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see+although

  • 1 although

    cj хотя, несмотря на, если бы, даже (1). В отличие от русских уступительных предложений, которые допускают два союза (как, например, Хотя он занят, но вас он примет), в английских соответствующих предложениях употребляется только один союз при соединении двух предложений:

    Although he is very busy, he will see you.

    (2). Подлежащее в уступительных придаточных предложениях может быть опущено. В этих случаях вместо личной формы глагола употребляется причастие или прилагательное:

    Although (though) very tired she went on reading.

    (3). Although и though могут соединять не только предложения, но и пассивные причастные обороты и слова, в частности прилагательные и наречия:

    He did the task well, although slowly.

    Her appointment was a significant, although temporary success.

    (4). Уступительные придаточные могут вводиться, кроме союзов although и though, союзами while, whereas, if, even though, even if. После союзов while, if, even if формы будущего времени не употребляются:

    Even if it takes me three months, I have made up my mind to finish the job — Даже если мне потребуется три месяца, я решил закончить эту работу.

    If she is foolish she is at any rate pleasant to look at — Пусть она глупа, но на нее, по крайней мере, приятно смотреть.

    (5). Значение уступительности, обычно передаваемое союзами although и though, может быть передано эмфатическим оборотом с союзом as и обязательным инвертированным порядком слов:

    Stupid as it sounds, but… — Хотя это может быть и звучит глупо, но я… Как бы глупо это ни звучало…

    I had to accept the fact improbable as it was — Я должен был признать этот факт, каким бы невероятным он ни казался.

    (6). Союз though может стоять в конце простого предложения, следующего за другим простым предложением, тесно связанным с ним по смыслу. Конечное though соответствует русским тем не менее, все же, все равно, все-таки:

    He didn't tell me where he had been, but I know, though — Он не сказал мне, где он был, но я все равно знаю.

    В такой же функции может употребляться наречие however как в конечной, так и начальной позиции:

    He is very busy. He will see you, however.

    (7). Значение уступительности также передаются местоимениями и наречиями с компонентом ever however, whoever, whatever, wherever, whenever. Эти слова придают оттенок дополнительной возможности:

    Whoever told you this was wrong — Кто бы тебе это ни сказал, он был не прав.

    However often I tried I couldn't find the answer — Сколько бы я ни старался, я не мог найти ответа.

    (8). Значение уступительности также передается оборотом no matter what (how, when):

    No matter what he did, no one paid any attention to it — Что бы он ни делал, никто не обращал на это внимания.

    (9). See after, cj.

    English-Russian word troubles > although

  • 2 although

    [ɔːl'ðəʊ]
    cj
    хотя, несмотря на, если бы даже

    Although she was tired, she went to work. — Хотя она устала, все же пошла на работу.

    They all came, although they were not invited. — Они все пришли, хотя их и не приглашали.

    I'll come, although I may be late. — Я приду, хотя, может быть, и опоздаю.

    Although she was tired, she went to work. — Хотя она и устала, она все же пошла на работу.

    They all came, although they were not invited. — Они все пришли, хотя их и не приглашали.

    I'll be there, although I may be late. — Я там буду, хотя, может быть, и поздно.

    Although he was perfectly willing to cooperate with Scotland Yard, Holmes has nothing but contempt for the intelligence and mentality of the police. — Хотя он охотно готов сотрудничать со Скотланд Ярдом, Холмс относился с величайшим презрением к способностям и умственным возможностям полиции.

    I found the water sufficiently shallow for me to wade. Although the red weed impeded my feet a little. — Я обнаружил, что вода была не глубока, и по ней можно было идти, хотя ноги немного вязли в красных водорослях.

    Although a look of alarm passed over his face, he didn't arrest his movements but disappeared into the shower room just as the chambermaid came out of number nine. — Хотя по его лицу промелькнуло выражение тревоги, он не замедлил шагов и скрылся в душевой, как раз в тот момент, когда уборщица выходила из кабины девять.

    It is possible although highly improbable. — Это возможно, но, тем не менее, крайне мало вероятно.

    USAGE:
    (1.) В отличие от русских уступительных предложений, которые допускают два союза, (например: хотя он занят, но вас он примет), в английских соответствующих предложениях употребляется только один союз при соединении двух предложений: although he is very busy, he will see you. Два союза возможны, если соединяются более двух предложений: although she was tired, she went to work, but she didn't stay long хотя она и устала, она пошла на работу, но пробыла там недолго. (2.) See after, cj; USAGE (1.).

    English-Russian combinatory dictionary > although

  • 3 Although

    conj.
    P. and V. καίπερ, περ ( enclitic) (both take the participle and are used when subject of main and subordinate clause are the same).
    Even if: P. and V. εἰ καὶ, κεἰ, ἐὰν καὶ, ἢν καί, κἄν; see Though.

    Woodhouse English-Greek dictionary. A vocabulary of the Attic language > Although

  • 4 NOTWITHSTANDING,

    Quettaparma Quenyallo (English-Quenya) > NOTWITHSTANDING,

  • 5 THOUGH,

    Quettaparma Quenyallo (English-Quenya) > THOUGH,

  • 6 though

    cj 1. хотя, несмотря на то, что; 2. тем не менее (1). For though 1. see although, cj. (2). For though 2. see although (6).

    English-Russian word troubles > though

  • 7 though

    English-Russian combinatory dictionary > though

  • 8 Usage note : might

    Although usage shows that may and might are interchangeable in many contexts, might indicates a more remote possibility than may. French generally translates this element of possibility using peut-être with the appropriate verb tense:
    it might snow
    = il va peut-être neiger
    (It is also possible to translate this more formally using il se peut + subjunctive: il se peut qu’il neige). For particular examples see might1 1.
    It is possible to translate might differently depending on the nature of the context and the speaker’s point of view:
    he might not come
    = il risque de ne pas venir
    implies that this is not a desirable outcome for the speaker ;
    he might not come
    = il pourrait ne pas venir or il se peut qu’il ne vienne pas
    however, is neutral in tone. Where there is the idea of a possibility in the past which has not in fact occurred (see might1 2), French uses the past conditional of the verb (which is often pouvoir):
    it might have been serious (but wasn’t in fact)
    = ça aurait pu être grave
    This is also the case where something which could have taken place did not, thus causing annoyance:
    you might have said thanks!
    = tu aurais pu dire merci!
    (see might1 7).
    might, as the past tense of may, will automatically occur in instances of reported speech:
    he said you might be hurt
    = il a dit que tu serais peut-être blessé
    For more examples see the entry might1 and bear in mind the rules for the agreement of tenses.
    Where there is a choice between may and might in making requests, might is more formal and even rather dated. French uses inversion (je peux = puis-je?) in this context and puis-je me permettre de…? (= might I…?) is extremely formal.
    Might can be used to polite effect - to soften direct statements: you might imagine that…or to offer advice tactfully: it might be wise to…In both cases, French uses the conditional tense of the verb: on pourrait penser que… ; ce serait peut-être une bonne idée de… The use of well in phrases such as he might well be right etc. implies a greater degree of likelihood.
    For translations of might well, may well, see B2 in the entry well1.
    For translations of the phrase might as well ( we might as well go home), see well1 B2.

    Big English-French dictionary > Usage note : might

  • 9 Health

       Although public health has improved considerably in the past two decades, and there has been a greater rate of improvement in this area since the Revolution of 25 April 1974, severe public health problems continue to plague Portugal. The death rate has decreased and life expectancy has increased (in 1989-90, life expectancy was about 71 for males and 78 for females, and by 2000 this had increased), but public health problems in Portugal continue to be severe; statistics especially in rural Portugal were typical of many poor countries. Recent improvements in the health picture include an improved medical educational system, better medical technology, and an increased number of doctors and medical personnel. There has also been some increase in the number of hospitals (in 1975, there were 229 hospitals and, in 1990, 239) and the number of beds available for patients. Basic health knowledge in the general population, however, remains low, especially in rural areas. Traditionally, medical resources continue to be most available in the major cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra.
       Along with increased migration from Portugal's former colonies and with European Union membership and its concomitant freer traffic across land frontiers, there has been an increase in the numbers of human immunodeficiency virus/acquired immune deficiency (HIV/AIDS) cases. Although not on the scale of some other Western European or North African countries, Portugal's HIV/AIDS situation has aroused national concern.
       An important sign of improving health care is that, as more women enter professional fields, more women choose to become doctors. Observers note that public health and medical improvements remain closely linked to reforms in education and better living conditions in both urban and rural areas where substandard housing, sanitation facilities, hygiene, and clean water supplies remain persistent problems.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Health

  • 10 Tourism

       Although certain places in Portugal have attracted travelers since the 18th century, mass tourism did not begin until the 1960s. After 1780, English romantics such as Robert Southie, Lord Byron, and other foreign writers put the town of Sintra on the map of romantic places to visit. In the 1920s and 1930s, the town of Estoril, about 32 kilometers (18 miles) west of Lisbon, along the coast, began to be developed as a high-class resort town. During the 1930s, Estoril attracted wealthy Spaniards escaping from the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and, after World War II, displaced and dethroned ex-royalty from Europe. Tourism was encouraged in the late 1930s, when the Estado Novo began to restore Portuguese castles in connection with the Double Centenary Exposition of the Portuguese World in 1940, an event designed to attract visitors to Portugal. In the 1960s, the Estado Novo began to develop the infrastructure for a mass tourist industry. Hotels and golf courses were built, especially in the Algarve, and a national system of pousadas (government subsidized inns) was established in restored castles and other historic structures.
       During the 1960s, the number of tourists visiting Portugal reached 6 million per year. Tourists stayed away from Portugal during the turbulent years immediately after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, but returned during the 1980s, and the tourist industry has grown at a phenomenal rate ever since. The number of tourists rose from 7.3 million in 1981-82 to about 18.4 million in 1990. Expo '98, Portugal's worlds fair of 1998, attracted hundreds of thousands of additional visitors, mostly from Europe.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Tourism

  • 11 much

    1. adjective,
    1) viel; groß [Erleichterung, Sorge, Dankbarkeit]

    he never eats much breakfast/lunch — er isst nicht viel zum Frühstück/zu Mittag

    too muchzu viel indekl.

