-
1 tam
-
2 mьglà
mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94Old Church Slavic:Russian:mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]Slovene:mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]Bulgarian:măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláHLithuanian:miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]Latvian:mìegs `sleep' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂IE meaning: mist, cloudPage in Pokorny: 712Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.Other cognates:Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather';Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];Notes: -
3 mьgà
mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94Old Church Slavic:Russian:mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]Slovene:mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]Bulgarian:măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláHLithuanian:miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]Latvian:mìegs `sleep' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂IE meaning: mist, cloudPage in Pokorny: 712Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.Other cognates:Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather';Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];Notes: -
4 miglъ
mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94Old Church Slavic:Russian:mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];Czech:Old Czech:Polish:Upper Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]Slovene:mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]Bulgarian:măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláHLithuanian:miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]Latvian:mìegs `sleep' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂IE meaning: mist, cloudPage in Pokorny: 712Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.Other cognates:Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather';Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];Notes: -
5 bě̄dà
bě̄dà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `need, poverty, misery'Page in Trubačev: II 54-56Old Church Slavic:běda `distress, need, necessity' [f ā]Russian:bedá `misfortune, trouble' [f ā]Czech:bída `poverty, misery' [f ā];běda `woe!' [interj]Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:Upper Sorbian:běda `grief, woe, misery' [f ā]Lower Sorbian:běda `grief, pain' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:bijèda `grief, misfortune' [f ā]Slovene:bẹ́da `misery' [f ā]Bulgarian:bedá `misfortune, misery' [f ā]IE meaning: forceCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 117Comments: According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds.Other cognates:Alb. be `oath' [f] \{2\}Notes:\{1\} The vocalism of Modern Polish bieda `id.' is of Mazowian origin, cf. biada `woe!'. \{2\} According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds. \{3\} Demiraj prefers *bʰeidʰ-i-s to an ā-stem (1997: 94). -
6 dyra
dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'Page in Trubačev: V 205Russian:dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]Old Russian:Polabian:dară `hole, prison' [f ā]Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex. -
7 dyr'a
dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'Page in Trubačev: V 205Russian:dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]Old Russian:Polabian:dară `hole, prison' [f ā]Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex. -
8 olьxa
olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82Russian:ol'xá `alder' [f ā];ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:Bulgarian:elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-Lithuanian:al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1Latvian:àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂IE meaning: alderCertainty: -Page in Pokorny: 302-303Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).Other cognates:OIc. ǫlr `alder', jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}Notes:\{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively. -
