\} Pleteršnik mentions a large number of variants: natopír, nadopę́r, matopír, matofír, letopír, latopír, dopír, dupír, nadopir (Meg. 1744). -
26 olьxa
olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82Russian:ol'xá `alder' [f ā];ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:Bulgarian:elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-Lithuanian:al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1Latvian:àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂IE meaning: alderCertainty: -Page in Pokorny: 302-303Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).Other cognates:OIc. ǫlr `alder', jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}Notes:\{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively. -
27 elьxa
olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82Russian:ol'xá `alder' [f ā];ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:Bulgarian:elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-Lithuanian:al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1Latvian:àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂IE meaning: alderCertainty: -Page in Pokorny: 302-303Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).Other cognates:OIc. ǫlr `alder', jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}Notes:\{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively. -
28 òrdlo
òrdlo Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `plough'Page in Trubačev: XXXII 141-145Old Church Slavic:Russian:rálo `plough' [n o]Czech:rádlo `plough' [n o]Slovak:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Lower Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:rȁlo `plough' [n o]Slovene:rálọ `small plough' [n o]Bulgarian:rálo `plough' [n o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: árʔdlo; árʔtloLithuanian:árklas `plough' [m o] 3Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₂rh₃-dʰlomIE meaning: ploughPage in Pokorny: 62Comments: In Balto-Slavic (or in Baltic and Slavic independently), zero grade of the root (cf. Lith. ìrklas `oar') was apparently replaced by full grade after the verb `to plough'. The fixed stress on the root must result from Hirt's law.Other cognates:Notes: -
29 pȳtàti
pȳtàti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `ask, examine'Old Church Slavic:Russian:pytát' `torture, torment, try for' [verb], pytáju [1sg]Czech:\{1\}Slovak:pýtat' `ask' [verb]Polish:pytać `ask' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:pítati `ask' [verb];Čak. pītȁti (Vrgada) `ask' [verb], pĩtå̄š [2sg];Čak. pītȁt (Orbanići) `ask, request' [verb], pĩtan [1sg]Slovene:pítati `ask' [verb], pȋtam [1sg]Bulgarian:pítam `ask' [verb]Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} An interesting form is Cz. ptáti se `ask, inquire', which seems to have a unique zero grade. -
30 sě̀nь
sě̀nь Grammatical information: f. i Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `shadow'Old Church Slavic:sěnь `shadow' [f i]Russian:Czech:síň `(entrance) hall' [f i]Old Czech:sieň `(entrance) hall' [f i]Slovak:sieň `(entrance) hall' [f i]Polish:sień `(entrance) hall' [f i]Serbo-Croatian:sjȅn `shadow' [m o]Latvian:seĩja (dial.) `face' [f ā];Other cognates:Skt. chāyā́- (RV+) `shadow, reflection' [f ā];Gk. σκιά̑ `shadow' [f];Notes:\{1\} The *s- was adopted from forms with zero grade of the root, cf. *sijati. -
31 vъpìti
vъpìti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `cry out'Old Church Slavic:Russian:vopít' `cry out, wail' [verb], vopljú [1sg], vopít [3sg]Czech:úpěti `wail, howl' [verb]Old Czech:úpiti `wail, howl' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:vàpiti `cry out, summon' [verb], vàpijēm [1sg];ùpiti `cry out, summon' [verb], ùpijēm [1sg];Čak. vȁpiti (Vrgada) `summon' [verb], vȁpīš [2sg]Slovene:vpíti `cry out, call' [verb], vpȋjem [1sg]Latvian:Other cognates: -
32 vъtorъjь
vъtorъjь Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `second, secondaryOld Church Slavic:Russian:vtorój `second, secondary' [num o] \{2\}Ukrainian:vtóryj `second, secondary' [num o]Polish:wtóry (arch.) `second, secondary' [num o]Slovene:vtóri `second' [num o]Indo-European reconstruction: (h1)ui-tor-o-Comments: The PIE form may have had initial *h₁- < *d- as a result of dissimilation before a following dental. It is not very likely that the PIE form was *n-toro-, with an unparallelled zero grade of the root reflected in Lith. añtras `second', etc.Other cognates:Skt. vitarám (RV) `again, further' [adv];Notes: -
33 želza
želza Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b? Proto-Slavic meaning: `gland'Church Slavic:žlěza `gland' [f ā]Russian:železá `gland' [f ā], žélezy [Nom p];žélezo `tumour (neck, throat, groin)' [n o];zélezy (dial.) `glands' [Nompf ā];zolozá (dial.) `gland, tumour on the neck' [f ā];zolóza `gland' [f ā]Belorussian:zalóza `gland' [f ā]Ukrainian:záloza `gland' [f ā]Czech:žláza `gland' [f ā]Old Czech:žléza `gland' [f ā];žláza `gland' [f ā]Slovak:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Lower Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:žlijèzda `gland' [f ā]Slovene:žlẹ́za `gland' [f ā]Bulgarian:žlezá `gland' [f ā]Lithuanian:Indo-European reconstruction: gʰelǵʰ-eh₂Comments: The Polish and Sorbian forms seem to reflect a zero grade.Other cognates:Arm. geɫjk` `glands'
- 1
- 2
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