    2)

    be a bit much(coll.) ein bisschen zu viel sein; (fig.) ein bisschen zu weit gehen

    2. noun;
    see also academic.ru/47990/more">more 2.; most 2.; vieles

    that doesn't come or amount to much — es kommt nicht viel dabei heraus

    he/this beer isn't up to much — (coll.) mit ihm/diesem Bier ist nicht viel los (ugs.)

    spend much of the day/week doing something — den Großteil des Tages/der Woche damit verbringen, etwas zu tun

    not be much of a cinema-goeretc. (coll.) kein großer Kinogänger usw. sein (ugs.)

    I expected/thought as much — das habe ich erwartet/mir gedacht

    you are as much to blame as he isdu bist ebenso sehr schuld wie er

    without so much as saying goodbyeohne auch nur auf Wiedersehen zu sagen

    3. adverb,
    more, most
    1) modifying comparatives viel [besser]

    much more lively/happy/attractive — viel lebhafter/glücklicher/ attraktiver

    2) modifying superlatives mit Abstand [der/die/das beste, schlechteste, klügste usw.]
    3) modifying passive participles and predicative adjectives sehr

    he is much improved(in health) es geht ihm viel besser

    4) modifying verbs (greatly) sehr [lieben, mögen, genießen]; (often) oft [sehen, treffen, besuchen]; (frequently) viel

    I don't much like him or like him much — ich mag ihn nicht besonders

    not go much on somebody/something — (coll.) nicht viel von jemandem/etwas halten

    much to my surprise/annoyance, I found that... — zu meiner großen Überraschung/Verärgerung stellte ich fest, dass...

    5) (approximately) fast

    [pretty or very] much the same — fast [genau] der-/die-/dasselbe

    6)

    much as or though — (although) sosehr... auch

    much as I should like to goso gern ich auch gehen würde

    * * *
    comparative of; see more
    * * *
    [mʌtʃ]
    I. adj
    <more, most>
    + sing viel
    there wasn't \much post es kam nicht viel Post
    how \much...? wie viel...?
    how \much time have we got? wie viel Zeit bleibt uns?
    half/twice as \much halb/doppelt so viel
    not/so \much nicht/so viel
    [\much] too \much [viel] zu viel
    a bit too \much etwas [o ein bisschen] [zu] viel
    II. pron
    1. (relative amount) viel
    this \much is certain so viel [o eines] ist sicher
    I don't know \much about fishing ich hab nicht viel Ahnung vom Angeln
    he left without so \much as an apology er ging ohne auch nur ein Wort der Entschuldigung
    half/twice as \much halb/doppelt so viel
    too \much zu viel
    2. (great deal) viel
    \much of what you say is right vieles von dem, was Sie sagen, ist richtig
    you didn't miss \much Sie haben nicht viel verpasst
    well, I guess our picnic won't come to \much ich glaube, aus unserem Picknick wird nichts werden
    my new stereo isn't up to \much meine neue Anlage taugt nicht viel fam
    I'm not up to \much really (not much planned) ich hab nicht viel vor; (not fit for much) mit mir ist nicht viel los fam
    I've never been \much of a dancer ich habe noch nie gut tanzen können
    she's not \much of a believer in horoscopes sie glaubt nicht wirklich an Horoskope
    he's not \much to look at er sieht nicht gerade umwerfend aus
    4. (larger part)
    \much of the day der Großteil des Tages
    \much of sb's time ein Großteil von jds Zeit
    5. (be redundant)
    so \much for... das war's dann wohl mit...
    the car's broken down again — so \much for the trip to the seaside das Auto ist schon wieder kaputt — das war's dann wohl mit unserem Ausflug ans Meer
    how \much is it? was kostet das?
    III. adv
    <more, most>
    1. (greatly) sehr
    we would very \much like to come wir würden sehr gerne kommen
    she would \much rather have her baby at home than in the hospital sie würde ihr Kind viel lieber zu Hause als im Krankenhaus zur Welt bringen
    I've been feeling \much healthier lately ich fühle mich in letzter Zeit viel besser
    \much to our surprise zu unserer großen Überraschung
    to not be \much good at sth in etw dat nicht sehr gut sein
    2. (by far) bei Weitem
    she's \much the best person for the job sie ist bei Weitem die Beste für den Job
    3. (nearly) fast
    things around here are \much as always hier ist alles beim Alten
    as \much as so gut wie
    he as \much as admitted that... er hat so gut wie zugegeben, dass...
    \much the same fast so
    I am feeling \much the same as yesterday ich fühle mich ungefähr genauso wie gestern
    4. (specifying degree)
    as \much as so viel wie
    I like him as \much as you do ich mag ihn genauso sehr wie du
    they fought with each other as \much as ever sie stritten sich wie eh und je
    so \much so [sehr]
    it hurts so \much to see him like that es tut so weh, ihn so zu sehen
    I wanted so \much to meet you ich wollte dich unbedingt treffen
    very \much sehr
    thank you very \much herzlichen Dank
    that's very \much the done thing around here das ist hier so üblich
    5. (exactly that) genau das
    I had expected as \much so etwas hatte ich schon erwartet
    it was as \much as I could do to get out of bed ich konnte gerade noch aufstehen
    6. (often) häufig
    we don't go out \much wir gehen nicht viel [o oft] weg
    do you see \much of her? siehst du sie öfters?
    7. (setting up a contrast)
    they're not so \much lovers as friends sie sind eher Freunde als ein Liebespaar
    IV. conj (although) auch wenn, wenngleich geh
    \much as I like you,... so gern ich dich auch mag,...
    \much as I would like to help you,... so gerne ich euch auch helfen würde,...
    he can barely boil an egg, \much less cook a proper dinner er kann kaum ein Ei kochen, geschweige denn eine richtige Mahlzeit
    however \much you dislike her... wie unsympathisch sie dir auch sein mag,...
    * * *
    [mʌtʃ]
    1. adj, n

    much of this is trueviel or vieles daran ist wahr

    he's/it's not up to much (inf) — er/es ist nicht gerade berühmt (inf)

    I'm not much of a musician/cook/player — ich bin nicht sehr musikalisch/keine große Köchin/kein (besonders) guter Spieler

    that wasn't much of a dinner/party — das Essen/die Party war nicht gerade besonders

    I find that a bit (too) much after all I've done for him — nach allem was ich für ihn getan habe, finde ich das ein ziemlich starkes Stück (inf)

    2)

    that insult was too much for me —

    the sight of her face was too much for me ( inf = outrageous ) —, = outrageous ) ihr Gesicht war zum Schreien (inf)

    these children are/this job is too much for me — ich bin den Kindern/der Arbeit nicht gewachsen

    far too much, too much by half — viel zu viel

    3)

    (just) as much — ebenso viel inv, genauso viel inv

    about/not as much —

    as much as you want/can etc — so viel du willst/kannst etc

    as much as possible —

    they hope to raise as much as £2m — sie hoffen, nicht weniger als zwei Millionen Pfund aufzubringen

    I feared/thought etc as much — (genau) das habe ich befürchtet/mir gedacht etc

    as much as to say... — was so viel heißt or bedeutet wie...

    4)

    so muchso viel inv; (emph so, with following that) so viel

    it's not so much a problem of modernization as... —

    See:
    → also so
    5)

    to make much of sb/sth — viel Wind um jdn/etw machen

    Glasgow makes much of its large number of parksGlasgow rühmt sich seiner vielen Parks

    I couldn't make much of that chaptermit dem Kapitel konnte ich nicht viel anfangen (inf)

    2. adv
    1) (with adj, adv) viel; (with vb) sehr; (with vb of physical action) drive, sleep, think, talk, laugh etc viel; come, visit, go out etc oft, viel (inf)

    a much-admired/-married woman —

    he was much dismayed/embarrassed etc — er war sehr bestürzt/verlegen etc

    so much — so viel; so sehr

    too much — zu viel, zu sehr

    I like it very/so much — es gefällt mir sehr gut/so gut or so sehr

    I don't like him/it too much — ich kann ihn/es nicht besonders leiden

    thank you ( ever) so much — vielen herzlichen Dank

    however much he tries —

    there wasn't enough water to drink, much less wash in — es gab nicht genug Wasser zu trinken, ganz zu schweigen, um sich damit zu waschen

