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  • 21 Language

       Philosophy is written in that great book, the universe, which is always open, right before our eyes. But one cannot understand this book without first learning to understand the language and to know the characters in which it is written. It is written in the language of mathematics, and the characters are triangles, circles, and other figures. Without these, one cannot understand a single word of it, and just wanders in a dark labyrinth. (Galileo, 1990, p. 232)
       It never happens that it [a nonhuman animal] arranges its speech in various ways in order to reply appropriately to everything that may be said in its presence, as even the lowest type of man can do. (Descartes, 1970a, p. 116)
       It is a very remarkable fact that there are none so depraved and stupid, without even excepting idiots, that they cannot arrange different words together, forming of them a statement by which they make known their thoughts; while, on the other hand, there is no other animal, however perfect and fortunately circumstanced it may be, which can do the same. (Descartes, 1967, p. 116)
       Human beings do not live in the object world alone, nor alone in the world of social activity as ordinarily understood, but are very much at the mercy of the particular language which has become the medium of expression for their society. It is quite an illusion to imagine that one adjusts to reality essentially without the use of language and that language is merely an incidental means of solving specific problems of communication or reflection. The fact of the matter is that the "real world" is to a large extent unconsciously built on the language habits of the group.... We see and hear and otherwise experience very largely as we do because the language habits of our community predispose certain choices of interpretation. (Sapir, 1921, p. 75)
       It powerfully conditions all our thinking about social problems and processes.... No two languages are ever sufficiently similar to be considered as representing the same social reality. The worlds in which different societies live are distinct worlds, not merely the same worlds with different labels attached. (Sapir, 1985, p. 162)
       [A list of language games, not meant to be exhaustive:]
       Giving orders, and obeying them- Describing the appearance of an object, or giving its measurements- Constructing an object from a description (a drawing)Reporting an eventSpeculating about an eventForming and testing a hypothesisPresenting the results of an experiment in tables and diagramsMaking up a story; and reading itPlay actingSinging catchesGuessing riddlesMaking a joke; and telling it
       Solving a problem in practical arithmeticTranslating from one language into another
       LANGUAGE Asking, thanking, cursing, greeting, and praying-. (Wittgenstein, 1953, Pt. I, No. 23, pp. 11 e-12 e)
       We dissect nature along lines laid down by our native languages.... The world is presented in a kaleidoscopic flux of impressions which has to be organized by our minds-and this means largely by the linguistic systems in our minds.... No individual is free to describe nature with absolute impartiality but is constrained to certain modes of interpretation even while he thinks himself most free. (Whorf, 1956, pp. 153, 213-214)
       We dissect nature along the lines laid down by our native languages.
       The categories and types that we isolate from the world of phenomena we do not find there because they stare every observer in the face; on the contrary, the world is presented in a kaleidoscopic flux of impressions which has to be organized by our minds-and this means largely by the linguistic systems in our minds.... We are thus introduced to a new principle of relativity, which holds that all observers are not led by the same physical evidence to the same picture of the universe, unless their linguistic backgrounds are similar or can in some way be calibrated. (Whorf, 1956, pp. 213-214)
       9) The Forms of a Person's Thoughts Are Controlled by Unperceived Patterns of His Own Language
       The forms of a person's thoughts are controlled by inexorable laws of pattern of which he is unconscious. These patterns are the unperceived intricate systematizations of his own language-shown readily enough by a candid comparison and contrast with other languages, especially those of a different linguistic family. (Whorf, 1956, p. 252)
       It has come to be commonly held that many utterances which look like statements are either not intended at all, or only intended in part, to record or impart straightforward information about the facts.... Many traditional philosophical perplexities have arisen through a mistake-the mistake of taking as straightforward statements of fact utterances which are either (in interesting non-grammatical ways) nonsensical or else intended as something quite different. (Austin, 1962, pp. 2-3)
       In general, one might define a complex of semantic components connected by logical constants as a concept. The dictionary of a language is then a system of concepts in which a phonological form and certain syntactic and morphological characteristics are assigned to each concept. This system of concepts is structured by several types of relations. It is supplemented, furthermore, by redundancy or implicational rules..., representing general properties of the whole system of concepts.... At least a relevant part of these general rules is not bound to particular languages, but represents presumably universal structures of natural languages. They are not learned, but are rather a part of the human ability to acquire an arbitrary natural language. (Bierwisch, 1970, pp. 171-172)
       In studying the evolution of mind, we cannot guess to what extent there are physically possible alternatives to, say, transformational generative grammar, for an organism meeting certain other physical conditions characteristic of humans. Conceivably, there are none-or very few-in which case talk about evolution of the language capacity is beside the point. (Chomsky, 1972, p. 98)
       [It is] truth value rather than syntactic well-formedness that chiefly governs explicit verbal reinforcement by parents-which renders mildly paradoxical the fact that the usual product of such a training schedule is an adult whose speech is highly grammatical but not notably truthful. (R. O. Brown, 1973, p. 330)
       he conceptual base is responsible for formally representing the concepts underlying an utterance.... A given word in a language may or may not have one or more concepts underlying it.... On the sentential level, the utterances of a given language are encoded within a syntactic structure of that language. The basic construction of the sentential level is the sentence.
       The next highest level... is the conceptual level. We call the basic construction of this level the conceptualization. A conceptualization consists of concepts and certain relations among those concepts. We can consider that both levels exist at the same point in time and that for any unit on one level, some corresponding realizate exists on the other level. This realizate may be null or extremely complex.... Conceptualizations may relate to other conceptualizations by nesting or other specified relationships. (Schank, 1973, pp. 191-192)
       The mathematics of multi-dimensional interactive spaces and lattices, the projection of "computer behavior" on to possible models of cerebral functions, the theoretical and mechanical investigation of artificial intelligence, are producing a stream of sophisticated, often suggestive ideas.
       But it is, I believe, fair to say that nothing put forward until now in either theoretic design or mechanical mimicry comes even remotely in reach of the most rudimentary linguistic realities. (Steiner, 1975, p. 284)
       The step from the simple tool to the master tool, a tool to make tools (what we would now call a machine tool), seems to me indeed to parallel the final step to human language, which I call reconstitution. It expresses in a practical and social context the same understanding of hierarchy, and shows the same analysis by function as a basis for synthesis. (Bronowski, 1977, pp. 127-128)
        t is the language donn eґ in which we conduct our lives.... We have no other. And the danger is that formal linguistic models, in their loosely argued analogy with the axiomatic structure of the mathematical sciences, may block perception.... It is quite conceivable that, in language, continuous induction from simple, elemental units to more complex, realistic forms is not justified. The extent and formal "undecidability" of context-and every linguistic particle above the level of the phoneme is context-bound-may make it impossible, except in the most abstract, meta-linguistic sense, to pass from "pro-verbs," "kernals," or "deep deep structures" to actual speech. (Steiner, 1975, pp. 111-113)
       A higher-level formal language is an abstract machine. (Weizenbaum, 1976, p. 113)
       Jakobson sees metaphor and metonymy as the characteristic modes of binarily opposed polarities which between them underpin the two-fold process of selection and combination by which linguistic signs are formed.... Thus messages are constructed, as Saussure said, by a combination of a "horizontal" movement, which combines words together, and a "vertical" movement, which selects the particular words from the available inventory or "inner storehouse" of the language. The combinative (or syntagmatic) process manifests itself in contiguity (one word being placed next to another) and its mode is metonymic. The selective (or associative) process manifests itself in similarity (one word or concept being "like" another) and its mode is metaphoric. The "opposition" of metaphor and metonymy therefore may be said to represent in effect the essence of the total opposition between the synchronic mode of language (its immediate, coexistent, "vertical" relationships) and its diachronic mode (its sequential, successive, lineal progressive relationships). (Hawkes, 1977, pp. 77-78)
       It is striking that the layered structure that man has given to language constantly reappears in his analyses of nature. (Bronowski, 1977, p. 121)
       First, [an ideal intertheoretic reduction] provides us with a set of rules"correspondence rules" or "bridge laws," as the standard vernacular has it-which effect a mapping of the terms of the old theory (T o) onto a subset of the expressions of the new or reducing theory (T n). These rules guide the application of those selected expressions of T n in the following way: we are free to make singular applications of their correspondencerule doppelgangers in T o....
       Second, and equally important, a successful reduction ideally has the outcome that, under the term mapping effected by the correspondence rules, the central principles of T o (those of semantic and systematic importance) are mapped onto general sentences of T n that are theorems of Tn. (P. Churchland, 1979, p. 81)
       If non-linguistic factors must be included in grammar: beliefs, attitudes, etc. [this would] amount to a rejection of the initial idealization of language as an object of study. A priori such a move cannot be ruled out, but it must be empirically motivated. If it proves to be correct, I would conclude that language is a chaos that is not worth studying.... Note that the question is not whether beliefs or attitudes, and so on, play a role in linguistic behavior and linguistic judgments... [but rather] whether distinct cognitive structures can be identified, which interact in the real use of language and linguistic judgments, the grammatical system being one of these. (Chomsky, 1979, pp. 140, 152-153)
        23) Language Is Inevitably Influenced by Specific Contexts of Human Interaction
       Language cannot be studied in isolation from the investigation of "rationality." It cannot afford to neglect our everyday assumptions concerning the total behavior of a reasonable person.... An integrational linguistics must recognize that human beings inhabit a communicational space which is not neatly compartmentalized into language and nonlanguage.... It renounces in advance the possibility of setting up systems of forms and meanings which will "account for" a central core of linguistic behavior irrespective of the situation and communicational purposes involved. (Harris, 1981, p. 165)
       By innate [linguistic knowledge], Chomsky simply means "genetically programmed." He does not literally think that children are born with language in their heads ready to be spoken. He merely claims that a "blueprint is there, which is brought into use when the child reaches a certain point in her general development. With the help of this blueprint, she analyzes the language she hears around her more readily than she would if she were totally unprepared for the strange gabbling sounds which emerge from human mouths. (Aitchison, 1987, p. 31)
       Looking at ourselves from the computer viewpoint, we cannot avoid seeing that natural language is our most important "programming language." This means that a vast portion of our knowledge and activity is, for us, best communicated and understood in our natural language.... One could say that natural language was our first great original artifact and, since, as we increasingly realize, languages are machines, so natural language, with our brains to run it, was our primal invention of the universal computer. One could say this except for the sneaking suspicion that language isn't something we invented but something we became, not something we constructed but something in which we created, and recreated, ourselves. (Leiber, 1991, p. 8)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Language

