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  • 121 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

  • 122 так


    1. нареч.
    1) so;
    thus, like this, (in) this way;
    in such a way;
    (указание на точное соответствие оригиналу) sic лат. вот так! ≈ that's the way!, that's right! вся неделя так прошла ≈ the whole week passed thus, the whole week passed like that сделайте так! ≈ do it like this! дело обстоит так ≈ this is how matters stand он говорил так, как будто ≈ he spoke as though он так говорил, что ≈ he spoke in such a way that я так и сказал ему, что ≈ I told him in so many words that пусть так останется ≈ let it remain as it is так выйти нельзя ≈ you cannot go out this way он отвечал так ≈ he answered thus, he answers as follows, this is the answer he gave здесь что-то не так ≈ there is smth. wrong here так ли я говорю? ≈ am I right? так ли я делаю? ≈ am I doing right? так, как это было ≈ how it was, the it was будьте так добры (повел.) ≈ please( повел.) будьте так добры (делать что-л.) ≈ would you be so kind (to do smth.) так ли? ≈ is that so? так ли это? ≈ is that (really) the case?, is that so? не так ли? ≈ isn't that so? так и есть ≈ so it is он так и не пришел ≈ he never came он так и не сделал ≈ he never did it я так и не узнал ≈ I never found out, I never learnt так много ≈ so many так страшно ≈ so terrible так необходимо ≈ so necessary так важно ≈ so important точно так ≈ in exactly the same way именно так ≈ just so так же ≈ (как) just as;
    the same way as так чтобы ≈ so as так чтобы не ≈ so as not так и не ≈ never
    2) then (в таком случае, тогда) ;
    so (итак) ты не пойдешь, так я пойду ≈ if you don't go, then I shall не тут, так там ≈ if (it is) not here, then (it is) there так он приехал! ≈ so he has come! так вы его знаете! ≈ so you know him! так вот где ≈ so that is where
    2. союз
    1) then (иногда не переводится) ты не спросишь его, так я спрошу ≈ if you won't ask him, then I will ехать, так ехать ≈ if we are going, let's go не сегодня, так завтра ≈ if not today, then tomorrow
    2) so так вы знаете друг друга? ≈ so you know one another?
    3. частица
    1) (в ответе на вопрос) nothing in particular, nothing special что тебе не понравилось там? - так, общее положение ≈ what did you not like there? - Nothing in particular, just the set-up in general
    2) (для подчеркивания выразительности) ее глаза так и сверкали гневом ≈ her eyes were simply blazing with anger я так и забыл принести книгу ≈ I have gone and forgotten to bring the book мы и так задержались ≈ we've stayed too long as it is так и и так
    3) (утвердительная или эмфатическая частица) yes так точно ≈ yes (в речи военных) ∙ так или иначе ≈ in any event, in any case;
    one way or another;
    in either event (в том и другом случае) так ему и надо! ≈ (it) serves him right! разг. как так? ≈ how is that?, how do you mean? и так и сяк, и так и этак ≈ this way and that, this way, that way and every way и т.д. ≈ etc. книжка эта так себе ≈ this book is not up to much как бы не так! ≈ not likely!;
    nothing of the kind так-то так, но ≈ that's true, but так бы...! (взять бы да и..) ≈ wouldn't I just...! так он это и сделает ≈ you actually think he'll do it! и так далее ≈ etceteras, and so on/forth так и так а так так называемый так сказать так например так и быть так себе если так так и знайте

    1. нареч. ( таким образом) like this/that, in such a way;
    thus;
    (в сравнительных предложениях) so;
    дело обстоит ~ the facts are as follows;
    ~ прошёл день and thus the day passed;
    мы сделаем ~ this is what we`ll do;
    это не ~ делается that`s not the way to do it;
    вы это не ~ делаете you`re doing it wrong;
    он не ~ делал это he did it differently;
    делать что-л. не ~ (как надо) not do smth. properly, do* smth. wrong;
    ~, чтобы не опоздать so as not to be late;
    случилось ~, что... it so happened that...;

    2. нареч. (без последствий, даром) like that;
    это тебе ~ не пройдёт you won`t get away with it like that;

    3. нареч. (без особых намерений) just;
    сказал просто ~ he just said it;

    4. нареч. (до такой степени, настолько) so;
    он ~ много ходил, что устал he walked so much that it made him tired;
    ~ давно such a long time ago, so long ago;
    ~ тихо so quiet;
    ~ скоро so soon;

    5. нареч. (в таком случае, тогда) then;
    вы не хотите, ~ я пойду if you don`t want to go, then I will;

    6. частица (ничего, ничего особенного) nothing (much) ;
    (при оценке чьих-л. качеств) just;
    эта книга ~, ничего особенного it`s just a rather mediocre book;