    See:
    → also so
    2) (= by far) weitaus, bei Weitem

    much the biggest — weitaus or bei Weitem der/die/das größte

    3) (= almost) beinahe

    they are much of an age or much the same age —

    * * *
    much [mʌtʃ] komp more [mɔː(r); US auch ˈməʊər], sup most [məʊst]
    A adj viel:
    I haven’t got much money on me;
    it wasn’t much fun es war kein sonderliches Vergnügen;
    he’s too much for me umg ich werde nicht mit ihm fertig;
    get too much for sb jemandem über den Kopf wachsen (Arbeit etc)
    B s Menge f, große Sache:
    nothing much nichts Besonderes;
    it did not come to much es kam nicht viel dabei heraus;
    think much of viel halten von, eine hohe Meinung haben von, große Stücke halten auf (akk);
    I don’t think much of him as a teacher ich halte nicht viel von ihm als Lehrer;
    he is not much of a dancer er ist kein großer oder berühmter Tänzer;
    I’m not much of a drinker ich mach mir nicht viel aus Alkohol;
    he’s not much of a husband er ist kein besonders guter Ehemann;
    he’s not much of a scholar mit seiner Bildung ist es nicht weit her;
    it is much of him even to come schon allein, dass er kommt, will viel heißen;
    too much of a good thing zu viel des Guten; make B 14
    C adv
    1. sehr:
    we much regret wir bedauern sehr;
    much to my regret sehr zu meinem Bedauern;
    much to my surprise zu meiner großen Überraschung;
    it’s not much good umg
    a) es ist nicht besonders gut,
    b) es schmeckt nicht besonders
    much-decorated MIL hochdekoriert;
    a) weit oder viel gereist, weit herumgekommen,
    b) viel befahren;
    much-vaunted viel gerühmt
    3. (vor komp) viel, weit, erheblich:
    much stronger viel stärker
    4. (vor sup) bei Weitem, weitaus:
    5. fast, annähernd, ziemlich (genau), mehr od weniger:
    he did it in much the same way er tat es auf ungefähr die gleiche Weise;
    it is much the same thing es ist ziemlich dasselbeBesondere Redewendungen: as much
    a) so viel,
    b) so sehr,
    c) ungefähr, etwa as much as so viel wie;
    (as) much as I would like so gern ich auch möchte;
    as much more ( oder again) noch einmal so viel (as wie);
    he said as much das war (ungefähr) der Sinn seiner Worte;
    this is as much as to say das soll so viel heißen wie, das heißt mit anderen Worten;
    he made a gesture as much as to say so, als ob er sagen wollte;
    I thought as much das habe ich mir gedacht;
    he, as much as any er so gut wie irgendeiner;
    a) so sehr,
    b) so viel,
    c) lauter, nichts als so much the better umso besser ( for für);
    so much for today so viel für heute;
    so much for our plans so viel (wäre also) zu unseren Plänen (zu sagen);
    not so much as nicht einmal;
    without so much as to move ohne sich auch nur zu bewegen;
    so much so (und zwar) so sehr;
    a) viel weniger,
    b) geschweige denn not much umg (als Antwort) wohl kaum;
    much like a child ganz wie ein Kind
    * * *
    1. adjective,
    1) viel; groß [Erleichterung, Sorge, Dankbarkeit]

    he never eats much breakfast/lunch — er isst nicht viel zum Frühstück/zu Mittag

    too muchzu viel indekl.

    2)

    be a bit much(coll.) ein bisschen zu viel sein; (fig.) ein bisschen zu weit gehen

    2. noun;
    see also more 2.; most 2.; vieles

    that doesn't come or amount to much — es kommt nicht viel dabei heraus

    he/this beer isn't up to much — (coll.) mit ihm/diesem Bier ist nicht viel los (ugs.)

    spend much of the day/week doing something — den Großteil des Tages/der Woche damit verbringen, etwas zu tun

    not be much of a cinema-goeretc. (coll.) kein großer Kinogänger usw. sein (ugs.)

    I expected/thought as much — das habe ich erwartet/mir gedacht

    3. adverb,
    more, most
    1) modifying comparatives viel [besser]

    much more lively/happy/attractive — viel lebhafter/glücklicher/ attraktiver

    2) modifying superlatives mit Abstand [der/die/das beste, schlechteste, klügste usw.]
    3) modifying passive participles and predicative adjectives sehr

    he is much improved (in health) es geht ihm viel besser

    4) modifying verbs (greatly) sehr [lieben, mögen, genießen]; (often) oft [sehen, treffen, besuchen]; (frequently) viel

    I don't much like him or like him much — ich mag ihn nicht besonders

    not go much on somebody/something — (coll.) nicht viel von jemandem/etwas halten

    much to my surprise/annoyance, I found that... — zu meiner großen Überraschung/Verärgerung stellte ich fest, dass...

    [pretty or very] much the same — fast [genau] der-/die-/dasselbe

    6)

    much as or though — (although) sosehr... auch

    * * *
    adj.
    viel adj. n.
    sehr adv.
    viel adj.

    English-german dictionary > much

  • 12 when

    1. wen adverb
    (at what time(?): When did you arrive?; When will you see her again?; I asked him when the incident had occurred; Tell me when to jump.) cuando

    2. wən, wen conjunction
    1) ((at or during) the time at which: It happened when I was abroad; When you see her, give her this message; When I've finished, I'll telephone you.) cuando
    2) (in spite of the fact that; considering that: Why do you walk when you have a car?) si
    - whenever
    when1 adv cuándo
    when did you sell your car? ¿cuándo vendiste tu coche?
    when2 conj cuando
    it was different when I was a boy cuando yo era niño, era diferente
    tr[wen]
    when did it happen? ¿cuándo pasó?
    when are they coming? ¿cuándo vendrán?
    when did she die? ¿cuándo murió?
    since when? ¿desde cuándo?
    3 (at which, on which) cuando, en que
    2 (whenever) cuando, siempre que
    3 (considering) cuando, si
    why do you want to move when you've got such a nice house? ¿por qué te quieres mudar si tienes una casa tan bonita?
    4 (although) cuando, aunque
    1 cuando
    \
    SMALLIDIOMATIC EXPRESSION/SMALL
    say when (pouring) me dirás basta
    when ['hwɛn] adv
    : cuándo
    when will you return?: ¿cuándo volverás?
    he asked me when I would be home: me preguntó cuándo estaría en casa
    when conj
    when you are ready: cuando estés listo
    the days when I clean the house: los días en que limpio la casa
    2) if: cuando, si
    how can I go when I have no money?: ¿cómo voy a ir si no tengo dinero?
    3) although: cuando
    you said it was big when actually it's small: dijiste que era grande cuando en realidad es pequeño
    when pron
    : cuándo
    since when are you the boss?: ¿desde cuándo eres el jefe?
    adv.
    como adv.
    cuando adv.
    cuándo adv.
    conj.
    cuando conj.
    que conj.

    I hwen, wen
    1) (in questions, indirect questions) cuándo

    when did you arrive? — ¿cuándo llegaste?

    that was when I realized that... — fue entonces cuando or (esp AmL tb) que me di cuenta de que...

    in December, when we were on holiday — en diciembre, cuando estábamos de vacaciones


    II
    1)
    a) ( temporal sense) cuando
    b) (if) si, cuando

    these results aren't bad when you compare them with... — estos resultados no son malos si or cuando se los compara con...

    2)
    a) (since, considering that) si, cuando

    why go to a hotel when you can stay here? — ¿por qué ir a un hotel si or cuando te puedes quedar aquí?

    b) ( although) cuando

    III
    pronoun cuándo

    when do you have to be in London by? — ¿para cuándo tienes que estar en Londres?

    since when have they had the farm? — ¿desde cuándo tienen la granja?, ¿cuánto hace que tienen la granja?

    [wen]
    1. ADVERB
    1) (in direct and indirect questions, reported speech)

    When in direct and indirect questions as well as after expressions of (un)certainty and doubt (e.g. no sé) translates as cuándo (with an accent) and is used with the indicative: cuándo

    when did it happen? — ¿cuándo ocurrió?

    he asked me when I had seen it — me preguntó cuándo lo había visto

    do you know when he died? — ¿sabes cuándo murió?

    he told me when the wedding would be — me dijo cuándo sería la boda

    say when! (when serving food, drink) ¡dime cuánto! since when

    since when do you like or have you liked Indian food? — ¿desde cuándo te gusta la comida india?

    till when? ¿hasta cuándo?

    when will we learn to keep our mouths shut! — ¡cuándo aprenderemos a callar la boca!

    a) (=the time, day, moment etc) cuando

    Monday? that's when Ted gets back — ¿el lunes? ese día es cuando vuelve Ted

    1958: that's when I was born — 1958: (en) ese año nací yo

    If when follows a noun (e.g. day, time) and defines the noun, translate using ( en) que not cuando:
    (en) que
    c)
    If the when clause following a noun provides additional information which does not define or restrict the noun - in English as in Spanish commas are obligatory here - translate using cuando:
    cuando

    some days, when we're very busy, we don't finish work till very late — algunos días, cuando tenemos mucho trabajo, no acabamos hasta muy tarde

    2. CONJUNCTION
    1) (=at, during or after the time that)
    As a conjunction, when can be translated by cuando (without an accent) followed by either the indicative or the subjunctive. Use the indicative when talking about the past or making general statements about the present. Use the subjunctive when the action is or was in the future: cuando

    he arrived at 8 o'clock, when traffic is at its peak — llegó a las ocho en punto, en lo peor del tráfico

    If [when] + verb can be substituted by [on] + '-ing' in English and describes an action that takes place at the same time as another one or follows it very closely, you can use [al] + infinitive:

    be careful when crossing or when you cross the road — ten cuidado al cruzar la calle

    when a student at Oxford, she... — cuando era estudiante or estudiaba en Oxford...

    my father, when young, had a fine tenor voice — mi padre, de joven or cuando era joven, tenía una buena voz de tenor

    when just three years old, he was... — cuando tenía solo tres años, era...