9 elьxa
olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82Russian:ol'xá `alder' [f ā];ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:Bulgarian:elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-Lithuanian:al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1Latvian:àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂IE meaning: alderCertainty: -Page in Pokorny: 302-303Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).Other cognates:OIc. ǫlr `alder', jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}Notes:\{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively. -
10 às(ъ)trę̄bъ
às(ъ)trę̄bъ; às(ъ)trě̄bъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `hawk'Page in Trubačev: I 83-85Russian:jástreb `hawk' [m o]Old Russian:Ukrainian:jástrib `hawk' [m o];astrjáb (dial.) `hawk' [m o];jástrjab `hawk' [m o]Czech:jestřáb `hawk' [m o]Old Czech:jestřáb `hawk' [m o];jěstřáb `hawk' [m o]Slovak:Polish:jastrząb `hawk' [m jo], jastrzębia [Gens] \{1\}Slovincian:jȧ̃střïb `hawk' [m o]Upper Sorbian:jatřob `hawk' [m jo]Lower Sorbian:jastśeb `hawk' [m jo]Serbo-Croatian:jȁstrijeb `hawk' [m o];Čak. jȁstrēb (Vrgada) `hawk' [m o];Čak. jãstrop (Orlec) `hawk' [m o]Slovene:jȃstreb `hawk' [m o]Bulgarian:jástreb `hawk' [m o]Comments: As far as I can see, there are no serious objections to the daring etymology *h₁oh₁ḱu-ptr- `fast-flier' (Vey 1953). According to Vey, the Slovene falling tone points to the former presence of a weak jer in the medial syllable, but it seems to me that the neo-circumflex may also reflect original posttonic length. The compound has nice parallels in Homeric ἴρηξ ὠκύπτερος Ν 62 `a swift-winged hawk (or falcon)' and Lat. accipiter `hawk, falcon'.Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} The original Gsg. jastrzęba was replaced by jastrzębia on the analogy of goɫąb, Gsg. goɫębia `pigeon' (Bańkowski 2000: 577). -
11 às(ъ)trě̄bъ
às(ъ)trę̄bъ; às(ъ)trě̄bъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `hawk'Page in Trubačev: I 83-85Russian:jástreb `hawk' [m o]Old Russian:Ukrainian:jástrib `hawk' [m o];astrjáb (dial.) `hawk' [m o];jástrjab `hawk' [m o]Czech:jestřáb `hawk' [m o]Old Czech:jestřáb `hawk' [m o];jěstřáb `hawk' [m o]Slovak:Polish:jastrząb `hawk' [m jo], jastrzębia [Gens] \{1\}Slovincian:jȧ̃střïb `hawk' [m o]Upper Sorbian:jatřob `hawk' [m jo]Lower Sorbian:jastśeb `hawk' [m jo]Serbo-Croatian:jȁstrijeb `hawk' [m o];Čak. jȁstrēb (Vrgada) `hawk' [m o];Čak. jãstrop (Orlec) `hawk' [m o]Slovene:jȃstreb `hawk' [m o]Bulgarian:jástreb `hawk' [m o]Comments: As far as I can see, there are no serious objections to the daring etymology *h₁oh₁ḱu-ptr- `fast-flier' (Vey 1953). According to Vey, the Slovene falling tone points to the former presence of a weak jer in the medial syllable, but it seems to me that the neo-circumflex may also reflect original posttonic length. The compound has nice parallels in Homeric ἴρηξ ὠκύπτερος Ν 62 `a swift-winged hawk (or falcon)' and Lat. accipiter `hawk, falcon'.Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} The original Gsg. jastrzęba was replaced by jastrzębia on the analogy of goɫąb, Gsg. goɫębia `pigeon' (Bańkowski 2000: 577). -
12 aščerъ