    7. частица (следовательно, значит) so, then;
    (в начале реплики, возобновляющей прерванный разговор) well, now, so;
    ~ вы его знаете? so you know him?;
    ~ о чём я говорил? now, what was I saying?;
    ~ вы придёте? well, are you coming?;

    8. союз (вследствие этого, потому) so;
    сегодня холодно, ~ ты оденься потеплей it`s cold today, so dress up warmly;

    9. союз (но, однако) but;
    говорила я, ~ ты слушать не хотел I told you, but you wouldn`t listen;

    10. усил. частица that is;
    вот это лошадь ~ лошадь! that`s a horse, that is!;

    11. частица (указывает на приблизительное количество) about;
    лет ~ десять тому назад about ten years ago;

    12. частица (например, к примеру) for instance;
    ~, например (thus,) for example;
    ~ и есть! just as I thought!;
    ~ и быть! very well, then!;
    так себе so-so;
    чувствовать себя так себе not feel very well;
    ~ и не never;
    он ~ и не пришёл and he never came;
    ~ ли (это) ? indeed?;
    не ~ ли? didn`t (wasn`t, etc.) he, etc. ?;
    ~-то all right, then;
    ~-то (оно) ~, но... that`s true of course, but...;
    мы и ~ (уж) опаздываем we`re late as it is;
    давно бы ~! and high time!;
    как бы не ~! no fear!;
    ~... как as... as;
    ~ как as, because, since;
    ~ что so that;
    ~ и знайте now understand me;
    get this straight разг. ;
    как на работе, ~ и дома both at work and at home, at home as well as at work;
    не ~ чтобы очень прост. not all that much;
    ~ или иначе any way at any rate;
    nevertheless;
    anyhow;
    ~ на ~ прост. identical;
    обменять ~ на ~ make an even trade;
    ~ вот well (used parenthetically at the beginning of an utterance) ;
    ~ держать! разг. keep it up!

    Большой англо-русский и русско-английский словарь > так

  • 123 so

    so [səʊ]
    ━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
    ━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
       a. (degree = to such an extent) si
    • so easy/quickly si facile/rapidement
    • is it really so tiring? est-ce vraiment si fatigant ?
    • do you really need so long? vous faut-il vraiment autant de temps ?
    ► so... (that) si... que
       b. ( = very, to a great extent) tellement
    • Elizabeth, who so loved France Elizabeth, qui aimait tant la France
       c. (unspecified amount) how tall is he? -- oh, about so tall (accompanied by gesture) quelle taille fait-il ? -- oh, à peu près comme ça
       d. ( = thus, in this way) ainsi
    • so it was that... c'est ainsi que...
    • it so happened that... il s'est trouvé que...
    • how long will it take? -- a week or so combien de temps cela va-t-il prendre ? -- une semaine environ
    ━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
    ► Note that pour que is followed by the subjunctive.
    ━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
       f. (used as substitute for phrase, word) so I believe c'est ce que je crois
    • is that so? ah bon !
    • if that is so... s'il en est ainsi...
    • I told you so! je te l'avais bien dit !
    • so it seems! apparemment !
    • he said they would be there and so they were il a dit qu'ils seraient là, et en effet ils y étaient
    • so do I!
    • so have I!
    • so am I! moi aussi !
    • if you do that so will I si tu fais ça, j'en ferai autant
    • it's raining -- so it is! il pleut -- en effet !
    • I didn't say that! -- you did so! (inf) je n'ai pas dit ça ! -- mais si, tu l'as dit !
    • so long! (inf) salut ! (inf)
    • I'm not going, so there! je n'y vais pas, là !
       a. ( = therefore) donc
    • he was late, so he missed the train il est arrivé en retard et a donc manqué le train
    • the roads are busy so be careful il y a beaucoup de circulation, alors fais bien attention
       b. (exclamatory) so there he is! le voilà donc !
    • so you're selling it? alors vous le vendez ?
    • so he's come at last! il est donc enfin arrivé !
    • and so you see... alors comme vous voyez...
    • so what? (inf) et alors ? (inf)
    (plural so-and-sos)
    • Mr/Mrs So-and-so Monsieur/Madame Untel
    * * *
    [səʊ] 1.
    1) ( so very) si, tellement

    not so (colloq) thin as — pas aussi maigre que

    I'm not feeling so good — (colloq) je ne me sens pas très bien

    just as in the 19th century, so today — tout comme au XIXe siècle, aujourd'hui

    5) ( true)
    6) ( also) aussi

    if they accept so do I — s'ils acceptent, j'accepte aussi

    7) (colloq) ( thereabouts) environ

    he's conscientious, perhaps too much so — il est consciencieux, peut-être même trop

    he dived and as he did so... — il a plongé et en le faisant...

    if you so wish you may... — si vous le souhaitez, vous pouvez...