    2) (=if) si, cuando

    how can I relax when I've got loads of things to do? — ¿cómo puedo relajarme si or cuando tengo montones de cosas que hacer?

    3) (=whereas) cuando

    he thought he was recovering, when in fact... — pensaba que se estaba recuperando, cuando de hecho...

    * * *

    I [hwen, wen]
    1) (in questions, indirect questions) cuándo

    when did you arrive? — ¿cuándo llegaste?

    that was when I realized that... — fue entonces cuando or (esp AmL tb) que me di cuenta de que...

    in December, when we were on holiday — en diciembre, cuando estábamos de vacaciones


    II
    1)
    a) ( temporal sense) cuando
    b) (if) si, cuando

    these results aren't bad when you compare them with... — estos resultados no son malos si or cuando se los compara con...

    2)
    a) (since, considering that) si, cuando

    why go to a hotel when you can stay here? — ¿por qué ir a un hotel si or cuando te puedes quedar aquí?

    b) ( although) cuando

    III
    pronoun cuándo

    when do you have to be in London by? — ¿para cuándo tienes que estar en Londres?

    since when have they had the farm? — ¿desde cuándo tienen la granja?, ¿cuánto hace que tienen la granja?

    English-spanish dictionary > when

  • 13 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

  • 14 Little

    I 1. ['lɪtl]
    (compar. less; superl. least) quantisostantivo femminile

    little chancepoche o scarse possibilità

    there's little sense o point non ha molto senso; he speaks little German parla poco il tedesco; with no little difficulty non senza difficoltà; I see little of Paul these days — in questi giorni vedo Paul molto di rado

    2.

    it says very little for her — non depone molto a suo favore, non le fa molto onore

    little or nothing — quasi nulla, praticamente niente

    ••

    little by little — poco a poco, poco per volta, gradualmente

    to make little of (disparage) dare poca importanza a, non dare peso a [ victory]; (not understand) non capire molto, capirci poco di [ speech]

    ••
    Note:
    When little is used as a quantifier ( little time, little hope, little money, little chance), it is translated by poco / poca / pochi / poche: poco tempo, poca speranza, pochi soldi, poche possibilità. For examples and particular usages, see I below. - When a little is used as a pronoun ( give me a little), it is translated by un po' or un poco: dammene un po' / un poco. - When little is used alone as a pronoun ( there is little I can do), it is very often translated non... un granché: non posso fare un granché. - For examples of these and other uses of little as a pronoun ( to do as little as possible etc.), see the entry below. - For uses of little and a little as adverbs, see the entry below. - Note that less and least are treated as separate entries in the dictionary
    II ['lɪtl]
    1) (not much) [speak, eat, go] poco

    a little less, more — un po' meno, un po' più

    III ['lɪtl]
    aggettivo (compar. less; superl. least) When little is used with nouns to express such qualities as smallness, prettiness or disparagement, Italian may convey the same meaning by means of suffixes that alter the sense of the noun: a little house = una casetta; a little old man = un vecchietto; my little brother = il mio fratellino; her little sister = la sua sorellina; little girl = ragazzina; a little hat = un cappellino; little Mary = Mariuccia; a nasty little man = un perfido ometto; a silly little woman = una stupida donnetta. - Please note that, although smaller and smallest are generally used instead of littler e littlest, the Italian translation does not change: più piccolo, il più piccolo
    1) (small) piccolo

    a little house — una piccola casa, una casetta

    a little something — qualcosina, una cosina

    2) (young) [sister, boy] piccolo

    when I was little — quando ero piccolo, da piccolo

    3) (feeble) [gesture, nod] piccolo

    a little voice said... — una vocina flebile disse

    4) (lacking influence) [farmer, businessman] piccolo
    6) (short) [nap, holiday, break] breve
    * * *
    ['litl] 1. adjective
    1) (small in size: He is only a little boy; when she was little (= a child).) piccolo
    2) (small in amount; not much: He has little knowledge of the difficulties involved.) poco
    3) (not important: I did not expect her to make a fuss about such a little thing.) piccolo, (poco importante)
    2. pronoun
    ((only) a small amount: He knows little of the real world.) poco
    3. adverb
    1) (not much: I go out little nowadays.) poco
    2) (only to a small degree: a little-known fact.) poco
    3) (not at all: He little knows how ill he is.) (per niente)
    - little by little
    - make little of
    * * *
    (Surnames) Little /ˈlɪtl/
    * * *
    I 1. ['lɪtl]
    (compar. less; superl. least) quantisostantivo femminile

    little chancepoche o scarse possibilità

    there's little sense o point non ha molto senso; he speaks little German parla poco il tedesco; with no little difficulty non senza difficoltà; I see little of Paul these days — in questi giorni vedo Paul molto di rado

    2.

    it says very little for her — non depone molto a suo favore, non le fa molto onore

    little or nothing — quasi nulla, praticamente niente

    ••

    little by little — poco a poco, poco per volta, gradualmente

    to make little of (disparage) dare poca importanza a, non dare peso a [ victory]; (not understand) non capire molto, capirci poco di [ speech]

    ••
    Note:
    When little is used as a quantifier ( little time, little hope, little money, little chance), it is translated by poco / poca / pochi / poche: poco tempo, poca speranza, pochi soldi, poche possibilità. For examples and particular usages, see I below. - When a little is used as a pronoun ( give me a little), it is translated by un po' or un poco: dammene un po' / un poco. - When little is used alone as a pronoun ( there is little I can do), it is very often translated non... un granché: non posso fare un granché. - For examples of these and other uses of little as a pronoun ( to do as little as possible etc.), see the entry below. - For uses of little and a little as adverbs, see the entry below. - Note that less and least are treated as separate entries in the dictionary
    II ['lɪtl]
    1) (not much) [speak, eat, go] poco

    a little less, more — un po' meno, un po' più

    III ['lɪtl]
    aggettivo (compar. less; superl. least) When little is used with nouns to express such qualities as smallness, prettiness or disparagement, Italian may convey the same meaning by means of suffixes that alter the sense of the noun: a little house = una casetta; a little old man = un vecchietto; my little brother = il mio fratellino; her little sister = la sua sorellina; little girl = ragazzina; a little hat = un cappellino; little Mary = Mariuccia; a nasty little man = un perfido ometto; a silly little woman = una stupida donnetta. - Please note that, although smaller and smallest are generally used instead of littler e littlest, the Italian translation does not change: più piccolo, il più piccolo
    1) (small) piccolo

    a little house — una piccola casa, una casetta

    a little something — qualcosina, una cosina

    2) (young) [sister, boy] piccolo

    when I was little — quando ero piccolo, da piccolo

    3) (feeble) [gesture, nod] piccolo

    a little voice said... — una vocina flebile disse

    4) (lacking influence) [farmer, businessman] piccolo
    6) (short) [nap, holiday, break] breve