aščerъ Grammatical information: m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `lizard'Page in Trubačev: I 87-89Old Church Slavic:Russian:jáščer `inflammation of the tongue (cattle, horses)' [m o];jáščerica `lizard' [f jā]Czech:ještěr `saurian, dragon' [m o];ještěrka `lizard' [f ā];ještěřice (rare) `lizard' [m o]Polish:jaszczór (dial.) `lizard' [m o]Slovincian:vješčìe̯řäcă `lizard' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:jȁster (obs.) `lizard' [m o];jȁšterica `vesicle on the tongue' [f jā];Čak. jȁšćerica (Vrgada) `vesicle on the tongue' [f jā]Slovene:jȃščerica `green lizard' [f jā];jȃščarica `green lizard' [f jā]Lithuanian:skėrỹs `locust' [m io]Latvian:sk̨ìrgaîlis `lizard' [m io];sk̨ir̃gaila `lizard' [f ā]Old Prussian:estureito `lizard'Page in Pokorny: 933Comments: Though the details would remain unclear, there is definitely possibility that this is a substratum word showing prefixation of a non-Indo-European type (cf. Schrijver 1997: 307-312). Among the alternative solutions, the analysis *h₁oh₁ḱu-sker-, a compound of the word for `quick' and the verbal root that is found in Gk. σκαίρω `frisk' as well as probably Lith. skėrỹs `harvestman, daddy-long-legs' and Latv. šk̨ìrgaîlis2, seems the most attractive (Vey 1953, see also -> *astrębъ).Other cognates: -
13 avě
avě Grammatical information: adv. Proto-Slavic meaning: `manifestly'Page in Trubačev: I 93-94Old Church Slavic:javě `manifestly, openly, clearly' [adv];avě `manifestly, openly, clearly' [adv]Serbo-Croatian:Bulgarian:áve `in reality' [adv];jáve `in reality' [adv]Macedonian:Lithuanian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₂ēu-ēisIE meaning: apparentlyCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 78Comments: OLith. ovyje `in reality' is sometimes regarded as a borrowing from Slavic but there are no compelling arguments for this view. The absence of initial j- rather points in the direction of an etymological relationship, cf. jovnai `openly', which is a borrowing from Belorussian. In that case we would have to start from a PBSl. i-stem *āv-i- (cf. Anikin 1998: 21, see also s.v. javiti). On the other hand, it seems possible that the form ovyje, whose oldest attestations are two occurrences in Daukša, is based on Church Slavic (j)avě. The Slavic adverb in turn may have been borrowed from Iranian (Lubotsky p.c.).Other cognates:Skt. āvíṣ `apparently, noticeably' [adv]; -
14 badli
badli Grammatical information: m. ī Proto-Slavic meaning: `enchanter, healer, physician'Page in Trubačev: I 150Old Church Slavic:Church Slavic:Old Russian:Indo-European reconstruction: bʰeh₂-dʰl-IE meaning: enchanterPage in Pokorny: 105Comments: There is no direct evidence for a suffix *dʰl-ьji-, but the form bali from the Freising Fragments could be regarded as counter-evidence, as dl is regularly retained in this dialect, cf. modliti. It is not impossible, however, that bali is of Church Slavic origin. Trubačëv bases his reconstructions *badlьji and *badlovati chiefly on derivatives of the type of OCz. předlí `spinster', švadlí `needlewoman'. According to the ESSJa (I 137-138), further evidence for a suffix *-dʰl- is provided by SCr. bȁjalo m. `sorcerer', Ru. dial. bájala m.f. `talker, chatterer, story-teller', which may be transformations of *badlьji. Meillet's idea (1902-1905: I 417) that * bali is based on a derivative in -l- deserves consideration.Notes: -
15 bel(e)nъ
bel(e)nъ; belená; bolnъ \{1\} \{2\} Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `henbane'Page in Trubačev: I 185-187; II 177Church Slavic:Russian:belená `henbane' [f ā]Czech:blín `henbane' [m o];Old Czech:blén `henbane' [m o]Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:bleń `henbane' [m jo] \{4\}Serbo-Croatian:blȇn (rare) `henbane' [m o];blȇm (rare) `henbane' [m o];belèna `fool, idiot' [f ā];Slovene:blẹ̀n `henbane' [m o], blẹ́na [Gens]Bulgarian:Macedonian:Indo-European reconstruction: bʰel-(e)n-o-IE meaning: henbanePage in Pokorny: 120Other cognates:OE beolone, beolene, belene `henbane' [f];Dan. (early) bylne, buln-urt `henbane';Gaul. BELENO [dsg] `name of a divinity' \{6\}Notes:\{1\} Ru. belen- cannot reflect *beln-, which would regularly yield bolon-. \{2\} Alongside bielian. \{3\} Alongside bielun. \{4\} In Old Polish we find bleń, bielun, bieluń, bielon. According to Sɫawski (SP I: Q), blen is a borrowing from Czech. \{5\} Both blȇn and blȇm are rarely attested. The form with m can be traced to Stulli's dictionary. \{6\} Besides the n-stem *bʰel(e)no-, there was an s-stem *bʰel-es-, e.g. OHG bilisa, bilesa, bilsa [f], MDu. bilse, Spanish belesa, velesa, and probably W bela, bele, all meaning `henbane' (see Schrijver 1999). -