    ‘I thought you liked it?’ - ‘so I do’ — ‘je croyais que ça te plaisait’ - ‘mais ça me plaît’

    ‘it's broken’ - ‘so it is’ — ‘c'est cassé’ - ‘je le vois bien!’

    ‘I'm sorry’ - ‘so you should be’ — ‘je suis désolé’ - ‘j'espère bien’

    12) (colloq) ( refuting a statement)

    ‘he didn't hit you’ - ‘he did so!’ — ‘il ne t'a pas frappé?’ - ‘si, il m'a frappé’

    I can so make waffles — si, je sais faire les gaufres

    13) (colloq) ( as casual response) et alors

    ‘I'm leaving’ - ‘so?’ — ‘je m'en vais’ - ‘et alors?’

    so why worry! — et alors, il n'y pas de quoi t'en faire!

    2.
    so (that) conjunctional phrase
    1) ( in such a way that) de façon à ce que

    she wrote the instructions so that they'd be easily understood — elle a rédigé les instructions de façon à ce qu'elles soient faciles à comprendre

    2) ( in order that) pour que
    3.
    so as conjunctional phrase pour
    4.
    so much adverbial phrase, pronominal phrase
    1) (also so many) ( such large quantity) tant de
    2) (also so many) ( limited amount)
    3) ( to such an extent) tellement
    5.
    so much as adverbial phrase ( even) même
    6.
    so much for prepositional phrase

    so much for that problem, now for... — assez parlé de ce problème, parlons maintenant de...

    2) (colloq) ( used disparagingly)
    7.
    so long as (colloq) conjunctional phrase long
    ••

    so long! — (colloq) à bientôt!