    English-Italian dictionary > Little

  • 15 Artificial Intelligence

       In my opinion, none of [these programs] does even remote justice to the complexity of human mental processes. Unlike men, "artificially intelligent" programs tend to be single minded, undistractable, and unemotional. (Neisser, 1967, p. 9)
       Future progress in [artificial intelligence] will depend on the development of both practical and theoretical knowledge.... As regards theoretical knowledge, some have sought a unified theory of artificial intelligence. My view is that artificial intelligence is (or soon will be) an engineering discipline since its primary goal is to build things. (Nilsson, 1971, pp. vii-viii)
       Most workers in AI [artificial intelligence] research and in related fields confess to a pronounced feeling of disappointment in what has been achieved in the last 25 years. Workers entered the field around 1950, and even around 1960, with high hopes that are very far from being realized in 1972. In no part of the field have the discoveries made so far produced the major impact that was then promised.... In the meantime, claims and predictions regarding the potential results of AI research had been publicized which went even farther than the expectations of the majority of workers in the field, whose embarrassments have been added to by the lamentable failure of such inflated predictions....
       When able and respected scientists write in letters to the present author that AI, the major goal of computing science, represents "another step in the general process of evolution"; that possibilities in the 1980s include an all-purpose intelligence on a human-scale knowledge base; that awe-inspiring possibilities suggest themselves based on machine intelligence exceeding human intelligence by the year 2000 [one has the right to be skeptical]. (Lighthill, 1972, p. 17)
       4) Just as Astronomy Succeeded Astrology, the Discovery of Intellectual Processes in Machines Should Lead to a Science, Eventually
       Just as astronomy succeeded astrology, following Kepler's discovery of planetary regularities, the discoveries of these many principles in empirical explorations on intellectual processes in machines should lead to a science, eventually. (Minsky & Papert, 1973, p. 11)
       Many problems arise in experiments on machine intelligence because things obvious to any person are not represented in any program. One can pull with a string, but one cannot push with one.... Simple facts like these caused serious problems when Charniak attempted to extend Bobrow's "Student" program to more realistic applications, and they have not been faced up to until now. (Minsky & Papert, 1973, p. 77)
       What do we mean by [a symbolic] "description"? We do not mean to suggest that our descriptions must be made of strings of ordinary language words (although they might be). The simplest kind of description is a structure in which some features of a situation are represented by single ("primitive") symbols, and relations between those features are represented by other symbols-or by other features of the way the description is put together. (Minsky & Papert, 1973, p. 11)
       [AI is] the use of computer programs and programming techniques to cast light on the principles of intelligence in general and human thought in particular. (Boden, 1977, p. 5)
       The word you look for and hardly ever see in the early AI literature is the word knowledge. They didn't believe you have to know anything, you could always rework it all.... In fact 1967 is the turning point in my mind when there was enough feeling that the old ideas of general principles had to go.... I came up with an argument for what I called the primacy of expertise, and at the time I called the other guys the generalists. (Moses, quoted in McCorduck, 1979, pp. 228-229)
       9) Artificial Intelligence Is Psychology in a Particularly Pure and Abstract Form
       The basic idea of cognitive science is that intelligent beings are semantic engines-in other words, automatic formal systems with interpretations under which they consistently make sense. We can now see why this includes psychology and artificial intelligence on a more or less equal footing: people and intelligent computers (if and when there are any) turn out to be merely different manifestations of the same underlying phenomenon. Moreover, with universal hardware, any semantic engine can in principle be formally imitated by a computer if only the right program can be found. And that will guarantee semantic imitation as well, since (given the appropriate formal behavior) the semantics is "taking care of itself" anyway. Thus we also see why, from this perspective, artificial intelligence can be regarded as psychology in a particularly pure and abstract form. The same fundamental structures are under investigation, but in AI, all the relevant parameters are under direct experimental control (in the programming), without any messy physiology or ethics to get in the way. (Haugeland, 1981b, p. 31)
       There are many different kinds of reasoning one might imagine:
        Formal reasoning involves the syntactic manipulation of data structures to deduce new ones following prespecified rules of inference. Mathematical logic is the archetypical formal representation. Procedural reasoning uses simulation to answer questions and solve problems. When we use a program to answer What is the sum of 3 and 4? it uses, or "runs," a procedural model of arithmetic. Reasoning by analogy seems to be a very natural mode of thought for humans but, so far, difficult to accomplish in AI programs. The idea is that when you ask the question Can robins fly? the system might reason that "robins are like sparrows, and I know that sparrows can fly, so robins probably can fly."
        Generalization and abstraction are also natural reasoning process for humans that are difficult to pin down well enough to implement in a program. If one knows that Robins have wings, that Sparrows have wings, and that Blue jays have wings, eventually one will believe that All birds have wings. This capability may be at the core of most human learning, but it has not yet become a useful technique in AI.... Meta- level reasoning is demonstrated by the way one answers the question What is Paul Newman's telephone number? You might reason that "if I knew Paul Newman's number, I would know that I knew it, because it is a notable fact." This involves using "knowledge about what you know," in particular, about the extent of your knowledge and about the importance of certain facts. Recent research in psychology and AI indicates that meta-level reasoning may play a central role in human cognitive processing. (Barr & Feigenbaum, 1981, pp. 146-147)
       Suffice it to say that programs already exist that can do things-or, at the very least, appear to be beginning to do things-which ill-informed critics have asserted a priori to be impossible. Examples include: perceiving in a holistic as opposed to an atomistic way; using language creatively; translating sensibly from one language to another by way of a language-neutral semantic representation; planning acts in a broad and sketchy fashion, the details being decided only in execution; distinguishing between different species of emotional reaction according to the psychological context of the subject. (Boden, 1981, p. 33)
       Can the synthesis of Man and Machine ever be stable, or will the purely organic component become such a hindrance that it has to be discarded? If this eventually happens-and I have... good reasons for thinking that it must-we have nothing to regret and certainly nothing to fear. (Clarke, 1984, p. 243)
       The thesis of GOFAI... is not that the processes underlying intelligence can be described symbolically... but that they are symbolic. (Haugeland, 1985, p. 113)
        14) Artificial Intelligence Provides a Useful Approach to Psychological and Psychiatric Theory Formation
       It is all very well formulating psychological and psychiatric theories verbally but, when using natural language (even technical jargon), it is difficult to recognise when a theory is complete; oversights are all too easily made, gaps too readily left. This is a point which is generally recognised to be true and it is for precisely this reason that the behavioural sciences attempt to follow the natural sciences in using "classical" mathematics as a more rigorous descriptive language. However, it is an unfortunate fact that, with a few notable exceptions, there has been a marked lack of success in this application. It is my belief that a different approach-a different mathematics-is needed, and that AI provides just this approach. (Hand, quoted in Hand, 1985, pp. 6-7)
       We might distinguish among four kinds of AI.
       Research of this kind involves building and programming computers to perform tasks which, to paraphrase Marvin Minsky, would require intelligence if they were done by us. Researchers in nonpsychological AI make no claims whatsoever about the psychological realism of their programs or the devices they build, that is, about whether or not computers perform tasks as humans do.
       Research here is guided by the view that the computer is a useful tool in the study of mind. In particular, we can write computer programs or build devices that simulate alleged psychological processes in humans and then test our predictions about how the alleged processes work. We can weave these programs and devices together with other programs and devices that simulate different alleged mental processes and thereby test the degree to which the AI system as a whole simulates human mentality. According to weak psychological AI, working with computer models is a way of refining and testing hypotheses about processes that are allegedly realized in human minds.
    ... According to this view, our minds are computers and therefore can be duplicated by other computers. Sherry Turkle writes that the "real ambition is of mythic proportions, making a general purpose intelligence, a mind." (Turkle, 1984, p. 240) The authors of a major text announce that "the ultimate goal of AI research is to build a person or, more humbly, an animal." (Charniak & McDermott, 1985, p. 7)
       Research in this field, like strong psychological AI, takes seriously the functionalist view that mentality can be realized in many different types of physical devices. Suprapsychological AI, however, accuses strong psychological AI of being chauvinisticof being only interested in human intelligence! Suprapsychological AI claims to be interested in all the conceivable ways intelligence can be realized. (Flanagan, 1991, pp. 241-242)
        16) Determination of Relevance of Rules in Particular Contexts
       Even if the [rules] were stored in a context-free form the computer still couldn't use them. To do that the computer requires rules enabling it to draw on just those [ rules] which are relevant in each particular context. Determination of relevance will have to be based on further facts and rules, but the question will again arise as to which facts and rules are relevant for making each particular determination. One could always invoke further facts and rules to answer this question, but of course these must be only the relevant ones. And so it goes. It seems that AI workers will never be able to get started here unless they can settle the problem of relevance beforehand by cataloguing types of context and listing just those facts which are relevant in each. (Dreyfus & Dreyfus, 1986, p. 80)
       Perhaps the single most important idea to artificial intelligence is that there is no fundamental difference between form and content, that meaning can be captured in a set of symbols such as a semantic net. (G. Johnson, 1986, p. 250)
        18) The Assumption That the Mind Is a Formal System
       Artificial intelligence is based on the assumption that the mind can be described as some kind of formal system manipulating symbols that stand for things in the world. Thus it doesn't matter what the brain is made of, or what it uses for tokens in the great game of thinking. Using an equivalent set of tokens and rules, we can do thinking with a digital computer, just as we can play chess using cups, salt and pepper shakers, knives, forks, and spoons. Using the right software, one system (the mind) can be mapped into the other (the computer). (G. Johnson, 1986, p. 250)
        19) A Statement of the Primary and Secondary Purposes of Artificial Intelligence
       The primary goal of Artificial Intelligence is to make machines smarter.
       The secondary goals of Artificial Intelligence are to understand what intelligence is (the Nobel laureate purpose) and to make machines more useful (the entrepreneurial purpose). (Winston, 1987, p. 1)
       The theoretical ideas of older branches of engineering are captured in the language of mathematics. We contend that mathematical logic provides the basis for theory in AI. Although many computer scientists already count logic as fundamental to computer science in general, we put forward an even stronger form of the logic-is-important argument....
       AI deals mainly with the problem of representing and using declarative (as opposed to procedural) knowledge. Declarative knowledge is the kind that is expressed as sentences, and AI needs a language in which to state these sentences. Because the languages in which this knowledge usually is originally captured (natural languages such as English) are not suitable for computer representations, some other language with the appropriate properties must be used. It turns out, we think, that the appropriate properties include at least those that have been uppermost in the minds of logicians in their development of logical languages such as the predicate calculus. Thus, we think that any language for expressing knowledge in AI systems must be at least as expressive as the first-order predicate calculus. (Genesereth & Nilsson, 1987, p. viii)
        21) Perceptual Structures Can Be Represented as Lists of Elementary Propositions
       In artificial intelligence studies, perceptual structures are represented as assemblages of description lists, the elementary components of which are propositions asserting that certain relations hold among elements. (Chase & Simon, 1988, p. 490)
       Artificial intelligence (AI) is sometimes defined as the study of how to build and/or program computers to enable them to do the sorts of things that minds can do. Some of these things are commonly regarded as requiring intelligence: offering a medical diagnosis and/or prescription, giving legal or scientific advice, proving theorems in logic or mathematics. Others are not, because they can be done by all normal adults irrespective of educational background (and sometimes by non-human animals too), and typically involve no conscious control: seeing things in sunlight and shadows, finding a path through cluttered terrain, fitting pegs into holes, speaking one's own native tongue, and using one's common sense. Because it covers AI research dealing with both these classes of mental capacity, this definition is preferable to one describing AI as making computers do "things that would require intelligence if done by people." However, it presupposes that computers could do what minds can do, that they might really diagnose, advise, infer, and understand. One could avoid this problematic assumption (and also side-step questions about whether computers do things in the same way as we do) by defining AI instead as "the development of computers whose observable performance has features which in humans we would attribute to mental processes." This bland characterization would be acceptable to some AI workers, especially amongst those focusing on the production of technological tools for commercial purposes. But many others would favour a more controversial definition, seeing AI as the science of intelligence in general-or, more accurately, as the intellectual core of cognitive science. As such, its goal is to provide a systematic theory that can explain (and perhaps enable us to replicate) both the general categories of intentionality and the diverse psychological capacities grounded in them. (Boden, 1990b, pp. 1-2)
       Because the ability to store data somewhat corresponds to what we call memory in human beings, and because the ability to follow logical procedures somewhat corresponds to what we call reasoning in human beings, many members of the cult have concluded that what computers do somewhat corresponds to what we call thinking. It is no great difficulty to persuade the general public of that conclusion since computers process data very fast in small spaces well below the level of visibility; they do not look like other machines when they are at work. They seem to be running along as smoothly and silently as the brain does when it remembers and reasons and thinks. On the other hand, those who design and build computers know exactly how the machines are working down in the hidden depths of their semiconductors. Computers can be taken apart, scrutinized, and put back together. Their activities can be tracked, analyzed, measured, and thus clearly understood-which is far from possible with the brain. This gives rise to the tempting assumption on the part of the builders and designers that computers can tell us something about brains, indeed, that the computer can serve as a model of the mind, which then comes to be seen as some manner of information processing machine, and possibly not as good at the job as the machine. (Roszak, 1994, pp. xiv-xv)
       The inner workings of the human mind are far more intricate than the most complicated systems of modern technology. Researchers in the field of artificial intelligence have been attempting to develop programs that will enable computers to display intelligent behavior. Although this field has been an active one for more than thirty-five years and has had many notable successes, AI researchers still do not know how to create a program that matches human intelligence. No existing program can recall facts, solve problems, reason, learn, and process language with human facility. This lack of success has occurred not because computers are inferior to human brains but rather because we do not yet know in sufficient detail how intelligence is organized in the brain. (Anderson, 1995, p. 2)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Artificial Intelligence