16 belena
bel(e)nъ; belená; bolnъ \{1\} \{2\} Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `henbane'Page in Trubačev: I 185-187; II 177Church Slavic:Russian:belená `henbane' [f ā]Czech:blín `henbane' [m o];Old Czech:blén `henbane' [m o]Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:bleń `henbane' [m jo] \{4\}Serbo-Croatian:blȇn (rare) `henbane' [m o];blȇm (rare) `henbane' [m o];belèna `fool, idiot' [f ā];Slovene:blẹ̀n `henbane' [m o], blẹ́na [Gens]Bulgarian:Macedonian:Indo-European reconstruction: bʰel-(e)n-o-IE meaning: henbanePage in Pokorny: 120Other cognates:OE beolone, beolene, belene `henbane' [f];Dan. (early) bylne, buln-urt `henbane';Gaul. BELENO [dsg] `name of a divinity' \{6\}Notes:\{1\} Ru. belen- cannot reflect *beln-, which would regularly yield bolon-. \{2\} Alongside bielian. \{3\} Alongside bielun. \{4\} In Old Polish we find bleń, bielun, bieluń, bielon. According to Sɫawski (SP I: Q), blen is a borrowing from Czech. \{5\} Both blȇn and blȇm are rarely attested. The form with m can be traced to Stulli's dictionary. \{6\} Besides the n-stem *bʰel(e)no-, there was an s-stem *bʰel-es-, e.g. OHG bilisa, bilesa, bilsa [f], MDu. bilse, Spanish belesa, velesa, and probably W bela, bele, all meaning `henbane' (see Schrijver 1999). -
17 bolnъ
bel(e)nъ; belená; bolnъ \{1\} \{2\} Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `henbane'Page in Trubačev: I 185-187; II 177Church Slavic:Russian:belená `henbane' [f ā]Czech:blín `henbane' [m o];Old Czech:blén `henbane' [m o]Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:bleń `henbane' [m jo] \{4\}Serbo-Croatian:blȇn (rare) `henbane' [m o];blȇm (rare) `henbane' [m o];belèna `fool, idiot' [f ā];Slovene:blẹ̀n `henbane' [m o], blẹ́na [Gens]Bulgarian:Macedonian:Indo-European reconstruction: bʰel-(e)n-o-IE meaning: henbanePage in Pokorny: 120Other cognates:OE beolone, beolene, belene `henbane' [f];Dan. (early) bylne, buln-urt `henbane';Gaul. BELENO [dsg] `name of a divinity' \{6\}Notes:\{1\} Ru. belen- cannot reflect *beln-, which would regularly yield bolon-. \{2\} Alongside bielian. \{3\} Alongside bielun. \{4\} In Old Polish we find bleń, bielun, bieluń, bielon. According to Sɫawski (SP I: Q), blen is a borrowing from Czech. \{5\} Both blȇn and blȇm are rarely attested. The form with m can be traced to Stulli's dictionary. \{6\} Besides the n-stem *bʰel(e)no-, there was an s-stem *bʰel-es-, e.g. OHG bilisa, bilesa, bilsa [f], MDu. bilse, Spanish belesa, velesa, and probably W bela, bele, all meaning `henbane' (see Schrijver 1999). -
18 bȏrъ
bȏrъ Grammatical information: m. u Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `pine-tree, pine forest'Page in Trubačev: II 216-217Church Slavic:Russian:Old Russian:Ukrainian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Slovincian:bȯ́r `dry, barren soil, pine forest' [m o]Upper Sorbian:bór (arch.) `pine-tree, pine forest' [m o]Lower Sorbian:bór (obs.) `pine-tree, (pine) forest' [m o]Serbo-Croatian:bȏr `pine-tree' [m o], bȍra [Gens];Čak. bõr (Vrgada) `pine-tree' [m o], borȁ [Gens]Slovene:bọ̑r `pine-tree' [m o]Bulgarian:Comments: In Slavic, there are many indications for an original u-stem borъ < * bʰoru-, e.g. RuCS borove `pine-trees' [Nom p], Pl. w boru `in the forest', or derivates based on a stem borov-, such as SCr. boròvīk `coniferous forest, pine forest', bòrovina `pine-tree, pinewood', bòrȏvka `bilberry, raspberry'.Other cognates:OIc. bǫrr `tree'; -
19 čadъ
čadъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a? c? Proto-Slavic meaning: `smoke, fumes'Page in Trubačev: IV 9-10Russian:Czech:Polish:Slovincian:čåu̯d `smoke, fumes' [m o], čãdu̇ [Gens]Serbo-Croatian:čȁd (RJA: 17th-18th c.) `fumes, soot' [m o]Slovene:čȃd `smoke, fumes' [m o]Indo-European reconstruction: k(ʷ)ēd-o-Comments: The accent paradigm of * čadъ cannot be determined with certainty. Bogatyrev (1995: 29) slightly prefers (a) to (c). Since the etymology is also unclear, there are a number of possible reconstructions, e.g. * k(ʷ)ed-o-, k(ʷ)eh₁d(ʰ)-o- or - if AP (a) is secondary - k(ʷ)ēd(ʰ)-o-. See also -> *kādìti. -