    English-French dictionary > so

  • 124 ἵνα

    ἵνα (Hom.+) conjunction, the use of which increased considerably in H. Gk. as compared w. earlier times because it came to be used periphrastically for the inf. and impv. B-D-F §369; 379; 388–94 al.; Mlt. index; Rob. index.
    ① marker to denote purpose, aim, or goal, in order that, that, final sense
    ⓐ w. subjunctive, not only after a primary tense, but also (in accordance w. Hellenistic usage) after a secondary tense (B-D-F §369, 1; Rob. 983; Mlt-Turner 100–102; JKnuenz, De enuntiatis Graecorum finalibus 1913, 15ff):
    α. after a present tense Mk 4:21; 7:9; Lk 6:34; 8:16; J 3:15; 5:34; 6:30; Ac 2:25 (Ps 15:8); 16:30; Ro 1:11; 3:19; 11:25; 1 Cor 9:12; Gal 6:13; Phil 3:8; Hb 5:1; 6:12; 1J 1:3 and oft.
    β. after a perfect Mt 1:22; 21:4; J 5:23, 36; 6:38; 12:40, 46; 14:29; 16:1, 4; 17:4; 1 Cor 9:22b al.
    γ. after a pres. or aor. impv. Mt 7:1; 14:15; 17:27; 23:26; Mk 11:25; J 4:15; 5:14; 10:38; 1 Cor 7:5; 11:34; 1 Ti 4:15; Tit 3:13. Likew. after the hortatory subj. in the first pers. pl. Mk 1:38; Lk 20:14; J 11:16; Hb 4:16.
    δ. after a fut. Lk 16:4; 18:5; J 5:20; 14:3, 13, 16; 1 Cor 15:28; Phil 1:26.
    ε. after a secondary tense: impf. Mk 3:2; 6:41; 8:6; Lk 6:7; 18:15 al.—Plpf. J 4:8.—Aor. Mt 19:13; Mk 3:14; 11:28; 14:10; Lk 19:4, 15; J 7:32; 12:9; Ro 7:4; 2 Cor 8:9; Hb 2:14; 11:35; 1J 3:5.
    ⓑ w. fut. ind. (LXX e.g. Sus 28; En 15:5; TestSol 13:7; SIG 888, 87ff; OGI 665, 35; POxy 299; 1071, 5 ἵνα ποιήσουσιν καὶ πέμψουσιν; Gen 16:2 [Swete; ARahlfs, Genesis 1926 v.l.] al.; Just., D. 115, 6), beside which the aor. subj. is usu. found in the mss. (B-D-F §369, 2; Rob. 984; Mlt-Turner 100) ἵνα σταυρώσουσιν Mk 15:20 v.l. ἵνα ἐρεῖ σοι Lk 14:10. ἵνα δώσουσιν 20:10. ἵνα θεωρήσουσιν J 7:3. ἵνα δώσει 17:2 v.l.; Rv 8:3. ἐπισκιάσει Ac 5:15 v.l.; ξυρήσονται 21:24. κερδανῶ 1 Cor 9:21 v.l.; καυθήσομαι 13:3 v.l. καταδουλώσουσιν Gal 2:4. κερδηθήσονται 1 Pt 3:1. ἵνα … δηλώσεις Hv 3, 8, 10. The fut. ind. is also used oft. when ἵνα has no final mng., esp. in Rv: 1 Cor 9:18 (ἵνα as answer, as Epict. 4, 1, 99); Rv 6:4, 11; 9:4, 5, 20; 13:12; 14:13; 22:14. Occasionally the fut. ind. and aor. subj. are found in the same sentence Rv 3:9; cp. also Phil 2:10f v.l. (on this interchange s. Reinhold 106; JVogeser, Zur Sprache d. griech. Heiligenlegenden, diss. Munich 1907, 34f; Knuenz, op. cit. 23ff; 39; Dio Chrys. 26 [43], 7 ἵνα μὴ παρῶ … μηδὲ ἕξουσιν; POxy 1068, 5 ἵνα διαπέμψεται, ἵνα δυνηθῶ …).—On the interchange of pres. subj. and fut. ind. in J 15:8 s. GLee, Biblica 51, ’70, 239f.
    ⓒ ἵνα is found w. the pres. ind. only in passages where the subj. is also attested in the mss.; its presence is prob. due to corruption of the text (B-D-F §369, 6; Rob. 984f; Mlt-Turner 100f. But see the clear instance in PAnt III, 188, 15: ἵνα μή ἐσμεν, and cp. BGU 1081, 3 ἐχάρην, ἵνα σὲ ἀσπάζομαι; TestNapht 8:2; PassPtPl 60 [Aa I, 170, 8] ἵνα κατευθύνει; AcPtPl 58 [Aa I, 203, 17]; AcPlTh 11 [Aa I, 243, 11 v.l.]). φυσιοῦσθε 1 Cor 4:6 and ζηλοῦτε Gal 4:17 could be subj. (B-D-F §91; Rob. 984). But Gal 6:12 v.l. διώκονται; Tit 2:4 v.l. σωφρονίζουσιν; J 5:20 v.l. θαυμάζετε; 17:3 v.l. γινώσκουσιν; 1J 5:20 v.l. γινώσκομεν; Rv 12:6 v.l. τρέφουσιν; 13:17 v.l. δύναται; ἵνα σύνετε B 6:5 v.l. (in text συνιῆτε; v.l. συνῆτε); ἵνα … ᾂδετε IEph 4:2 (Lghtf. ᾂδητε); μετέχετε ibid. (v.l. μετέχητε). διατάσσομαι ITr 3:3 (v.l. διατάσσωμαι). βλασφημεῖται 8:2 v.l.