  • 22 m|ieć

    impf (mam, masz) Ⅰ vt 1. (posiadać) (na własność) to have (got), to own [dom, samochód, mikrofalówkę]; (do dyspozycji) to have (got); (prowadzić) to run [firmę, warsztat]
    - mają dom na wsi they have a. own a house in the country
    - miał po ojcu warsztat samochodowy he had a. owned a garage left to him by his father
    - nasze muzeum ma dużą kolekcję impresjonistów our museum has (got) a large collection of Impressionist paintings
    - mam dla ciebie prezent/tę książkę o kotach I’ve got a present/that book about cats for you
    - miał wszystkiego dwie pary butów he only had two pairs of shoes
    - ubrała się w to, co miała she put on what she had
    - nie mam psa I don’t have a. I haven’t got a dog
    - nie mamy ani telewizora, ani pralki we have neither a TV nor a washing machine
    - wydawnictwo nie ma funduszy na zatrudnienie specjalisty the publishers can’t afford to employ a specialist
    - nie mam nic do jedzenia I’ve got nothing to eat, I don’t have anything to eat
    - czy oni mają namiot? have they got a tent?, do they have a tent?
    - masz scyzoryk? have you got a penknife?
    - czy ma pan bagaż? have you got any luggage?
    - czy macie gaz? have you got gas?
    - mieć coś przy sobie to have sth on one
    - masz przy sobie jakieś drobne? have you got any change on you?
    - gdzie masz klucze/moją książkę? what have you done with the keys/my book?
    - gdzie masz rower? where’s your bike? pot.
    - mieć na coś to have money for sth
    - miałem tylko na jedno piwo I only had for one beer
    - (on) ma na przyjemności, a nie ma na lekarza he has money to spend on pleasures, but he can’t afford a doctor
    - nie miał na nowe buty, a co dopiero na samochód he couldn’t afford a pair of new shoes, let alone a car
    - mieć za co coś zrobić to have enough money to do sth, to be able to afford to do sth
    - nie mieli za co wyjechać na wakacje they didn’t have enough to go on holiday, they couldn’t afford to go on holiday
    - nie mają z czego żyć they don’t have enough to live on
    - jak masz na imię? what’s your name?
    - mam na imię Maria my name’s Maria
    - (on) ma na nazwisko Nowak his (sur)name is Nowak
    - mieć coś na sobie to have sth on, to be wearing sth
    - miał (na sobie) granatowy garnitur he had a blue suit on, he was wearing a blue suit
    - na głowie miała kapelusz, na szyi biały szalik she had a hat on her head and a white scarf round her neck
    - mieć kogoś u siebie (gościć) to have sb staying with one
    - od tygodnia mamy u siebie teściów we’ve had my in-laws (staying) with us for the past week
    - jeśli Legia wygra, mam u ciebie piwo! you owe me a beer if Legia win(s)
    - masz!/macie! (weź/weźcie) here!
    - macie kanapki, jedzcie! here’s the sandwiches, eat up! pot.
    - masz, włóż to na siebie! here, put this on!
    - (a) masz! (zadając razy) take that!
    - (a) masz za to, że kłamiesz, a masz, a masz! (and) take that for lying! and that! and that! pot.
    - masz za swoje! (dobrze ci tak) serves you right!
    - ma za swoje, że jest taki naiwny it serves him right for being so naive
    - mamy teraz za swoje dobre serce! that’s the thanks we get for being nice a. for all our kindness!
    - masz ci (los) a. masz tobie! blast (it)! pot., damn (it)! pot.
    - masz ci los, zapomniałam parasola! blast, I’ve forgotten my umbrella!
    - masz go/ją/ich! (wyrażające zaskoczenie) just look at him/her/them!
    - masz go, jaki mądrala! look at him, Mr Clever Dick! GB pot.
    2. (liczyć sobie) to be
    - mieć dwadzieścia lat to be twenty (years old)
    - ile ona ma lat? how old is she?
    - mieć dwa metry wzrostu/wysokości to be two metres tall/high
    - mieć sześć metrów głębokości/szerokości/długości to be six metres deep/wide/long
    - pokój ma sześć metrów na pięć the room is six by five metres
    - dom będzie miał siedem pięter the house will be seven storeys high a. will have seven storeys
    - kilometr ma tysiąc metrów one kilometre is a thousand metres
    3. (posiadać jako cechę) to have (got)
    - pokój ma dwa okna the room has two windows
    - miał niebieskie oczy/siwe włosy he had blue eyes/grey hair
    - miała dziurawe buty she had holes in her shoes
    - kubek ma wyszczerbiony brzeg the mug’s rim is chipped
    - miała męża Włocha/inżyniera her husband was Italian/an engineer
    - mieć talent/cierpliwość/odwagę to have talent/patience/courage
    - nie mieć talentu/cierpliwości/odwagi to lack talent/patience/courage
    - mieć takt/rozsądek to be tactful/sensible
    - mieć (swoje) wady i zalety to have one’s good and bad points
    - zasłony mają kolor wiśni the curtains are cherry red in colour
    - działka ma kształt prostokąta a. prostokątny the allotment is rectangular (in shape)
    - jej perfumy miały słodkawy zapach/zapach konwalii her scent was sweet smelling/smelled of lily of the valley
    - urodę miała po matce, a talent po ojcu her looks came from her mother and her talent from her father
    - za całe umeblowanie pokój miał zdezelowany stół the only piece of furniture in the room was a rickety table
    - mieć w sobie coś (być interesującym) to have a certain something
    - on ma w sobie coś z dziecka/roztargnionego profesora there is something of the child/the absent-minded professor in a. about him
    - nie mieć nic do czegoś to have nothing to do with sth
    - jej wyjazd nie ma nic do naszych planów her going away has nothing to do with our plans
    - marzenia mają to do siebie, że rzadko się spełniają the thing about dreams is that they rarely come true
    - miała to do siebie, że zawsze się spóźniała the thing about her was that she was always late
    4. (o stanie fizycznym i psychicznym) to have [grypę, gruźlicę, trudności]; to feel [ochotę, żal]; to have, to bear [urazę]
    - mieć gorączkę a. temperaturę to have a. be running a temperature
    - mieć 39° gorączki to have a temperature of 39 degrees
    - mieć złamaną nogę to have a broken leg
    - mieć częste bóle głowy to have frequent headaches
    - mieć pragnienie to be thirsty
    - mieć dobry apetyt to have a good a. hearty appetite
    - mieć wadę a. defekt to have a defect
    - mieć gumę pot. (w samochodzie) to have a flat pot.
    - mam nadzieję, że… I hope that…
    - mieć ochotę coś zrobić to feel like doing sth
    - miała ochotę płakać she felt like crying
    - mieć przekonanie/pewność, że… to be convinced/sure a. certain that…
    - mieć kogoś/czegoś dość a. dosyć to have had enough of sb/sth, to be fed up with sb/sth
    - mam tego powyżej uszu a. po dziurki w nosie! pot. I’ve had it up to here! pot.
    - mieć coś wypisane w oczach a. na czole a. na twarzy to have sth written all over one’s face
    - miała winę wypisaną na twarzy she had guilt written all over her face
    5. (o relacjach między ludźmi) to have [syna, córkę, przyjaciół, wrogów]
    - to dziecko nie ma matki/ojca this boy/girl has no mother/father
    - ona nie ma rodzeństwa she has no brothers or sisters
    - ona będzie miała dziecko she’s going to have a. she’s expecting a baby
    - miała z nim dwóch synów she had two sons by him
    - miał za żonę piekielnicę his wife was a real she-devil a. spitfire
    - nie miał do kogo zwrócić się o pomoc he had no-one to turn to for help
    - mieć kogoś przy sobie a. obok siebie a. przy boku to have sb at one’s side
    - mieć kogoś/coś na uwadze a. na względzie to have sb/sth in mind, to take sb/sth into consideration
    - mieć z kimś porachunki to have a bone to pick with sb
    - mieć kogoś/coś przeciwko sobie to have sb/sth against one
    - miał przeciwko sobie opinię publiczną public opinion was against him
    - mieć przyjemność/zaszczyt coś zrobić książk. to have the pleasure/honour to do a. of doing sth
    - miałem zaszczyt poznać pańskich rodziców I had the honour of meeting your parents
    - mam przyjemność przedstawić państwu naszego gościa I have the pleasure of introducing our guest
    - z kim mam przyjemność? książk. to whom do I have the honour of speaking? książk., także iron.
    - mieć coś/nie mieć nic przeciwko komuś/czemuś to have something/nothing against sb/sth
    - mieć coś do kogoś pot. to have something against sb
    - do ciebie nic nie mam I’ve got nothing against you
    - mieć coś na kogoś to have the goods a. the dope on sb pot.
    - niczego na mnie nie mają they’ve got nothing on me pot.
    - mam z nią do pomówienia a. pogadania I need to have a (serious) talk with her
    - mieć kogoś nad sobą to have sb above one
    - kierownik ma nad sobą dyrektora, a dyrektor – zarząd the manager answers to the director and the director answers to the board
    - mieć kogoś pod sobą to be in charge of sb
    - (ona) ma pod sobą dwudziestu pracowników she’s in charge of a staff of twenty
    - kapral miał pod sobą dziesięciu żołnierzy the corporal had ten men under his command a. under him
    - mieć kogoś za sobą (być popieranym) to have sb behind one, to have sb’s backing
    - mieli za sobą większość the majority was a. were behind them, they had the majority behind them
    - mieć kogoś za głupca to take sb for a fool
    - ich zachowanie mam za nieco naiwne I consider their behaviour rather naive
    - za kogo pan mnie ma! who do you take me for!, who do you think I am!
    - mieć w kimś rywala/sojusznika to have a rival/an ally in sb
    - mieć kogoś pot. (być związanym z kimś) to have somebody, to be involved with somebody
    - chwalił się, że miał je wszystkie pot. (odbył stosunek) he boasted of having had them all pot.
    - płacą tak dużo, że mogą mieć każdego they pay so much they can take on a. hire anyone they like
    6. (znajdować się w jakiejś sytuacji) to have (got) [długi, posadę, połączenie]
    - mam dobrą komunikację do pracy I’ve got good connections to work
    - centrum miasta ma dobrą komunikację z przedmieściami there are good connections from the city centre to the suburbs
    - mieć słuszność a. rację to be right
    - mieć ciepło/przytulnie to be warm/cosy
    - owinęła dziecko szalem, żeby miało ciepło she put a scarf round the baby to keep him/her warm
    - mam daleko/blisko do szkoły I have a long way/I don’t have far to go to school
    - ty to masz dobrze, nie musisz wstawać o siódmej it’s alright for you, you don’t have to get up at seven (a.m.)
    - mieliśmy tu wczoraj burzę/śnieżycę we had a storm/snowstorm here yesterday