20 dikъ
dikъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `wild'Page in Trubačev: V 29-30Church Slavic:Russian:díkij `wild' [adj o], diká [Nomsf], díko [Nomsn]Old Russian:Slovak:diký (Kott) `wild' [adj o]Polish:Upper Sorbian:dźiki `wild' [adj o]Lithuanian:dỹkas `empty, idle, for free, vacant' [adj o] 4Latvian:Comments: Perhaps cognate with Skt. dayi `fly (of birds, chariots, horses, gods)'. In view of the evidence for circumflex long i, the East Baltic forms, may be borrowings from Slavic, but the semantic difference (for which cf. Du. woest `desolate' -> `uncultivated, rough, wild') is conspicuous. Note that East Latv. dìeks2, if correctly interpreted, may reflect * deik-.Notes:\{1\} Both dîks2 and dìks2 are attested. In principle this combination points to dìks. In East Latvian, there are also forms reflecting dìeks2.
Страницы
См. также в других словарях:
there — [ ðer ] function word *** There can be used in the following ways: as a pronoun (to introduce the subject of the sentence): There s a spider in the bath. as an adverb: Wait there until I get back. as an interjection: There, that didn t hurt so… … Usage of the words and phrases in modern English
There — There, adv. [OE. ther, AS. [eth][=ae]r; akin to D. daar, G. da, OHG. d[=a]r, Sw. & Dan. der, Icel. & Goth. [thorn]ar, Skr. tarhi then, and E. that. [root]184. See {That}, pron.] 1. In or at that place. [They] there left me and my man, both bound… … The Collaborative International Dictionary of English
there — [ther] adv. [ME ther, there, where < OE ther, thær, there, where < IE * tor , *ter , there < * to , *tā , demonstrative base > THAT, THEN] 1. at or in that place: often used as an intensive [ Mary there is a good player ]: in… … English World dictionary
there is — there is, there are This impersonal formula is used to indicate the existence of something or someone in a way that avoids the need to identify them more closely grammatically. There is (or was) is used when the following noun is singular, and… … Modern English usage
there it is — That is the situation (and nothing can be done about it) • • • Main Entry: ↑there * * * there it is/there you are/there you go/spoken phrase used when a situation is not satisfactory but there is nothing that you can do to make it better … Useful english dictionary
there'd — «thaird», 1. there had. 2. there would. * * * /ˈðeɚd/ used as a contraction of there had or there would There d [=there had] never been a case like it before. I knew there d [=there would] be trouble … Useful english dictionary
there — ► ADVERB 1) in, at, or to that place or position. 2) in that respect; on that issue. 3) used in attracting attention to someone or something. 4) (usu. there is/are) used to indicate the fact or existence of something. ► EXCLAMATION 1) used to… … English terms dictionary
There It Is — may refer to: * There It Is (James Brown album), a 1972 album by James Brown * There It Is (911 album), a 1999 album by 911 * Whoomp! (There It Is) , a 1993 single by Tag Team * There It Is (film), a 1928 short film starring Charles R. Bowers *… … Wikipedia
there's — (there is) there exists, there lives; it is located there … English contemporary dictionary
There — était un jeu en ligne, caractérisé par un monde virtuel (metavers). Le jeu a été créé en Californie en 2003 et fermé le 9 mars 2010[1]. Après quelques difficultés et changements de propriétaire, il était contrôlé par la société Makena… … Wikipédia en Français
there — O.E. þær in or at that place, from P.Gmc. *thær (Cf. O.S. thar, O.Fris. ther, M.L.G. dar, M.Du. daer, Du. daar, O.H.G. dar, Ger. da, Goth. þar, O.N. þar), from PIE *tar there (Cf. Skt … Etymology dictionary