    ⓓ The opt. after ἵνα is not used in our lit. (B-D-F §369, 1; 386, 3; Rob. 983). Mk 12:2 v.l. ἵνα λάβοι (for λάβῃ). Eph 1:17 ἵνα δῴη (v.l. δῷ) is certainly subj., and δώῃ is the correct rdg. (B-D-F §95, 2; Mlt. 196f). Likew. ἵνα παραδοῖ J 13:2.
    ⓔ after a demonstrative (Epict. 2, 5, 16 ἐν τούτῳ … ἵνα) εἰς τοῦτο for this (purpose, namely) that J 18:37; 1J 3:8; Ro 14:9; 2 Cor 2:9; 1 Pt 3:9; 4:6; B 5:1, 11; 14:5. εἰς αὐτὸ τοῦτο for this very purpose, that Eph 6:22; Col 4:8. διὰ τοῦτο for this reason … that (Himerius, Or. 14, 3) 2 Cor 13:10; Phlm 15; 1 Ti 1:16; the ἵνα clause can also precede διὰ τοῦτο J 1:31. τούτου χάριν … ἵνα for this reason … that Tit 1:5.
    ⓕ ἵνα with ‘I should like to say this’ supplied is found also in earlier Gk (Soph. Ph. 989) Mk 2:10 (B-D-F §470, 3. Differently [a virtual impv.] DSharp, ET 38, 1927, 427f). The necessary supplement precedes in ἵνα δείξῃ (he said this), in order to show B 7:5.—Cp. J 15:13.
    ② marker of objective, that. Very oft. the final mng. is greatly weakened or disappears altogether. In this case the ἵνα-constr. serves as a substitute for an inf. that supplements a verb, or an acc. w. inf. (cp. Od. 3, 327 and a spurious document in Demosth. 18, 155. Later very common, also in ins, pap [Rdm.2 191ff]; LXX).
    ⓐ after verbs w. the sense
    α. ‘wish, desire, strive’ (PGiss 17, 5 [II A.D.] ἠγωνίασα … ἵνα ἀκούσω; BGU 1081, 3 ἐχάρην, ἵνα σὲ ἀσπάζομαι) θέλειν ἵνα (TestAbr A 19, 101, 9 [Stone p. 50]) Mt 7:12; Mk 9:30; 10:35; Lk 6:31; J 17:24; 1 Cor 14:5. βουλεύεσθαι J 11:53; 12:10. συμβουλεύεσθαι Mt 26:4. συντίθεσθαι J 9:22. ἀγαλλιᾶσθαι joyfully strive after 8:56 (s. ἀγαλλιάω). ζητεῖν 1 Cor 4:2; 14:12; AcPlCor 2:8. ζηλοῦν 14:1. εὔχεσθαι ‘wish’ IPhld 6:3.
    β. ‘take care, be ashamed, be afraid’ φυλάσσεσθαι 2 Pt 3:17. προσέχειν take care that B 16:8. βλέπειν see to it, that 1 Cor 16:10.
    γ. ‘request, demand’: δεῖσθαι request (Dionys. Hal. 4, 12, 1; Lucian, Dom. 9; Jos., Ant. 6, 321; 12, 125 al.) Lk 9:40; 21:36; 22:32; B 12:7; Pol 6:2; Hv 3, 1, 2; Hs 5, 4, 1. ἐρωτᾶν request (s. ἐρωτάω 2) Mk 7:26; Lk 7:36; 16:27; J 4:47; 17:15 al. (JEarwaker, ET 75, ’64, 316f so interprets the third ἵνα in 17:21). παρακαλεῖν request, exhort (EpArist 318; 321, Jos., Ant. 14, 168) Mt 14:36; Mk 5:18; 6:56; 7:32; 8:22; Lk 8:32; 1 Cor 1:10 al. αἰτεῖσθαι Col 1:9 (Just., D. 30, 2 αἰτοῦμεν). προσεύχεσθαι Mt 24:20; 26:41; Mk 14:35; Lk 22:46; 1 Cor 14:13 al. εὔχεσθαι pray (s. εὔχομαι 1 end) Hs 5, 2, 10. εὐχαριστεῖν Eph 1:16f. ἀξιοῦν demand, request (CIG 4892, 13 [III A.D.]; Jos., Ant. 14, 22) Hv 4, 1, 3. καταξιοῦν ISm 11:1; IPol 7:2.
    δ. ‘summon, encourage, order’ (Epict, 4, 11, 29; 1 Esdr 8:19; EpArist 46) ἀπαγγέλλειν Mt 28:10. παραγγέλλειν (CIG 4957, 48 [68 A.D.] restored) Mk 6:8. διαμαρτύρεσθαι 1 Ti 5:21. ἐντέλλεσθαι (Jos., Ant. 7, 356) Mk 13:34; J 15:17. κηρύσσειν Mk 6:12. διαστέλλεσθαι Mt 16:20; Mk 5:43; 7:36; 9:9. ἐπιτιμᾶν warn Mt 16:20; 20:31; Mk 8:30; 10:48; Lk 18:39. ἐξορκίζειν Mt 26:63. ὁρκίζειν Hs 9, 10, 5. λέγειν order Mt 4:3; 20:21; Mk 3:9; 9:18; Lk 4:3; 10:40; Hv 2, 2, 6. γράφειν write (Jos., Ant. 11, 7; 127) Mk 9:12; 12:19; Lk 20:28. ἀποστέλλειν Ac 16:36.
    ε. ‘cause, bring about’ πείθειν Mt 27:20. ποιεῖν J 11:37; Col 4:16; cp. Rv 3:9; 13:16. τιθέναι appoint J 15:16. ἀγγαρεύειν Mt 27:32; Mk 15:21.