    - mamy dziś słoneczną pogodę it’s sunny today
    - mam dziś kiepski dzień I’m having one of those days (today)
    - kłopotów z nim miałam co niemiara I’ve had no end of trouble with him
    - co ja z tobą mam? what am I to do with you?
    - jest całkiem młoda, chciałaby jeszcze mieć coś z życia she’s still very young, she’d like to get something out of life pot.
    - (on) haruje od świtu do nocy i co z tego ma? he slaves away from morning to night, and what does he have to show for it?
    - miał przed sobą kilka godzin marszu he had several hours of walking ahead of a. in front of him
    - miała przed sobą trudną rozmowę z szefem she had a difficult conversation with the boss ahead of her
    - mieć przed sobą przyszłość to have a (bright) future ahead of a. before one
    - miał przed sobą karierę he had a brilliant career ahead of a. in front of him
    - mieć coś za a. poza sobą to have sth behind one
    - ma za sobą trzyletnie doświadczenie he has three years’ experience behind him
    - mam już to wszystko za sobą all that is behind me now
    - mam co robić, nie nudzę się I’ve got things to do, I don’t sit around
    - nie mieć gdzie mieszkać/spać to have nowhere to live/sleep
    - nie mam gdzie przenocować I have nowhere to spend the night
    - nie mieć kiedy spać/jeść/odpocząć to not have time to sleep/eat/relax
    - nie mają kiedy w ścianach wiercić, tylko w niedzielę! of course, they have to drill holes in the wall on a Sunday!
    - mieć czas to have time (coś zrobić to do sth)
    - nie miałem czasu zająć się twoją sprawą I didn’t have time to deal with your problem
    - na napisanie wypracowania macie godzinę you have an hour to write the essay
    - nie miałeś mi tu kogo przyprowadzić!? why did you have to bring him/her/them here (of all people)?!
    - mieć coś/nie mieć nic do powiedzenia (dużo/mało wiedzieć) to have something/nothing to say (na temat kogoś/czegoś about sb/sth)
    - mieć coś/nie mieć nic do powiedzenia a. gadania pot. (o decydującym głosie) to have a say/no say
    - ona nie ma w tej sprawie nic do powiedzenia a. gadania she has no say in the matter
    - nie mamy już sobie nic więcej do powiedzenia we’ve got nothing more to say to each other
    - mieć zły/dobry czas Sport to have a poor/good a. fast time
    - mieć pierwsze/dziesiąte miejsce Sport to come first/tenth, to be in first/tenth place
    - mam z nią wielką wygodę, sprząta, robi mi zakupy she’s a great help to me: she cleans and does my shopping
    - nie masz co narzekać you’ve got nothing to complain about
    - nie masz co się denerwować there’s no reason (for you) to get upset
    - nie masz czego a. co żałować, film był kiepski you didn’t miss much: the film was hopeless
    - w domu nie masz co się pokazywać you’d better not show your face at home pot.
    7. (brać udział) to have [zebranie, koncert, egzamin, próbę]
    - (on) ma teraz naradę ze swym zastępcą he’s in conference at the moment with his deputy
    - mieć sprawę a. proces to be on trial (o coś/o zrobienie czegoś for sth/for doing sth)
    - ma sprawę a. proces o zabójstwo/spowodowanie wypadku samochodowego he’s on trial for murder/causing a car accident
    8. (ukończyć etap nauki) to have, to hold [dyplom, tytuł]
    - mieć studia a. wyższe wykształcenie to have completed higher education
    - mój ojciec miał tylko cztery klasy my father only did four years at school
    - miał już zawód i mógł rozpocząć samodzielne życie he’d completed his training and could now start his own life
    - miał dwa fakultety he had graduated in two subjects
    9. (znaleźć się w określonym miejscu lub czasie) wreszcie mamy stację here’s the station at last
    - mamy drugi tydzień zimy it’s the second week of winter
    - którego dziś mamy? what’s the date today?
    - mamy dziś pierwszy stycznia/poniedziałek it’s January the 1st/Monday today
    - którą masz godzinę? what time do you make it? pot.; what’s the time by your watch?
    - mieć kogoś/coś po prawej/lewej stronie to have sb/sth on one’s right/left
    - miał przed/za sobą dwóch strażników he had a. there were two guards in front of him/behind him
    Ⅱ v aux. 1. (dla wyrażenia powinności) macie teraz spać you’re to a. you have to (get off to) sleep now
    - masz to zrobić natychmiast! you’re to do it right now!
    - co mam zrobić/jej powiedzieć? what am I (supposed) to do/tell her?
    - po co się mam wysilać? why should I bother?, why should I make the effort?
    - masz tego nikomu nie powtarzać! (and) don’t go repeating a. telling it to anyone!
    - i ja mam w to uwierzyć? and you/they want me to a. I’m supposed to believe that?
    - mieć coś do zrobienia to have sth to do
    - ma obowiązek do spełnienia s/he has a duty to perform
    - mam sprawę do załatwienia I’ve got something to sort out
    - mamy zaległości do odrobienia we’ve got a backlog of work to catch up on
    2. (zamiar, przewidywanie) (ona) ma przyjść o drugiej she’s expected (to come) at two
    - miano zburzyć ich dom their house was to be demolished
    - samolot miał wylądować w Warszawie, ale… the plane was supposed to land a. have landed in Warsaw, but…
    - podobno jutro ma być ładna pogoda it’s supposed to be good a. nice weather tomorrow
    - w pozostałej części kraju ma nadal padać in the rest of the country continuing rain is expected
    - miała umrzeć w nędzy w wieku czterdziestu lat she was to die in poverty at the age of forty
    - przyszłość miała pokazać, że się myli subsequent events were to prove him/her wrong
    - jak się miało okazać as things a. it turned out; as it transpired książk.
    - i co ja mam z tobą zrobić? what am I (supposed) to do with you?
    - jeśli mielibyśmy się nie zobaczyć przed twoim wyjazdem, baw się dobrze in case we don’t see each other before you leave, have a good time
    - niech się stanie, co się ma stać let things happen as they will
    - właśnie miałem wyjść, kiedy zadzwonił telefon I was just about to leave a. just on the point of leaving when the phone rang
    - właśnie miałam powiedzieć to samo I was just about to a. just going to say the same thing
    - czy mam przez to rozumieć, że… am I to understand (by that) that…
    - mieć coś do sprzedania/zaproponowania to have sth to sell/propose
    - choćby a. żeby nie wiem co się miało stać, (to)… no matter what happens a. might happen…
    - choćbym a. żebym miał pęknąć a. trupem paść pot. even if it kills me pot.
    3. (rezultat) mieć coś zrobione to have sth done
    - mam już napisaną pracę I’ve already written the essay
    - miał ukończone wyższe studia he had been to university/college
    - czy macie załatwione bilety? have you booked/got the tickets?
    - pieniądze mam dobrze schowane I’ve put the money in a safe place
    - mam obiecaną podwyżkę I’ve been promised a rise
    - miał przykazane trzymać język za zębami he was a. he’d been told to keep his mouth shut pot.
    4. (zdziwienie, rozczarowanie) ja miałbym to powiedzieć? I said that?!
    - ona miałaby mi się podobać? you think I find her attractive?
    - miałbyś sumienie to zrobić? could you do (something like) that (with a clear conscience)?
    - to ma być hotel czterogwiazdkowy? (z dezaprobatą) and you/they call this a. this is supposed to be a four-star hotel?!
    - ten grubas to miałbym być ja!? (z niedowierzaniem) is this/that fatso really me? pot.
    - pokazał nam skórę tygrysa, którego miał upolować w Afryce (z powątpiewaniem) he showed us the skin of a tiger, which he is supposed to have killed in Africa
    Ⅲ mieć się 1. (być w stanie, położeniu) to be; (czuć się) to feel, to be
    - ciotka wyzdrowiała i ma się dobrze auntie has recovered and is doing well
    - jak się mają twoi rodzice? how are your parents?
    - jak się masz! (powitanie) how are you?; how’s it going? pot.
    - mam się dzisiaj lepiej I feel better today
    - sprawy mają się nieźle things are working out (quite) well
    - jak się rzeczy mają? how do things stand?
    - rzecz ma się tak, że… the thing is that…
    - jak te dwie wersje mają się do siebie? how do the two versions compare?
    - jak to się ma jedno do drugiego? how do the two compare?
    - teoria nijak się miała do praktyki the theory was (completely) divorced from practice
    - A tak się ma do B, jak C do D a. A i B tak się mają do siebie, jak C i D A is to B like C is to D
    - mieli się do siebie jak dzień do nocy they were like chalk and cheese
    2. (uważać się za) to think a. consider oneself
    - mieć się za artystę/człowieka honoru to consider oneself (to be) an artist/a man of honour
    - (on) ma się za Bóg wie co pot. he thinks he’s God (almighty) pot.
    - miała się za bliską śmierci she thought she was about to a. going to die
    3. (być bliskim) mieć się ku końcowi to be drawing to a close a. an end
    - miało się a. dzień miał się ku zachodowi it was getting towards sunset
    - sytuacja ma się ku lepszemu the situation is looking better
    - ma się na deszcz it looks like rain
    - miało się na burzę a storm was brewing, there was thunder in the air
    - wiedzieć, jak się rzeczy mają to know how things stand a. are
    Ⅳ ma Fin. (zapis księgowy) credit
    - winien i ma debit and credit
    - zapisać coś po stronie „ma” to enter sth on the credit side
    Ⅴ mam! inter. (przypomniałem sobie) I’ve got it!
    - (już) mam! mieszkaliśmy na tej samej ulicy! I’ve got it! we used to live in the same street!
    - mam cię! a. tu cię mam! (złapałem cię, przyłapałem cię) I’ve got you!; got you! pot.
    - mam cię, już mi nie uciekniesz! got you, you won’t get away now!
    Ⅵ nie ma być
    ■ ma się rozumieć a. wiedzieć! it a. that goes without saying!
    - ma się rozumieć, że przyjdę of course I’ll come
    - mieć głowę a. łebpot. (na karku a. nie od parady) to have a good head on one’s shoulders
    - on to ma łeb! he’s no fool!
    - mieć głowę do interesów to have a good head for business
    - nie mam teraz do tego głowy I don’t want to think about it/that now
    - mieć kogoś/coś w nosiepot. a. gdzieśeuf. a. w głębokim poważaniueuf. to not care a damn about sb/sth pot.; to not give a monkey’s about sb/sth pot., euf.
    - mam to wszystko gdzieś! pot. to hell with it all! pot.
    - mieć kogoś/coś w dupie wulg. to not give a shit a. toss GB about sb/sth wulg.
    - sie masz! pot. (powitanie) hi! pot.