  • 16 while

    1. conjunction
    1) (during the time that: I saw him while I was out walking.) mientras
    2) (although: While I sympathize, I can't really do very much to help.) aunque

    2. noun
    (a space of time: It took me quite a while; It's a long while since we saw her.) algún tiempo; mucho tiempo
    - worth one's while
    while1 conj mientras
    while2 n rato
    tr[waɪl]
    1 (time) rato, tiempo
    you've been here all the while! ¡has estado aquí todo el rato!
    1 (when) mientras
    2 (although) aunque
    while I sympathize with the cause, I cannot support your methods aunque simpatizo con la causa, no puedo apoyar tus métodos
    3 (whereas) mientras que
    he prefers to go out, while I like staying in él prefiere salir mientras que a mí me gusta quedarme en casa
    while ['hwaɪl] vt, whiled ; whiling : pasar
    to while away the time: matar el tiempo
    1) time: rato m, tiempo m
    after a while: después de un rato
    in a while: dentro de poco
    2)
    to be worth one's while : valer la pena
    while conj
    1) : mientras
    whistle while you work: silba mientras trabajas
    2) whereas: mientras que
    3) although: aunque
    while it's very good, it's not perfect: aunque es muy bueno, no es perfecto
    v.
    pasar v.
    adv.
    mientras adv.
    conj.
    mientras conj.
    mientras que conj.
    ínterin conj.
    n.
    rato s.m.

    I hwaɪl, waɪl
    1) ( in time) mientras

    they don't drink while on dutyno beben cuando or mientras están de guardia

    2) ( though) aunque

    the situation, while tense, seems unlikely to lead to war — la situación aunque tensa, no es probable que lleve a una guerra

    3) ( whereas) mientras que, en tanto que (frml)
    Phrasal Verbs:

    II

    wait a while — (a few days, weeks) espera un tiempo; (a few minutes, hours) espera un rato; ( a very short period) espera un ratito or un momentito

    after a while she realizeddespués de or al cabo de un rato se dio cuenta

    b)

    (every) once in a while — de vez en cuando; see also worth I b)

    [waɪl]
    1. N
    1)

    a while(=some moments) un ratito; (=some minutes, hours) un rato; (=some weeks, months) un tiempo

    after a while — al cabo de un rato, al rato

    all the while — todo el tiempo

    I lived in Paris for a while — viví un tiempo en París

    it will be a good while before he gets here — tardará (un rato) en venir aún, todavía falta (un rato) para que venga (LAm)

    a little while ago — hace poco

    a long while ago — hace mucho

    once in a while — de vez en cuando

    it takes quite a while — lleva tiempo

    in a short while — dentro de poco, al rato (LAm)

    stay a while with us — quédate un rato con nosotros

    the while — entretanto, mientras tanto

    2)

    it is worth while to ask whether... — vale la pena preguntar si...

    2. CONJ
    1) (=during the time that) mientras
    2) (=as long as) mientras (que)
    3) (=although) aunque
    4) (=whereas) mientras que

    I enjoy sport, while he prefers reading — a mí me gusta el deporte, mientras que él prefiere la lectura

    * * *

    I [hwaɪl, waɪl]
    1) ( in time) mientras

    they don't drink while on dutyno beben cuando or mientras están de guardia

    2) ( though) aunque

    the situation, while tense, seems unlikely to lead to war — la situación aunque tensa, no es probable que lleve a una guerra

    3) ( whereas) mientras que, en tanto que (frml)
    Phrasal Verbs:

    II

    wait a while — (a few days, weeks) espera un tiempo; (a few minutes, hours) espera un rato; ( a very short period) espera un ratito or un momentito

    after a while she realizeddespués de or al cabo de un rato se dio cuenta

    b)

    (every) once in a while — de vez en cuando; see also worth I b)

    English-spanish dictionary > while

  • 17 whether

    ['weðə(r)] [AE 'hweðər]
    1) (if) se

    I wasn't sure whether to answer or not o whether or not to answer non sapevo se rispondere o no; I wonder whether it's true mi chiedo se sia vero; the question is whether anyone is interested il problema è capire se c'è qualcuno interessato; he was worried about whether to invite her — si chiedeva se era il caso di invitarla

    you're going to school whether you like it or not! — a scuola ci vai, che ti piaccia o no!

    he needs an adult whether it be a parent or teacher — ha bisogno di un adulto, non importa se è un genitore o un insegnante

    ••
    Note:
    When whether is used to mean if, it is translated by se: I wonder whether she got my letter = mi chiedo se ha (or: abbia) ricevuto la mia lettera. See 1 in the entry below. - Although if can also be used, whether often occurs after verbs such as doubt, know, see and wonder, with adjectives such as doubtful and sure, and with nouns like doubt and question. You can find further examples at these entries. - In whether...or not sentences, whether is translated by che and the verb that follows is in the subjunctive: whether you agree or not = che tu sia d'accordo o no, whether you like it or not = che ti piaccia o no; note, however, that whether + infinitive is translated by se + infinitive in Italian: I have to decide whether or not to accept his proposal = devo decidere se accettare la sua proposta o no. See 2 in the entry below
    * * *
    ['weðə]
    (if: I don't know whether it's possible.) se
    * * *
    ['weðə(r)] [AE 'hweðər]
    1) (if) se

    I wasn't sure whether to answer or not o whether or not to answer non sapevo se rispondere o no; I wonder whether it's true mi chiedo se sia vero; the question is whether anyone is interested il problema è capire se c'è qualcuno interessato; he was worried about whether to invite her — si chiedeva se era il caso di invitarla

    you're going to school whether you like it or not! — a scuola ci vai, che ti piaccia o no!

    he needs an adult whether it be a parent or teacher — ha bisogno di un adulto, non importa se è un genitore o un insegnante

    ••
    Note:
    When whether is used to mean if, it is translated by se: I wonder whether she got my letter = mi chiedo se ha (or: abbia) ricevuto la mia lettera. See 1 in the entry below. - Although if can also be used, whether often occurs after verbs such as doubt, know, see and wonder, with adjectives such as doubtful and sure, and with nouns like doubt and question. You can find further examples at these entries. - In whether...or not sentences, whether is translated by che and the verb that follows is in the subjunctive: whether you agree or not = che tu sia d'accordo o no, whether you like it or not = che ti piaccia o no; note, however, that whether + infinitive is translated by se + infinitive in Italian: I have to decide whether or not to accept his proposal = devo decidere se accettare la sua proposta o no. See 2 in the entry below