    ζ. ‘permit, grant’ ἀφιέναι Mk 11:16. On J 12:7 s. CBarrett, The Gospel According to St. John2, ’78, 413–14. διδόναι 10:37; Rv 9:5.
    η. συνευδοκεῖν Hs 5, 2, 8.
    ⓑ after impers. expr.: ἀρκετόν (ἐστι) it is sufficient Mt 10:25. λυσιτελεῖ (εἰ … ἢ ἵνα) Lk 17:2. συμφέρει Mt 5:29f; 18:6; J 11:50. ἐμοὶ εἰς ἐλάχιστόν ἐστιν it is a matter of little consequence to me 1 Cor 4:3. ἔδει B 5:13. πολλὰ λείπει Hv 3, 1, 9.
    ⓒ after nouns and adjs., esp. when they are parts of fixed expressions:
    α. χρείαν ἔχειν J 2:25; 16:30; 1J 2:27. ἔστιν συνήθεια J 18:39. θέλημά ἐστιν Mt 18:14; J 6:40; 1 Cor 16:12b. βουλὴ ἐγένετο Ac 27:42. ἐντολή (cp. Polyb. 36, 17, 10 νόμος) J 15:12; 11:57; 13:34; Ac 17:15; 2J 6. δέησις Eph 6:19. ἐξουσία Ac 8:19. ἐμὸν βρῶμά ἐστιν J 4:34. τίς ἐστιν ὁ μισθός; ἵνα … 1 Cor 9:18.
    β. οὐκ εἰμὶ ἱκανός Mt 8:8; Lk 7:6. οὐκ εἰμὶ ἄξιος J 1:27; cp. Hs 9, 28, 5. S. B-D-F §379; Rob. 996.
    ⓓ after nouns mng. time: χρόνον διδόναι, ἵνα give time Rv 2:21. ἔρχεται ἡ ὥρα the time comes (Aesop, Fab. 242 H. ἡ ἡμέρα, ἵνα=the day on which) J 12:23; 13:1; 16:2, 32. S. B-D-F §382, 1; 393.
    ⓔ ἵνα can also take the place of the explanatory inf. after a demonstrative (B-D-F §394; Rdm.2 192.—Wsd 13:9; Just., D. 14, 2 τοῦτο γάρ ἐστι τὸ σύμβολον τῶν ἀζύμων, ἵνα μὴ …) Mk 11:28. πόθεν μοι τοῦτο ἵνα ἔλθῃ (for τὸ ἐλθεῖν τὴν κτλ.) Lk 1:43 (cp. GJs 12:2). τοῦτο προσεύχομαι ἵνα Phil 1:9. cp. 1 Cor 9:18. This is a favorite usage in J: τοῦτό ἐστιν τὸ ἔργον τοῦ θεοῦ ἵνα πιστεύητε (for τὸ πιστεύειν ὑμᾶς) 6:29; cp. vs. 50. μείζονα ταύτης ἀγάπην οὐδεὶς ἔχει ἵνα … θῇ (for τοῦ θεῖναι) 15:13; cp. 3J 4.—J 6:39; 17:3; 1J 3:11, 23; 4:21; 5:3; 2J 6a. ἐν τούτῳ: ἐν τούτῳ ἐδοξάσθη ὁ πατήρ μου ἵνα … φέρητε (for ἐν τῷ φέρειν ὑμᾶς ἐδοξάσθη) J 15:8; cp. 1J 4:17.—S. also Hs 9, 28, 4, and ποταπὴν ἀγάπην ἵνα 1J 3:1.
    ⓕ ἵνα is used elliptically ἀλλʼ ἵνα but this has happened that, where the verb to be supplied must be inferred fr. the context (Epict. 1, 12, 17): ἀλλʼ ἵνα μαρτυρήσῃ (sc. ἦλθεν) J 1:8. ἀλλʼ (ἐγένετο ἀπόκρυφον) ἵνα ἔλθῃ εἰς φανερόν but it was hidden that it might be revealed Mk 4:22 (but cp. CCadoux, JTS 42, ’41, 169 n. 3). ἀλλʼ (κρατεῖτέ με) ἵνα πληρωθῶσιν but you are holding me (prisoner), that 14:49. ἀλλʼ (ἐγένετο τυφλὸς) ἵνα φανερωθῇ J 9:3. ἀλλʼ (ἀποθνῄσκει) ἵνα … συναγάγῃ 11:52.—13:18; Hv 3, 8, 10 (cp. 1b above).
    ⓖ ἵνα w. subjunctive as a periphrasis for the impv. (B-D-F §387, 3; Mlt. 178; 210f; 248; Rob. 994; Mlt-Turner 94f; FSlotty, D. Gebr. des Konj. u. Opt. in d. griech. Dialekten I 1915, 35; CCadoux, The Impv. Use of ἵνα in the NT: JTS 42, ’41, 165–73; in reply HMeecham, JTS 43, ’42, 179f, also ET 52, ’40/41, 437; AGeorge, JTS 45, ’44, 56–60. Goodsp., Probs. 57f.—Soph., Oed. Col. 155; Epict. 4, 1, 41, Enchir. 17; PTebt 408, 17 [3 A.D.]; BGU 1079, 20; PFay 112, 12; POxy 299, 5 ἵνʼ εἰδῇς ‘know’; PGM 4, 2135; Tob 8:12 BA; 2 Macc 1:9. ἵνα πρὶν τούτων ἴδητε τὴν ἀπώλειαν τῶν υἱῶν ‘before these events, you shall behold the destruction of your sons’ En 14:6. κύριε, ἵνα γινώσκῃ τὸ σὸν κράτος ὅτι ‘Lord, may you in your majesty know, that …’ TestAbr A 4 p. 80, 35f [Stone pp. 8 and 10]). ἵνα ἐπιθῇς τὰς χεῖρας αὐτῇ please lay your hands on her Mk 5:23. ἡ δὲ γυνὴ ἵνα φοβῆται τ. ἄνδρα the wife is to respect her husband Eph 5:33. Cp. Mt 20:33; Mk 10:51; 1 Cor 7:29; 16:16; 2 Cor 8:7; Gal 2:10. ἵνα ἀναπαήσονται let them rest Rv 14:13. W. θέλω: θέλω ἵνα δῷς Mk 6:25 (=δός Mt 14:8.).—On Mk 2:10 s. 1f above.