    The New English-Polish, Polish-English Kościuszko foundation dictionary > m|ieć

  • 23 part

    part [pɑ:t]
    partie ⇒ 1 (a) rôle ⇒ 1 (b) pièce ⇒ 1 (c) quartier ⇒ 1 (d) episode ⇒ 1 (e) mesure ⇒ 1 (f) s'entrouvrir ⇒ 3 (a) s'ouvrir ⇒ 3 (a) se quitter ⇒ 3 (b) entrouvrir ⇒ 4 (a) écarter ⇒ 4 (a) séparer ⇒ 4 (b)
    1 noun
    (a) (gen → portion, subdivision) partie f;
    ∎ the exam is in two parts l'examen est en deux parties;
    ∎ see part one, section two voir première partie, section deux;
    ∎ the parts of the body les parties fpl du corps;
    ∎ (a) part of the garden is flooded une partie du jardin est inondée;
    ∎ (a) part of me strongly agrees with them sur un certain plan, je suis tout à fait d'accord avec eux;
    ∎ that's only part of the problem ce n'est qu'un des aspects du problème;
    ∎ it's very much part of the game/of the process ça fait partie du jeu/du processus;
    ∎ it's all part of growing up c'est ce qui se passe quand on grandit;
    ∎ we've finished the hardest part nous avons fait le plus dur;
    ∎ I haven't told you the best part yet je ne t'ai pas encore dit le plus beau ou la meilleure;
    ∎ the best/worst part was when he started laughing le mieux/le pire ça a été quand il s'est mis à rire;
    ∎ in the early part of the week au début ou dans les premiers jours de la semaine;
    ∎ for the best or greater part of five years (to wait, last etc) presque cinq ans;
    ∎ the greater part of the population la plus grande partie de la population;
    ∎ to be (a) part of sth (be involved with) faire partie de qch;
    ∎ he desperately wants to be a part of her organization il veut à tout prix faire partie de son organisme;
    ∎ to form part of sth faire partie de qch;
    ∎ to be part and parcel of sth faire partie (intégrante) de qch
    (b) (role) rôle m;
    ∎ who played the part of Hamlet? qui a joué le rôle de Hamlet?;
    ∎ figurative he's just playing a part il joue la comédie;
    ∎ to know one's part connaître son texte;
    ∎ work plays a large part in our lives le travail joue un rôle important dans notre vie;
    ∎ she played a large part in persuading the company to relocate c'est surtout elle qui a persuadé l'entreprise de se relocaliser;
    ∎ to take part (in sth) prendre part ou participer (à qch);
    ∎ she takes an active part in decision-making elle participe activement au processus de prise de décision;
    ∎ I had no part in that affair je n'ai joué aucun rôle dans cette affaire;
    ∎ he has no part in the running of the company il ne participe pas à ou il n'intervient pas dans la gestion de la société;
    ∎ Joe had no part in it Joe n'y était pour rien;
    ∎ I want no part in or of their schemes je ne veux pas être mêlé à leurs projets;
    ∎ to do one's part y mettre du sien;
    ∎ to dress the part se mettre en tenue de circonstance;
    ∎ to look the part avoir la tenue de circonstance;
    ∎ for my/his part pour ma/sa part
    (c) (component → of machine) pièce f;
    ∎ spare parts pièces fpl détachées ou de rechange;
    ∎ parts and labour warranty garantie f pièces et main-d'œuvre
    (d) (area → of country, town etc)
    ∎ which part of England are you from? vous êtes d'où en Angleterre?, de quelle région de l'Angleterre venez-vous?;
    ∎ in some parts of Sydney/Australia dans certains quartiers de Sydney/certaines régions de l'Australie;
    ∎ it's a dangerous part of town c'est un quartier dangereux;
    ∎ are you new to these parts? vous êtes nouveau ici?;
    ∎ they are not from our part of the world ils ne sont pas de chez nous;
    ∎ she's travelling in foreign parts elle est en voyage à l'étranger
    (e) (instalment → of encyclopedia) fascicule m; (→ of serial) épisode m;
    ∎ don't miss part two! (of serial) ne manquez pas le deuxième épisode!; (of programme in two parts) ne manquez pas la deuxième partie!
    (f) (measure) mesure f;
    ∎ one part of pastis and four parts of water une mesure de pastis et quatre mesures d'eau;
    ∎ Chemistry a concentration of six parts per million une concentration de six pour un million;
    ∎ the bottle was three parts empty la bouteille était aux trois quarts vide
    (g) (side) parti m, part f;
    ∎ he always takes his mother's part il prend toujours le parti de sa mère;
    ∎ to take sth in good part bien prendre qch
    (i) Grammar partie f
    (j) Music partie f;
    ∎ the vocal/violin part la partie vocale/(pour) violon;
    ∎ to sing in three parts chanter à trois voix
    en partie, partiellement;
    ∎ the jacket is part cotton, part polyester la veste est un mélange de coton et de polyester ou un mélange coton-polyester;
    ∎ he's part English, part Chinese il est moitié anglais, moitié chinois;
    ∎ a mythical creature, part woman, part fish une créature mythique mi-femme, mi-poisson
    (a) (move apart → lips, curtains) s'entrouvrir; (→ legs) s'écarter, s'ouvrir; (→ crowd) s'ouvrir; (disengage → fighters) se séparer;
    ∎ the clouds parted il y eut une éclaircie
    (b) (leave one another) se quitter;
    ∎ they parted good friends ils se sont quittés bons amis
    (c) (break → rope) se casser; (tear → fabric) se déchirer
    (a) (move apart, open → curtains) entrouvrir; (→ branches, legs) écarter;
    ∎ her lips were slightly parted ses lèvres étaient entrouvertes
    (b) (separate) séparer ( from de);
    ∎ the children were parted from their parents les enfants ont été séparés de leurs parents;
    ∎ humorous he's not easily parted from his cash il ne se sépare pas facilement de son argent
    (c) (hair) faire une raie à;
    ∎ her hair's parted in the middle elle a la raie au milieu
    (talents) talents mpl;
    ∎ a man/woman of many parts un homme/une femme de talent
    dans l'ensemble;
    ∎ the day will be sunny for the most part la journée sera ensoleillée dans l'ensemble;
    ∎ for the most part we get along pretty well dans l'ensemble, nous nous entendons assez bien
    en partie;
    ∎ it's true in part c'est en partie vrai;
    ∎ it's in large part true c'est en grande partie vrai;
    ∎ the problem stems in part from a misunderstanding le problème vient en partie d'un malentendu
    par endroits;
    ∎ the book is good in parts le livre est bon par endroits, certains passages du livre sont bons;
    ∎ in parts the text is almost illegible le texte est presque illisible par endroits
    de la part de;
    ∎ it was negligence on the part of the landlord c'était une négligence de la part du propriétaire
    ►► Commerce part consignment expédition f partielle;
    Commerce part exchange reprise f;