    English-Italian dictionary > whether

  • 18 if

    if
    1) (in the event that; on condition that: He will have to go into hospital if his illness gets any worse; I'll only stay if you can stay too.) si
    2) (supposing that: If he were to come along now, we would be in trouble.) si, en el caso de que
    3) (whenever: If I sneeze, my nose bleeds.) si, cada vez que, siempre que
    4) (although: They are happy, if poor.) a pesar de, aunque
    5) (whether: I don't know if I can come or not.) si
    if conj
    1. si
    if it rains, we'll stay at home si llueve, nos quedaremos en casa
    2. cuando / siempre que
    if I were you yo en tu lugar / yo que tú
    if I were you, I'd go home yo en tu lugar, me iría a casa
    if only ojalá / si
    if only I knew his name! ¡ojalá supiera cómo se llama!
    if
    tr[ɪf]
    if it rains, we'll stay at home si llueve, nos quedaremos en casa
    if anyone phones, I'm out si llama alguien, no estoy
    if she should arrive... si llegase...
    if my mother were here, she'd know what to do si estuviera mi madre, sabría qué hacer
    what would you do if you won the lottery? ¿qué harías si ganaras la lotería?
    if you hadn't gone to bed so late, you wouldn't be so tired si no te hubieras acostado tan tarde, no estarías tan cansado
    if you'd studied harder, you would have passed the exam si hubieras estudiado más, habrías aprobado el examen
    if you heat water to 100 degrees, it boils si calientas el agua a 100 grados, hierve
    if you're not sure about anything, don't hesitate to ask si no estás seguro de algo, no dudes en preguntar
    do you know if she got the job? ¿sabes si consiguió el trabajo?
    I'm sorry if I woke you siento haberte despertado, perdona que te haya despertado
    do you mind if I open the window? ¿te importa que abra la ventana?
    4 (but) aunque, pero
    it's good, if a little slow at times es bueno pero algo lento a veces
    well, if it isn't Jimmy Jazz! vaya, ¡pero si es Jimmy Jazz!
    if she passes - and it's a big if... suponiendo que apruebe - y ya es suponer...
    \
    SMALLIDIOMATIC EXPRESSION/SMALL
    if and when si y cuando
    if any en caso de que..., si es que...
    there were very few mistakes, if any había muy pocos errores, si es que había alguno
    if anything más bien, en todo caso
    she's no better, if anything, she's worse no está mejor, en todo caso está peor
    if ever si alguna vez
    if I were you yo que tú, yo en tu lugar
    if not si no
    if only (present or future time) ¡ojalá!, ¡si al menos! 2 (past events) si
    if only I'd known si lo hubiera sabido, de haberlo sabido
    if only you'd told me! ¡si me lo hubieras dicho!, ¡habérmelo dicho!
    if only it were Friday ¡ojalá fuese viernes!
    come to the wedding, if only to please your mother ven a la boda, aunque sólo sea para complacer a tu madre
    if so de ser así, si así fuese
    it's not as if... / it isn't as if... no es que...
    if ['ɪf] conj
    1) : si
    I would do it if I could: lo haría si pudiera
    if so: si es así
    as if: como si
    if I were you: yo que tú
    2) whether: si
    I don't know if they're ready: no sé si están listos
    3) though: aunque, si bien
    it's pretty, if somewhat old-fashioned: es lindo aunque algo anticuado
    if
    adv.
    como adv.
    conj.
    cuando conj.
    si conj.
    n.
    duda s.f.
    hipótesis s.f.

    I ɪf
    1)

    if you're good, I'll read you a story — si te portas bien, te leeré un cuento

    if I were you, I wouldn't do it it — yo en tu lugar or yo que tú, no lo haría

    b)

    if not: they were undernourished, if not (yet) actually starving estaban desnutridos, si bien no se estaban muriendo de inanición; she was very offhand, if not downright rude — estuvo muy brusca, por no decir verdaderamente grosera

    c)
    d)

    if only: if only she could have seen him! — si lo pudiera haber visto!

    e)

    if so — (as linker) si es así, de ser así

    2) ( whether) si
    3) ( though) aunque, si bien

    it's a good plot, if a complicated one — es un buen argumento, aunque complicado or si bien es complicado

    4)

    if you'll all follow me, please — síganme, por favor, ¿quieren seguirme, por favor?

    b) ( indicating surprise) (with neg)

    well, if it isn't Mike Britton! — pero si es Mike Britton!


    II
    [ɪf]
    1. CONJ

    if you ask me — en lo que a mí se refiere

    if you had come earlier, you would have seen him — si hubieras venido antes, le habrías visto

    if I had known I would have told you — de haberlo sabido te lo habría dicho, si lo sé te lo digo *

    if it hadn't been for you we would have all died — de no ser or de no haber sido por ti hubiéramos muerto todos

    you can go if you likepuedes ir si quieres

    if necessary — si es necesario, si hace falta

    if I were you I would go to Spain — yo que tú iría a España, yo en tu lugar iría a España

    if it weren't for him, we wouldn't be in this mess! — ¡si estamos metidos en este lío, es por él! *, ¡no estaríamos metidos en este lío de no ser por él! *

    if and when she comes — si (en efecto) viene, en el caso de que venga

    2) (=whenever) si, cuando

    if she wants any help she asks mesi or cuando necesita ayuda me la pide

    if it was fine we went out for a walksi or cuando hacía buen tiempo dábamos un paseo

    3) (=although) aunque, si bien

    it's a nice film if rather long — es una buena película, aunque or si bien algo larga

    I will do it, even if it is difficult — lo haré, aunque me resulte difícil

    I'll finish it if or even if it takes me all day — lo terminaré aunque me lleve todo el día

    I couldn't eat it if I triedaunque me lo propusiera no lo podría comer

    4) (=whether) si

    he asked me if I had eaten — me preguntó si había comido

    I don't know if he's here — no sé si está aquí

    I wonder if it's true — me pregunto si es or será verdad

    if anything this one is better — hasta creo que este es mejor, este es mejor si cabe

    it's no bigger than our last house, if anything, it's even smaller — no es más grande que nuestra última casa si acaso, es incluso más pequeña

    I think you should paint it blue, if anything — en todo caso or si acaso, yo lo pintaría de azul

    as if — como si

    it isn't as if we were rich — no es que seamos precisamente ricos, no es que seamos ricos que digamos

    if at all, they aren't paid enough, if (they are paid) at all — les pagan poco, eso cuando les pagan

    change it to red, if at all — en todo caso or si acaso, cámbialo a rojo

    if it isn't old Garfield! — ¡pero si es el bueno de Garfield!, ¡hombre, Garfield, tú por aquí!

    if notsi no

    are you coming? if not, I'll go with Mark — ¿vienes? si no, iré con Mark

    if only I had known! — ¡de haberlo sabido!

    if only I could! — ¡ojalá pudiera!

    if only we had a car! — ¡ojalá tuviéramos coche!, ¡quién tuviera coche!

    I'll come, if only to see him — voy, aunque solo sea para verlo

    I'll try to be there, if only for a few minutes — trataré de estar allí, aunque solo sea unos minutos

    if so — si es así, de ser así

    are you coming? if so, I'll wait — ¿vienes? si es así or de ser así te espero; see as; see even 2., 4)

    2.
    N

    that's or it's a big if — es un gran pero

    there are a lot of ifs and butshay muchas dudas sin resolver

    IF
    Indicative/Subjunctive after "si"
    Si can be followed by both the {indicative} and the {subjunctive}. The {indicative} describes facts and likely situations; the {subjunctive} describes remote or hypothetical situations.
    Indicative Use si + ((present indicative)) to translate if + ((present)) in English:
    If you go on overeating, you'll get fat Si sigues comiendo tanto, vas a engordar
    Don't do it if you don't want to No lo hagas si no quieres NOTE: Don't use si with the ((present subjunctive)).
    Subjunctive Use si + ((imperfect subjunctive)) to translate if + ((past)) for remote or uncertain possibilities and hypotheses:
    If we won the lottery, we would never have to work again Si nos tocase or tocara la lotería, no tendríamos que trabajar nunca más
    What would you do if I weren't here? ¿Qué harías si yo no estuviese or estuviera aquí? ► Use si + ((pluperfect subjunctive)) (= hubiera or hubiese + ((past participle))) to translate if + had + ((past participle)):
    If Paula hadn't lost her ticket, she would have left today Si Paula no hubiera or hubiese perdido el billete, habría salido hoy Alternatively, instead of a clause with si, you can often use de ( no) haber + ((past participle)):
    If Paula hadn't lost her ticket, she would have left today De no haber perdido Paula el billete, habría salido hoy For further uses and examples, see main entry
    * * *

    I [ɪf]
    1)

    if you're good, I'll read you a story — si te portas bien, te leeré un cuento

    if I were you, I wouldn't do it it — yo en tu lugar or yo que tú, no lo haría

    b)

    if not: they were undernourished, if not (yet) actually starving estaban desnutridos, si bien no se estaban muriendo de inanición; she was very offhand, if not downright rude — estuvo muy brusca, por no decir verdaderamente grosera

    c)
    d)

    if only: if only she could have seen him! — si lo pudiera haber visto!

    e)

    if so — (as linker) si es así, de ser así

    2) ( whether) si
    3) ( though) aunque, si bien

    it's a good plot, if a complicated one — es un buen argumento, aunque complicado or si bien es complicado

    4)

    if you'll all follow me, please — síganme, por favor, ¿quieren seguirme, por favor?

    b) ( indicating surprise) (with neg)

    well, if it isn't Mike Britton! — pero si es Mike Britton!