    ∎ they'll take your old TV set in part exchange ils vous font une reprise sur or ils reprennent votre ancien téléviseur;
    ∎ will you take it in part exchange? voulez-vous le reprendre?;
    Commerce part load chargement m partiel;
    part music musique f d'ensemble;
    part owner copropriétaire mf;
    part ownership copropriété f;
    part payment acompte m, paiement m partiel;
    ∎ I received £500 in part payment for the car j'ai reçu un acompte de 500 livres pour la voiture;
    Commerce part shipment expédition f partielle;
    part singing chant m polyphonique or à plusieurs voix;
    part song chant m polyphonique or à plusieurs voix;
    part of speech partie f du discours;
    British part work ouvrage m à fascicules;
    ∎ they published it as a part work ils l'ont publié sous forme de fascicules
    se séparer de;
    ∎ we'll have to part with most of the furniture nous devrons nous séparer de presque tous les meubles;
    ∎ he hates parting with his money il a horreur de dépenser son argent
    ⓘ Reaches the parts that other beers can't reach Il s'agit du slogan d'une série de publicités pour la bière Heineken pendant les années 70 dans lesquelles la bière était censée conférer des pouvoirs spéciaux à ceux qui la consommaient. Aujourd'hui on utilise encore cette formule ("atteint les parties que les autres bières ne peuvent atteindre"), en remplaçant le mot beers par un autre pour décrire les qualités de quelque chose de façon humoristique. On dira par exemple she makes tea that reaches the parts that other tea cannot reach ("elle fait du thé vraiment excellent"), ou this tour reaches the parts of Scotland that others don't ("ce circuit touristique explore les coins d'Écosse que les autres ignorent").

    Un panorama unique de l'anglais et du français > part

  • 24 Fairbairn, Sir Peter

    SUBJECT AREA: Textiles
    [br]
    b. September 1799 Kelso, Roxburghshire, Scotland
    d. 4 January 1861 Leeds, Yorkshire, England
    [br]
    British inventor of the revolving tube between drafting rollers to give false twist.
    [br]
    Born of Scottish parents, Fairbairn was apprenticed at the age of 14 to John Casson, a mill-wright and engineer at the Percy Main Colliery, Newcastle upon Tyne, and remained there until 1821 when he went to work for his brother William in Manchester. After going to various other places, including Messrs Rennie in London and on the European continent, he eventually moved in 1829 to Leeds where Marshall helped him set up the Wellington Foundry and so laid the foundations for the colossal establishment which was to employ over one thousand workers. To begin with he devoted his attention to improving wool-weaving machinery, substituting iron for wood in the construction of the textile machines. He also worked on machinery for flax, incorporating many of Philippe de Girard's ideas. He assisted Henry Houldsworth in the application of the differential to roving frames, and it was to these machines that he added his own inventions. The longer fibres of wool and flax need to have some form of support and control between the rollers when they are being drawn out, and inserting a little twist helps. However, if the roving is too tightly twisted before passing through the first pair of rollers, it cannot be drawn out, while if there is insufficient twist, the fibres do not receive enough support in the drafting zone. One solution is to twist the fibres together while they are actually in the drafting zone between the rollers. In 1834, Fairbairn patented an arrangement consisting of a revolving tube placed between the drawing rollers. The tube inserted a "middle" or "false" twist in the material. As stated in the specification, it was "a well-known contrivance… for twisting and untwisting any roving passing through it". It had been used earlier in 1822 by J. Goulding of the USA and a similar idea had been developed by C.Danforth in America and patented in Britain in 1825 by J.C. Dyer. Fairbairn's machine, however, was said to make a very superior article. He was also involved with waste-silk spinning and rope-yarn machinery.
    Fairbairn later began constructing machine tools, and at the beginning of the Crimean War was asked by the Government to make special tools for the manufacture of armaments. He supplied some of these, such as cannon rifling machines, to the arsenals at Woolwich and Enfield. He then made a considerable number of tools for the manufacture of the Armstrong gun. He was involved in the life of his adopted city and was elected to Leeds town council in 1832 for ten years. He was elected an alderman in 1854 and was Mayor of Leeds from 1857 to 1859, when he was knighted by Queen Victoria at the opening of the new town hall. He was twice married, first to Margaret Kennedy and then to Rachel Anne Brindling.
    [br]
    Principal Honours and Distinctions
    Knighted 1858.
    Bibliography
    1834, British patent no. 6,741 (revolving tube between drafting rollers to give false twist).
    Further Reading
    Dictionary of National Biography.
    Obituary, 1861, Engineer 11.
    W.English, 1969, The Textile Industry, London (provides a brief account of Fairbairn's revolving tube).
    C.Singer (ed.), 1958, A History of Technology, Vols IV and V, Oxford: Clarendon Press (provides details of Fairbairn's silk-dressing machine and a picture of a large planing machine built by him).
    RLH

    Biographical history of technology > Fairbairn, Sir Peter

  • 25 such

    1. adjective, no compar. or superl.
    1) (of that kind) solch...

    such a person — solch od. (ugs.) so ein Mensch; ein solcher Mensch

    such a book — solch od. (ugs.) so ein Buch; ein solches Buch

    such things — so etwas

    or some such thing — oder so etwas; oder etwas in der Art

    there is no such bird — solch einen od. einen solchen Vogel gibt es nicht

    experiences such as these — solche od. derartige Erfahrungen

    I will take such steps as I think necessary — ich werde die Schritte unternehmen, die ich für notwendig halte

    at such a moment as this — in einem Augenblick wie diesem; (disapproving) gerade jetzt

    in such a case — in einem solchen od. (ugs.) so einem Fall

    for or on such an occasion — zu einem solchen Anlass

    such a one as he/she is impossible to replace — jemand wie er/sie ist unersetzlich

    2) (so great) solch...; derartig

    I got such a fright that... — ich bekam einen derartigen od. (ugs.) so einen Schrecken, dass...

    such was the force of the explosion that... — die Explosion war so stark, dass...

    3) with adj. so

    she has such lovely blue eyes — sie hat so schöne blaue Augen

    2. pronoun

    as such — als solcher/solche/solches; (strictly speaking) im Grunde genommen; an sich

    such as — wie [zum Beispiel]

    * * *
    1. adjective
    1) (of the same kind as that already mentioned or being mentioned: Animals that gnaw, such as mice, rats, rabbits and weasels are called rodents; He came from Bradford or some such place; She asked to see Mr Johnson but was told there was no such person there; I've seen several such buildings; I've never done such a thing before; doctors, dentists and such people.) solch
    2) (of the great degree already mentioned or being mentioned: If you had telephoned her, she wouldn't have got into such a state of anxiety; She never used to get such bad headaches (as she does now).) derartig
    3) (of the great degree, or the kind, to have a particular result: He shut the window with such force that the glass broke; She's such a good teacher that the headmaster asked her not to leave; Their problems are such as to make it impossible for them to live together any more.) derartig
    4) (used for emphasis: This is such a shock! They have been such good friends to me!) solch
    2. pronoun
    (such a person or thing, or such persons or things: I have only a few photographs, but can show you such as I have; This isn't a good book as such (= as a book) but it has interesting pictures.) der/die/das, solch
    - academic.ru/71813/suchlike">suchlike
    - such-and-such
    - such as it is
    * * *
    [sʌtʃ, sətʃ]
    I. adj
    1. attr, inv (of that kind) solcher(r, s)
    I had never met \such a person before so [o geh solch] ein Mensch [o ein solcher Mensch] war mir noch nie begegnet
    I don't spend money on \such things für solche [o fam so] Dinge gebe ich kein Geld aus
    present on this grand occasion were Andrew Davies, Melissa Peters and other \such stars bei diesem besonderen Anlass waren Andrew Davies, Melissa Peters und andere Stars dieser Größenordnung zugegen
    I have been involved in many \such courses ich habe [schon] viele Kurse dieser Art gemacht
    he said she had a cold, superior manner or some \such remark er sagte, sie sei kalt und überheblich, oder so etwas [o fam was] in der Richtung
    I tried to tell her in \such a way that she wouldn't be offended ich versuchte es ihr so zu sagen, dass sie nicht beleidigt war
    I'll show you \such books as I have ich zeige Ihnen, was ich an Büchern habe
    in \such cases in solchen [o fam so] Fällen
    \such a thing so etwas [o fam was]
    I'm looking for a cloth for cleaning silver — do you have \such a thing? ich suche ein Tuch, mit dem man Silber putzen kann — führen Sie das?
    I said no \such thing so etwas habe ich nie gesagt, ich habe nie etwas Derartiges gesagt
    there's no \such thing as ghosts so etwas wie Geister gibt es nicht
    2. (so great) solche(r, s), derartig
    he' \such an idiot! er ist so [o geh solch] ein Idiot!, er ist ein solcher [o derartiger] Idiot!
    why are you in \such a hurry? warum bist du so [o derart] in Eile?
    \such beauty is rare solche [o so viel] Schönheit ist selten
    \such beauty! ( liter) welch [eine] Schönheit! geh
    3.
    ▶ there's no \such thing as a free lunch ( prov fam) nichts ist umsonst
    II. pron
    1. (of that type) solche(r, s)
    we were second-class citizens and they treated us as \such wir waren Bürger zweiter Klasse und wurden auch so [o als solche] behandelt
    \such was not my intention ( form) das war nicht meine Absicht
    \such being the case... wenn das so ist,...
    what is the reward for \such a one as Fox? was ist der Lohn für jemanden [o fam so einen] wie Fox?
    \such is life so ist das Leben
    \such as it is so wie die Dinge liegen
    \such as it was, we had no alternative but to call our parents so wie die Dinge lagen, blieb uns nichts anderes übrig, als unsere Eltern anzurufen
    our lunch was \such that we don't really need an evening meal unser Mittagessen war so üppig, dass wir kein Abendessen brauchen
    the wound was \such that... die Wunde war so groß, dass...
    \such is the elegance of his typeface that... seine Schrift ist so elegant, dass...
    \such as wie
    small companies \such as ours are very vulnerable in a recession Kleinunternehmen wie unseres sind äußerst rezessionsanfällig
    that sum of money is to cover costs \such as travel and accommodation dieser Betrag soll Auslagen wie Reise- und Unterbringungskosten abdecken
    3. (suchlike) dergleichen
    we talked about our kids, the weather and \such wir sprachen über unsere Kinder, das Wetter und Ähnliches [o dergleichen
    4. (strictly speaking)
    ▪ as \such an [und für] sich, eigentlich
    we don't have a secretary as \such wir haben eigentlich [o an [und für] sich] keine richtige Sekretärin
    there was no vegetarian food as \such es gab kein eigentlich vegetarisches Essen
    5.
    ▶ \such as it is:
    you're welcome to borrow my tennis racket, \such as it is du kannst dir gerne meinen Tennisschläger ausborgen — soweit er überhaupt noch viel taugt
    breakfast, \such as it was, consisted of a couple of croissants and a cup of coffee das Frühstück, soweit vorhanden, bestand aus ein paar Croissants und einer Tasse Kaffee
    the car, \such as it is, will get you to work auch wenn das Auto nicht mehr viel taugt, kannst du damit immer noch zur Arbeit fahren
    III. adv inv so
    she's \such an arrogant person sie ist so [o dermaßen] arrogant
    that's \such a good film das ist so ein [o ein wirklich] guter Film
    \such a big city! was für eine große Stadt!
    I've never had \such good coffee ich habe noch nie [einen] so guten Kaffee getrunken
    it's \such a long time ago es ist [schon] so lange her
    to be \such a long way [away] so weit weg sein
    I'd put on \such a lot of weight that... ich hatte so [o dermaßen] viel zugenommen, dass...
    \such nice weather so schönes Wetter
    it was \such nice weather that... das Wetter war so schön, dass...
    \such that... so [o auf die Art]... dass...
    we still have to link the sentences \such that they constitute a narrative wir müssen die Sätze noch so verbinden, dass sie eine Erzählung ergeben
    * * *
    [sʌtʃ]
    1. adj
    1) (= of that kind) solche(r, s)

    such a person — so or solch ein Mensch, ein solcher Mensch

    such a book — so ein Buch, ein solches Buch

    such people/books — solche Leute/Bücher

    many/few/all such people/books — viele/wenige/all solche Leute/Bücher

    all such books are very expensive —

    such a thing — so etwas, so was

    have you got such a thing as...? there's such a thing as divorce — haben Sie so etwas wie...? es gibt so etwas wie eine Scheidung

    I'll/you'll do no such thing — ich werde mich/du wirst dich hüten

    ... or some such idea —... oder so etwas,... oder so was in der Richtung (inf),... oder so ähnlich

    ... or some such name/place —... oder so (ähnlich)

    he was such a one/just such another — er war einer von ihnen/auch (so) einer

    men/books such as these, such men/books as these — Männer/Bücher wie diese, solche Männer/Bücher

    writers such as Agatha Christie, such writers as Agatha Christie —

    he's not such a fool as you think — er ist nicht so dumm, wie Sie denken

    I'm not such a fool as to believe that or that I'd believe that — ich bin nicht so dumm or kein solcher Dummkopf, dass ich das glaube

    such people as attended — die(jenigen), die anwesend waren

    I'll give you such books/money as I have — was ich an Büchern/Geld habe, gebe ich Ihnen

    2)

    (= so much, so great etc) he's such a liar — er ist so or solch ein Lügner, er ist ein derartiger or solcher Lügner

    he did it in such a way that... — er machte es so, dass...

    such wealth! — welch( ein) Reichtum!

    3) pred

    his surprise was such that..., such was his surprise that... — seine Überraschung war so groß, dass..., er war so überrascht, dass...

    his manner was such that... —

    her speech was such that... — ihre Rede war so gehalten, dass...