    II

    English-spanish dictionary > if

  • 19 ver


    ver 1 sustantivo masculino 1 ( aspecto):
    ser de buen ver to be good-looking o attractive
    2 ( opinión):
    a mi/su ver in my/his view

    ver 2 ( conjugate ver) verbo transitivo 1
    ¿ves algo? can you see anything?;
    no se ve nada aquí you can't see a thing in here; lo vi hablando con ella I saw him talking to her
    b) ( mirar) ‹programa/partido to watch;
    esa película ya la he visto I've seen that movie before; no poder (ni) ver a algn: no la puede ver he can't stand her 2 (entender, notar) to see;
    ¿no ves lo que está pasando? don't o can't you see what's happening?;
    se la ve preocupada she looks worried; hacerse ver (RPl) to show off 3
    a) (constatar, comprobar) to see;
    ¡ya verás lo que pasa! you'll see what happens; ¡ya se verá! we'll see
    ¡nunca he visto cosa igual! I've never seen anything like it!;
    ¡si vieras lo mal que lo pasé! you can't imagine how awful it was!; ¡hubieras visto cómo se asustaron! (AmL) you should have seen the fright they got! 4
    a ver: (vamos) a ver ¿de qué se trata? OK o all right, now, what's the problem?;
    está aquí, en el periódico — ¿a ver? it's here in the newspaperlet's see; apriétalo a ver qué pasa press it and see what happens; a ver si escribes pronto make sure you write soon 5
    a) ( estudiar):
    tengo que ver cómo lo arreglo I have to work out how I can fix it; ya veré qué hago I'll decide what to do later
    ¿la ha visto un médico? has she been seen by a doctor yet?
    6
    a) (juzgar, considerar):
    a mi modo or manera de ver the way I see it no le veo la gracia I don't think it's funny 7 (visitar, entrevistarse con) ‹amigo/pariente to see, visit; ‹médico/jefe to see;
    ¡cuánto tiempo sin verte! I haven't seen you for ages!
    8
    tener … que ver: ¿y eso qué tiene que ver? and what does that have to do with it?;
    no tengo nada que ver con él I have nothing to do with him; ¿qué tiene que ver que sea sábado? what difference does it make that it's Saturday? verbo intransitivo 1 ( percibir con la vista) to see; no veo bien de lejos/de cerca I'm shortsighted/longsighted 2 ( constatar):
    ¿hay cerveza? — no sé, voy a ver is there any beer? — I don't know, I'll have a look;
    pues verás, todo empezó cuando … well you see, the whole thing began when … 3 ( pensar) to see; estar/seguir en veremos (AmL fam): todavía está en veremos it isn't certain yet; seguimos en veremos we still don't know anything verse verbo pronominal 1 ( refl) (percibirse, imaginarse) to see oneself 2 ( hallarse) (+ compl) to find oneself; me vi obligado a despedirlo I had no choice but to dismiss him 3 (esp AmL) ( parecer): no se ve bien con ese peinado that hairdo doesn't suit her 4 ( recípr)
    nos vemos a las siete I'll meet o see you at seven;
    ¡nos vemos! (esp AmL) see you!
    b) (visitarse, encontrarse) to see each other;
    verse con algn to see sb
    ver 1 m (aspecto exterior) aún estás de buen ver, you're still good-looking
    ver 2 I verbo transitivo
    1 to see: vi tu cartera sobre la mesa, I saw your wallet on the table
    no veo nada, I can't see anything
    puede ver tu casa desde aquí, he can see your house from here ➣ Ver nota en see; (mirar la televisión) to watch: estamos viendo las noticias de las tres, we are watching the three o'clock news (cine) me gustaría ver esa película, I'd like to see that film
    2 (entender) no veo por qué no te gusta, I can't see why you don't like it (considerar) a mi modo de ver, as far as I can see o as I see it
    tus padres no ven bien esa relación, your parents don't agree with that relationship (parecer) se te ve nervioso, you look nervous
    3 (averiguar) ya veremos qué sucede, we'll soon see what happens fam (uso enfático) ¡no veas qué sitio tan bonito!, you wouldn't believe what a beautiful place!
    4 a ver, let's see: a ver si acabamos este trabajo, let's see if we can finish this job
    me compré un compacto, - ¿a ver?, I bought a compact disc, - let's have a look!
    5 (ir a ver, visitar) to see, visit: le fui a ver al hospital, I visited him in hospital
    II verbo intransitivo
    1 to see: no ve bien de lejos, he's shortsighted, US nearsighted
    2 (dudar, pensar) ¿me prestas este libro?, - ya veré, will you lend me this book?, - I'll see
    3 (tener relación) no tengo nada que ver con ese asunto, I have nothing to do with that business
    solo tiene cincuenta años, - ¿y eso qué tiene qué ver?, he's only fifty, - so what? Locuciones: no poder ver a alguien: no puede (ni) verle, she can't stand him
    ¿To see, to watch o to look?
    Los tres verbos reflejan tres conceptos muy distintos. To see hace referencia a la capacidad visual y no es fruto de una acción deliberada. A menudo se usa con can o could: I can see the mountains from my bedroom. Puedo ver las montañas desde mi dormitorio.
    To look at implica una acción deliberada: I saw an old atlas, so I opened it and looked at the maps. Vi un atlas antiguo, así que lo abrí y miré los mapas.
    To watch también se refiere a una acción deliberada, a menudo cuando se tiene un interés especial por lo que ocurre: I watched the planes in the sky with great interest. Miraba los aviones en el cielo con gran interés. Igualmente puede indicar el paso del tiempo (we watched the animals playing for half an hour, durante media hora observamos cómo jugaban los animales), movimiento (they stood there watching the cars drive off into the distance, se quedaron allí de pie viendo cómo se marchaban los coches) o vigilancia (the policemen have been watching this house because they thought we were thieves, los policías estaban vigilando la casa porque pensaban que éramos ladrones). Para hablar de películas u obras de teatro usamos to see: Have you seen Hamlet?, ¿Has visto Hamlet? To watch se refiere a la televisión y los deportes en general: I always watch the television in the evening. Siempre veo la televisión por las noches. I like to watch football. Me gusta ver el fútbol. Al hablar de programas o partidos específicos podemos usar tanto to watch como to see: I like to see/watch the news at 9:00. Me gusta ver las noticias a las 9.00. Did you see/watch the match last night?, ¿Viste el partido anoche? ' ver' also found in these entries: Spanish: A - abundante - acabar - aclararse - aconsejar - acordar - acordarse - acostumbrada - acostumbrado - actual - actualmente - acuerdo - adentro - adición - advertir - agradecer - aguantar - aguardar - ahora - alegre - almuerzo - alquiler - alta - alto - amarilla - amarillo - americanada - amplia - amplio - añadir - anexa - anexo - añorar - apartamento - apellido - apetecer - apreciar - arrepentirse - arriesgarse - atreverse - aún - ausente - ayudar - bajar - bastante - burra - burro - cachorra - cachorro - caliente English: able - add - add up - addition - advertising - afloat - afraid - afternoon - aghast - ajar - akin - alight - alike - alive - all - allow - alone - already - although - among - amongst - and - another - apartment - appear - appendix - arouse - as - ashamed - asleep - assassin - assassinate - assassination - associate - attorney - averse - awake - awaken - aware - bar - barrister - bath - be - beat - beer - beg - benefit - between - billion - bite

    English-spanish dictionary > ver

  • 20 Arnold, John

    SUBJECT AREA: Horology
    [br]
    b. 1735/6 Bodmin (?), Cornwall, England
    d. 25 August 1799 Eltham, London, England
    [br]
    English clock, watch, and chronometer maker who invented the isochronous helical balance spring and an improved form of detached detent escapement.
    [br]
    John Arnold was apprenticed to his father, a watchmaker, and then worked as an itinerant journeyman in the Low Countries and, later, in England. He settled in London in 1762 and rapidly established his reputation at Court by presenting George III with a miniature repeating watch mounted in a ring. He later abandoned the security of the Court for a more precarious living developing his chronometers, with some financial assistance from the Board of Longitude. Symbolically, in 1771 he moved from the vicinity of the Court at St James's to John Adam Street, which was close to the premises of the Royal Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufactures \& Commerce.
    By the time Arnold became interested in chronometry, Harrison had already demonstrated that longitude could be determined by means of a timekeeper, and the need was for a simpler instrument that could be sold at an affordable price for universal use at sea. Le Roy had shown that it was possible to dispense with a remontoire by using a detached escapement with an isochronous balance; Arnold was obviously thinking along the same lines, although he may not have been aware of Le Roy's work. By 1772 Arnold had developed his detached escapement, a pivoted detent which was quite different from that used on the European continent, and three years later he took out a patent for a compensation balance and a helical balance spring (Arnold used the spring in torsion and not in tension as Harrison had done). His compensation balance was similar in principle to that described by Le Roy and used riveted bimetallic strips to alter the radius of gyration of the balance by moving small weights radially. Although the helical balance spring was not completely isochronous it was a great improvement on the spiral spring, and in a later patent (1782) he showed how it could be made more truly isochronous by shaping the ends. In this form it was used universally in marine chronometers.
    Although Arnold's chronometers performed well, their long-term stability was less satisfactory because of the deterioration of the oil on the pivot of the detent. In his patent of 1782 he eliminated this defect by replacing the pivot with a spring, producing the spring detent escapement. This was also done independendy at about the same time by Berthoud and Earnshaw, although Earnshaw claimed vehemently that Arnold had plagiarized his work. Ironically it was Earnshaw's design that was finally adopted, although he had merely replaced Arnold's pivoted detent with a spring, while Arnold had completely redesigned the escapement. Earnshaw also improved the compensation balance by fusing the steel to the brass to form the bimetallic element, and it was in this form that it began to be used universally for chronometers and high-grade watches.
    As a result of the efforts of Arnold and Earnshaw, the marine chronometer emerged in what was essentially its final form by the end of the eighteenth century. The standardization of the design in England enabled it to be produced economically; whereas Larcum Kendall was paid £500 to copy Harrison's fourth timekeeper, Arnold was able to sell his chronometers for less than one-fifth of that amount. This combination of price and quality led to Britain's domination of the chronometer market during the nineteenth century.
    [br]
    Bibliography
    30 December 1775, "Timekeepers", British patent no. 1,113.
    2 May 1782, "A new escapement, and also a balance to compensate the effects arising from heat and cold in pocket chronometers, and for incurving the ends of the helical spring…", British patent no. 1,382.
    Further Reading
    R.T.Gould, 1923, The Marine Chronometer: Its History and Development, London; reprinted 1960, Holland Press (provides an overview).
    V.Mercer, 1972, John Arnold \& Son Chronometer Makers 1726–1843, London.
    DV

    Biographical history of technology > Arnold, John

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