    4)
    See:
    2. adv
    so, solch (geh)
    3. pron

    rabbits and hares and such — Kaninchen, Hasen und dergleichen

    such being the case... —

    such was not my intention — dies war nicht meine Absicht

    such as it is — so, wie es nun mal ist

    the food, such as there was of it... —

    I'll give you such as I have — ich gebe Ihnen, was ich habe

    * * *
    such [sʌtʃ]
    A adj
    1. solch(er, e, es), derartig(er, e, es):
    such a man ein solcher Mann;
    no such thing nichts dergleichen;
    there are such things so etwas gibt es oder kommt vor;
    such a life as they live ein Leben, wie sie es führen;
    such people as you see here die(jenigen) oder alle Leute, die man hier sieht;
    a system such as this ein derartiges System;
    such a one ein solcher, eine solche, ein solches;
    Mr such and such Herr Soundso;
    such and such persons die und die Personen
    2. ähnlich, derartig(er, e, es):
    3. präd so (beschaffen), derart(ig), von solcher Art ( as to dass):
    such is life so ist das Leben;
    such as it is wie es nun einmal ist;
    such being the case da es sich so verhält
    4. solch(er, e, es), so groß oder klein etc, dermaßen:
    he got such a fright that … er bekam einen derartigen Schrecken, dass …;
    such was the force of the explosion so groß war die Gewalt der Explosion
    5. umg so gewaltig, solch:
    we had such fun! wir hatten (ja) so einen Spaß!
    B adv so, derart:
    such a nice day so ein schöner Tag;
    such a long time eine so lange Zeit
    C pron
    1. solch(er, e, es), der, die, das, die pl:
    a) diejenigen, welche; alle, die; solche, die,
    b) wie (zum Beispiel);
    such was not my intention das war nicht meine Absicht;
    man as such der Mensch als solcher;
    all such alle dieser Art;
    and such (like) und dergleichen
    2. umg oder WIRTSCH der-, die-, dasselbe, dieselben pl
    * * *
    1. adjective, no compar. or superl.
    1) (of that kind) solch...

    such a person — solch od. (ugs.) so ein Mensch; ein solcher Mensch

    such a book — solch od. (ugs.) so ein Buch; ein solches Buch

    or some such thing — oder so etwas; oder etwas in der Art

    there is no such bird — solch einen od. einen solchen Vogel gibt es nicht

    experiences such as these — solche od. derartige Erfahrungen

    I will take such steps as I think necessary — ich werde die Schritte unternehmen, die ich für notwendig halte

    at such a moment as this — in einem Augenblick wie diesem; (disapproving) gerade jetzt

    in such a case — in einem solchen od. (ugs.) so einem Fall

    for or on such an occasion — zu einem solchen Anlass

    such a one as he/she is impossible to replace — jemand wie er/sie ist unersetzlich

    2) (so great) solch...; derartig

    I got such a fright that... — ich bekam einen derartigen od. (ugs.) so einen Schrecken, dass...

    such was the force of the explosion that... — die Explosion war so stark, dass...

    3) with adj. so
    2. pronoun

    as such — als solcher/solche/solches; (strictly speaking) im Grunde genommen; an sich

    such as — wie [zum Beispiel]

    * * *
    adj.
    derartig adj.
    solch adj.
    solcher adj.
    solches adj.

    English-german dictionary > such

  • 26 presente2

    2 = at work, attendant.
    Ex. Determining costs has proven difficult for many libraries involved in a recon project as there are so many variables at work.
    Ex. Quite obviously, as most children spend their infant years aware of very few people, usually members of their family, it is from them -- parents, brothers and sisters, attendant relatives and friends -- that they learn the primary adaptive lessons.
    ----
    * estar presente = be manifest, be present.
    * mantener presente = keep before.
    * no estar presente en = be absent (from).
    * no tener presente = be oblivious of/to.
    * omnipresente = ever-present.
    * tener presente = be mindful of/that, bear in + mind, consider (as), keep in + focus, keep in + mind, make + consideration, mind, make + provision for, have + regard for, be aware of.
    * tener presente las posibilidades de Algo = consider + possibilities.
    * téngase presente = witness.
    * teniendo esto presente = with this/that in mind.

    Spanish-English dictionary > presente2

  • 27 tío

    m.
    1 uncle.
    2 guy, fellow, chap, buddy.
    3 geezer fellow.
    * * *
    ► nombre masculino,nombre femenino
    1 (pariente) uncle
    2 familiar (hombre) bloke, guy
    ■ ¡eres un tío grande! you're a great guy!
    3 (apelativo) mate, pal
    ■ ¿qué pasa, tío? what's up, mate?
    4 tíos aunt and uncle
    \
    tío abuelo great-uncle
    tío bueno familiar a bit of all right, hunk
    * * *
    = tía, noun
    1) uncle / aunt
    2) guy / gal
    * * *
    tío, -a
    SM / F
    1) (=pariente) uncle/aunt

    mis tíos — (=solo hombres) my uncles; (=hombres y mujeres) my uncle(s) and aunt(s)

    tío/a abuelo/a — great-uncle/great-aunt

    tío/a carnal — blood uncle/aunt

    2) * (=hombre) guy *, bloke *; (=mujer) woman; (=chica) girl

    ¿quién es ese tío? — who's that guy o bloke? *

    los tíos — guys *, blokes *

    ¡qué tío! ¡no ha perdido un solo partido! — the guy's incredible, he hasn't lost a single match! *

    ¡qué tío! ¡nunca me deja en paz! — the guy's a real pain, he won't leave me alone! *

    tío/a bueno/a — hunk * /stunner *

    ¡tía buena! — hello gorgeous! *

    3) †† title given to older people in traditional rural communities
    * * *
    tía masculino, femenino
    1)
    a) ( pariente) (m) uncle; (f) aunt

    mis tíos — ( sólo varones) my uncles; ( varones y mujeres) my aunts and uncles

    b) (fam) (delante de nombre propio, como apelativo cariñoso) (m) Uncle; (f) Aunt, Auntie (colloq)
    2) (Esp) ( individuo) (fam) tipo I
    * * *
    tía masculino, femenino
    1)
    a) ( pariente) (m) uncle; (f) aunt

    mis tíos — ( sólo varones) my uncles; ( varones y mujeres) my aunts and uncles

    b) (fam) (delante de nombre propio, como apelativo cariñoso) (m) Uncle; (f) Aunt, Auntie (colloq)
    2) (Esp) ( individuo) (fam) tipo I
    * * *
    tío1
    1 = uncle.

    Ex: Findings showed that incest usually involved daughter-father and niece- uncle pairs, and for father-daughter relationships the incest always included intercourse.

    * tío abuelo = great-uncle.
    * Tío Sam, el = Uncle Sam.

    tío2
    2 = fellow, guy, old geezer, bloke, dude, joker, fella.

    Ex: From the skimming he had given their writings he knew that something like a chemical agent was working in Balzac's defenseless mind, and that the hapless fellow was trying not to succumb to it.

    Ex: The general opinion of Edward Wood seemed to be summed up in the words of one staff member, who said, 'Ed Wood's a prince of a guy'.
    Ex: 'Old geezer!' exclaimed Carpozzi, staggered, dumbfounded.
    Ex: The blokes don't bat an eyelid that you're a girl -- they take no prisoners when they're trying to get the ball!.
    Ex: This is one of those movies that preaches nonviolence, even as the good guy is knocking the hell out of a few dozen dudes.
    Ex: Then I followed these two jokers to a liquor store where they got them some alchy.
    Ex: If your fella is prepared to wipe his willy after widdling just to keep you happy, he must care for you a great deal.
    * Oye, tío,... = Look, pal,....
    * ser un tío apañado = be a good sport.
    * tío bueno = stud, hunk, hunk of a man, hottie [hotty].
    * tío cachas = stud, hunk, hunk of a man.
    * tío competente = a good sport.
    * tío del saco, el = bogeyman [bogeymen], bogey [bogie].

    * * *
    tío, tía masculine, feminine
    A
    1 (pariente) ( masculine) uncle; ( feminine) aunt
    mis tíos (sólo varones) my uncles; (varones y mujeres) my aunts and uncles
    no hay tu tía ( fam); no chance ( colloq), no way ( colloq), nothing doing ( colloq)
    2 ( fam) (delante de nombre propío) ( masculine) Uncle; ( feminine) Aunt, Auntie ( colloq)
    ya vendrá el tío Paco con la rebaja ( fam); this won't last forever o it's too good to last
    Compuestos:
    feminine great-aunt, grandaunt
    masculine great-uncle, granduncle
    el tío Sam Uncle Sam
    ● tío segundo, tía segunda
    masculine, feminine second cousin, cousin once removed ( cousin to one's parents)
    B ( Esp)
    1 (individuo) ( fam) ( masculine) guy ( colloq), bloke ( BrE colloq); ( feminine) woman
    ¡qué tío más pesado! that guy's such a pain! ( colloq)
    2
    ( Esp fam) (como apelativo): oye, tía, no te pongas así hey o look, don't get like that! ( colloq)
    ¡hola, tío! hi there! ( colloq)
    * * *

     

    tío,
    ◊ tía sustantivo masculino, femenino

    1 ( pariente) (m) uncle;
    (f) aunt;


    ( varones y mujeres) my aunts and uncles
    2 (Esp) ( individuo) (fam) See Also→ tipo 1
    tío sustantivo masculino
    1 (pariente) uncle: es mi tío-abuelo, he's my great-uncle
    2 tíos (hombres y mujeres) aunts and uncles
    (solo hombres) uncles
    3 fam (persona) bloke, guy: es un tío muy divertido, he's a very amusing guy
    ' tío' also found in these entries:
    Spanish:
    flota
    - impronunciable
    - mantenimiento
    - acomodar
    - cuento
    - gilipollas
    - marchoso
    - pasota
    - rollo
    English:
    become
    - bloke
    - bug
    - chap
    - great-uncle
    - guy
    - hell
    - hunk
    - mate
    - operator
    - principled
    - sport
    - uncle
    - dude
    - great
    - long
    - man
    * * *
    tío, -a nm,f
    1. [familiar] uncle, f aunt;
    mis tíos [pareja] my aunt and uncle;
    la tía Sara Aunt Sara;
    Fam
    ¡cuéntaselo a tu tía! pull the other one!;
    Fam
    no hay tu tía: no hay tu tía, no puedo abrir el cajón this drawer just refuses to open;
    por más que se lo pido, no hay tu tía I've asked him and asked him, but he's not having any of it
    tía abuela great-aunt;
    tío abuelo great-uncle;
    tía carnal aunt [blood relative];
    tío carnal uncle [blood relative];
    el tío Sam Uncle Sam;
    tío segundo first cousin once removed
    2. Esp Fam [hombre] guy, Br bloke;
    [mujer] woman; [mujer joven] girl;
    ¡cómo sois los tíos! you men are all the same!;
    tío bueno hunk;
    tía buena gorgeous woman o Br bird;
    ¡tía buena! [piropo] hello gorgeous!
    3. Esp Fam [apelativo] [hombre] pal, Br mate;
    ¡tía, déjame en paz! leave me alone, will you?;
    ¡tía, qué guapa estás! wow, you look fantastic!
    * * *
    m
    1 uncle
    2 fam ( tipo) guy fam ;
    tío bueno good-looking guy fam ;
    ¡hola, tíos! hi, guys! fam
    3 fam
    apelativo pal fam, man fam
    * * *
    : uncle m, aunt f
    * * *
    tío n
    1. (pariente) uncle
    2. (hombre, chico) guy / bloke / boy
    ¡vaya tío más simpático! what a nice guy!
    Cuando se utiliza como apelativo, tío no se traduce
    ¿de qué vas, tío? who do you think you are?

    Spanish-English dictionary > tío

  • 28 concerned

    con·cerned [kənʼsɜ:nd, Am -ʼsɜ:rnd] adj
    1) inv, pred ( involved) betroffen;
    I'd like to thank everyone \concerned ich möchte allen Beteiligten danken;
    it was quite a shock for all \concerned es war für alle Betroffenen ein ziemlicher Schock;
    I'm not very good where money is \concerned in Geldangelegenheiten bin ich nicht sonderlich gut;
    her job is something \concerned with computers ihre Arbeit hat irgendwie mit Computern zu tun;
    the parties \concerneded die Beteiligten
    2) ( worried)
    to be \concerned [about [or for] sb] [um jdn] besorgt sein;
    to be \concerned [about [or for] sth] [wegen einer S. gen] beunruhigt sein;
    I'm a bit \concerned about your health ich mache mir Gedanken um deine Gesundheit;
    aren't you \concerned that she might tell somebody? haben Sie keine Angst, dass sie es jemandem erzählen könnte?;
    he was \concerned to hear that... er vernahm mit Sorge, dass...;
    \concerned parents besorgte Eltern

    English-German students dictionary > concerned

  • 29 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

  • 30 treffen

    treffen1
    〈 het〉
    1 [gevecht] encounter ⇒ clash
    2 [samenkomst] meeting
    3 [sport] [wedstrijd] encounter
    ♦voorbeelden:
    1   een beslissend treffen • a showdown
    ————————
    treffen2
    1 [raken] hit
    2 [ontmoeten, aantreffen] meet
    3 [met betrekking tot gevoelens] touch, affect
    4 [betreffen, aangaan] concern, affect
    5 [met ‘het’] [boffen] be lucky/in luck
    6 [met betrekking tot iets onaangenaams] hit, strike
    7 [tot stand brengen] make
    ♦voorbeelden:
    1   het schot trof doel • the shot hit its mark/ 〈 van een bal ook〉went home/ 〈 figuurlijk〉 struck home
         de juiste toon treffen • hit the right note 〈 ook figuurlijk〉; strike the right chord
         getroffen door de bliksem • struck by lightning
         de kogel trof haar in de borst • the bullet hit her in the chest
    2   niemand thuis treffen • find nobody (at) home
    3   de muziek trof mij zeer • I was very moved by the music
    4   mij treft geen blaam • I am not to blame
    5   je treft het (goed) • you're lucky/in luck
         hij had het slechter kunnen treffen met zijn werk • he could have fared worse/been worse off with his work
    6   de zwaar getroffen gebieden • the hard hit areas
         de zwaar getroffen ouders • the distressed parents
         getroffen worden door • meet with 〈 ongelukken, rampen〉; be visited by 〈 ziekten, epidemieën〉; be involved in 〈 een faillissement〉
    7   maatregelen treffen • take measures; 〈 wetten〉 legislate
         een vergelijk treffen • reach an agreement; 〈 financieel〉 make a transaction
         voorbereidingen treffen • make preparations
    1 [(goed) uitkomen] turn out (well)
    ♦voorbeelden:
    1   dat treft (goed) • what luck!, how fortunate!

    Van Dale Handwoordenboek Nederlands-Engels > treffen

  • 31 Farman, Henri

    SUBJECT AREA: Aerospace
    [br]
    b. 26 May 1874 Paris, France
    d. 17 July 1958 Paris, France
    [br]
    French aeroplane designer who modified Voisin biplanes and later, with his brother Maurice (b. 21 March 1877 Paris, France; d. 26 February 1964 Paris, France), created a major aircraft-manufacturing company.
    [br]
    The parents of Henri and Maurice Farman were British subjects living in Paris, but their sons lived all their lives in France and became French citizens. As young men, both became involved in cycle and automobile racing. Henri (or Henry—he used both versions) turned his attention to aviation in 1907 when he bought a biplane from Gabriel Voisin. Within a short time he had established himself as one of the leading pilots in Europe, with many record-breaking flights to his credit. Farman modified the Voisin with his own improvements, including ailerons, and then in 1909 he designed the first Farman biplane. This became the most popular biplane in Europe from the autumn of 1909 until well into 1911 and is one of the classic aeroplanes of history. Meanwhile, Maurice Farman had also begun to design and build biplanes; his first design of 1909 was not a great success but from it evolved two robust biplanes nicknamed the "Longhorn" and the "Shorthorn", so called because of their undercarriage skids. In 1912 the brothers joined forces and set up a very large factory at Billancourt. The "Longhorn" and "Shorthorn" became the standard training aircraft in France and Britain during the early years of the First World War. The Farman brothers went on to produce a number of other wartime designs, including a large bomber. After the war the Farmans produced a series of large airliners which played a key role in establishing France as a major airline operator. Most famous of these was the Goliath, a twin-engined biplane capable of carrying up to twelve passengers. This was produced from 1918 to 1929 and was used by many airlines, including the Farman Line. The brothers retired when their company was nationalized in 1937.
    [br]
    Bibliography
    1910, The Aviator's Companion, London (with his brother Dick Farman).
    Further Reading
    M.Farman, 1901, 3,000 kilomètres en ballon, Paris (an account of several balloon flights from 1894 to 1900).
    J.Liron, 1984, Les Avions Farman, Paris (provides comprehensive descriptions of all Farman aircraft).
    Jane's Fighting Aircraft of World War I, 1990, London (reprint) (gives details of all early Farman aircraft).
    J.Stroud, 1966, European Aircraft since 1910, London (provides details about Farman air-liners).
    JDS

    Biographical history of technology > Farman, Henri

  • 32 Gaskill, Harvey Freeman

    [br]
    b. 19 January 1845 Royalton, New York, USA
    d. 1 April 1889 Lockport, New York, USA
    [br]
    American mechanical engineer, inventor of the water-pumping engine with flywheel and reciprocating pumps.
    [br]
    Gaskill's father was a farmer near New York, where the son attended the local schools until he was 16 years old. At the age of 13 he already showed his mechanical aptitude by inventing a revolving hayrake, which was not exploited because the family had no money. His parents moved to Lockport, New York, where Harvey became a student at Lockport Union School and then the Poughkeepsie Commercial College, from which he graduated in 1866. After a period in his uncle's law office, he entered the firm of Penfield, Martin \& Gaskill to manufacture a patent clock. Then he was involved in a planing mill and a sash-and-blind manufactory. He devised a clothes spinner and a horse hayrake, but he did not manufacture them. In 1873 he became a draughtsman in the Holly Manufacturing Company in Lockport, which made pumping machinery for waterworks. He was promoted first to Engineer and then to Superintendent of the company in 1877. In 1885 he became a member of the Board of Directors and Vice-President. But for his untimely death, he might have become President. He was also a director of several other manufacturing concerns, public utilities and banks. In 1882 he produced a pump driven by a Woolf compound engine, which was the first time that rotary power with a crank and flywheel had been applied in waterworks. His design was more compact, more economical and lower in cost than previous types and gave the Holly Company a considerable advantage for a time over their main rivals, the Worthington Pump \& Machinery Company. These steam pumps became very popular in the United States and the type was also adopted in Britain.
    [br]
    Further Reading
    As well as obituaries appearing in many American engineering journals on Gaskill's death, there is an entry in the Dictionary of American Biography, 1931, Vol. VII, New York, C.Scribner's Sons.
    RLH

    Biographical history of technology > Gaskill, Harvey Freeman

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