    ⓗ ἵνα without a finite verb, which can be supplied fr. the context (Epict. 3, 23, 4 ἵνα ὡς ἄνθρωπος, i.e. ἐργάζῃ) ἵνα ἡμεῖς εἰς τὰ ἔθνη, αὐτοὶ δὲ εἰς τὴν περιτομήν (i.e. εὐαγγελιζώμεθα and εὐαγγελίζωνται) Gal 2:9. ἵνα κατὰ χάριν (γένηται) Ro 4:16. ἵνα ἄλλοις ἄνεσις (γένηται) 2 Cor 8:13. ἵνα (γένηται) καθὼς γέγραπται 1 Cor 1:31 (B-D-F §481; Rob. 1202f).
    ③ marker serving as substitute for the inf. of result, so that (‘ecbatic’ or consecutive use of ἵνα: B-D-F §391, 5; Mlt. 206–9; Rob. 997–99 and in SCase, Studies in Early Christianity [Porter-Bacon Festschr.] 1928, 51–57; EBlakeney, ET 53, ’41/42, 377f, indicating that the result is considered probable, but not actual. But this distinction is not always strictly observed. Cp. Epict. 1, 24, 3; 25, 15; 27, 8 al.; 2, 2, 16 οὕτω μωρὸς ἦν, ἵνα μὴ ἴδῃ; Vett. Val. 185, 31; 186, 17; 292, 20; Jos., Bell. 6, 107; Just., D. 112, 5; PLond III, 964, 13 p. 212 [II/III A.D.]. Many exx. in AJannaris, An Historical Greek Grammar 1897 §1758 and 1951) ἦν παρακεκαλυμμένον ἀπʼ αὐτῶν ἵνα μὴ αἴσθωνται αὐτό it was concealed from them, so that they might not comprehend it Lk 9:45. τίς ἥμαρτεν, ἵνα τυφλὸς γεννηθῇ; Who sinned, so that he was born blind? J 9:2. Cp. 2 Cor 1:17; Gal 5:17; 1 Th 5:4; 1J 1:9; Rv 9:20; 13:13; Hs 7:2; 9, 1, 10.—In many cases purpose and result cannot be clearly differentiated, and hence ἵνα is used for the result that follows according to the purpose of the subj. or of God. As in Semitic and Gr-Rom. thought, purpose and result are identical in declarations of the divine will (Ps.-Callisth. 2, 16, 10 the rule of the Persian king is being overthrown by the deity ἵνα Δαρεῖος … φυγὰς γενόμενος κτλ. Here ἵνα means both ‘in order that’ and ‘so that’): Lk 11:50; J 4:36; 12:40; 19:28; Ro 3:19; 5:20; 7:13; 8:17; 11:31f al. (ESutcliffe, Effect or Purpose, Biblica 35, ’54, 320–27). The formula ἵνα πληρωθῇ is so to be understood, since the fulfillment is acc. to God’s plan of salvation: Mt 1:22; 2:15; 4:14; 12:17; 21:4; 26:56; J 12:38; 17:12; 19:24, 36.—The ἵνα of Mk 4:12=Lk 8:10, so much in dispute, is prob. to be taken as final (w. AvVeldhuizen, NTS 8, 1925, 129–33; 10, 1927, 42–44; HWindisch, ZNW 26, 1927, 203–9; JGnilka, Die Verstockung Israels ’61, 45–48; B-D-F §369, 2 [here, and B-D-R p. 386f n. 2, the lit. on ‘causal’ ἵνα, which is allowed at least for Rv 22:14 and perh. 14:13, where P47 has ὅτι; see 2g]. S. also FLaCava, Scuola Cattol. 65, ’37, 301–4; MBlack, An Aramaic Approach3, ’67, 211–16; ISluiter, Causal ἵνα, Sound Greek: Glotta 70, ’92, 39–53. On J 12:7 s. τηρέω 2a).
    ④ marker of retroactive emphasis, that. At times, contrary to regular usage, ἵνα is placed elsewhere than at the beginning of its clause, in order to emphasize the words that come before it (B-D-F §475, 1; cp. the position of ὅτι Gal 1:11): τὴν ἀγάπην ἵνα γνῶτε 2 Cor 2:4. εἰς τὸν ἐρχόμενον μετʼ αὐτὸν ἵνα πιστεύσωσιν Ac 19:4. τῷ ὑμετέρῳ ἐλέει ἵνα Ro 11:31. Cp. J 13:29; 1 Cor 7:29; Gal 2:10; Col 4:16b.—EStauffer, Ἵνα u. d. Problem d. teleol. Denkens b. Pls: StKr 102, 1930, 232–57; JGreenlee, ἵνα Substantive Clauses in the NT: Asbury Seminarian 2, ’47, 154–63; HRiesenfeld, Zu d. johanneischen ἵνα-Sätzen, StTh 19, ’65, 213–20; MBlack, An Aramaic Approach3, ’67, 76–81.—Frisk. M-M. EDNT. TW.

    Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά παλαιοχριστιανική Λογοτεχνία > ἵνα

  • 125 tell

    tel
    1) (to inform or give information to (a person) about (something): He told the whole story to John; He told John about it.) contar
    2) (to order or command; to suggest or warn: I told him to go away.) decir, mandar
    3) (to say or express in words: to tell lies / the truth / a story.) decir, contar
    4) (to distinguish; to see (a difference); to know or decide: Can you tell the difference between them?; I can't tell one from the other; You can tell if the meat is cooked by/from the colour.) ver (la diferencia), distinguir, reconocer
    5) (to give away a secret: You mustn't tell or we'll get into trouble.) contar, revelar
    6) (to be effective; to be seen to give (good) results: Good teaching will always tell.) notarse, hacerse notar
    •
    - telling
    - tellingly
    - telltale
    - I told you so
    - tell off
    - tell on
    - tell tales
    - tell the time
    - there's no telling
    - you never can tell
    tell vb
    1. contar
    2. decir
    I told you so ¿no te lo dije?
    tr[tel]
    transitive verb (pt & pp told tr[təʊld])
    1 (gen) decir
    ■ why didn't you tell me? ¿por qué no me lo dijiste?
    ■ could you tell me where the station is, please? ¿me podría indicar dónde está la estación, por favor?
    2 (story, joke) contar; (truth, lies, secret) decir
    ■ tell us a joke, Fred cuéntanos un chiste, Fred
    ■ telling lies is bad mentir es malo, decir mentiras es malo
    3 (talk about) hablar de
    4 formal use comunicar, informar
    ■ we regret to tell you that... lamentamos comunicarle que...
    5 (assure) asegurar, garantizar
    ■ it's true, I tell you es verdad, te lo aseguro
    6 (order) decir, mandar
    ■ you'll do as you're told! ¡harás lo que yo te digo!
    7 (show) indicar; (in writing) explicar
    8 (distinguish) distinguir
    ■ can you tell the difference between Gruyère and Emmental? ¿sabes distinguir entre el gruyere y el emmental?
    9 (know) saber, notarse
    1 (reveal secret) hablar, soplar
    ■ promise you won't tell? ¿me prometes que no lo dirás?
    ■ no matter what you do to me, I'll never tell podéis hacerme lo que queráis, porque no hablaré
    2 (have effect) notarse, hacerse notar
    3 (know) saber
    ■ who can tell? ¿quién sabe?
    \
    SMALLIDIOMATIC EXPRESSION/SMALL
    as far as I can tell que yo sepa, por lo que yo sé
    I'll tell you what escucha lo que digo
    I told you so ya te lo dije, ya lo decía yo
    tell me another! ¡anda ya!, ¡eso no te lo crees ni tú!
    there's no telling no se sabe, vete a saber
    time will tell el tiempo lo dirá
    to tell somebody where to get off cantarle las cuarenta a alguien, decirle cuatro cosas a alguien
    to tell the time saber decir la hora
    you can never tell nunca se sabe
    you're telling me a mí me lo dices, ni que lo digas
    tell ['tɛl] v, told ['to:ld] ; telling vt
    1) count: contar, enumerar
    all told: en total
    2) instruct: decir
    he told me how to fix it: me dijo cómo arreglarlo
    they told her to wait: le dijeron que esperara
    3) relate: contar, relatar, narrar
    to tell a story: contar una historia
    4) divulge, reveal: revelar, divulgar
    he told me everything about her: me contó todo acerca de ella
    5) discern: discernir, notar
    I can't tell the difference: no noto la diferencia
    tell vi
    1) say: decir
    I won't tell: no voy a decírselo a nadie
    2) know: saber
    you never can tell: nunca se sabe
    3) show: notarse, hacerse sentir
    the strain is beginning to tell: la tensión se empieza a notar
    v.
    (§ p.,p.p.: told) = contar (Decir) v.
    • decir v.
    (§pres: digo, dices...) pret: dij-
    pp: dicho
    fut/c: dir-•)
    • desembuchar v.
    • hablar v.
    • narrar v.
    • relatar v.
    tel
    1.
    (past & past p told) transitive verb
    1) (inform, reveal) decir*

    he was told that... — le dijeron que...

    could you tell me the way to the station? — ¿me podría decir or indicar cómo se llega a la estación?

    tell me when you've finished — dime or avísame cuando hayas terminado

    I am pleased to be able to tell you that... — ( Corresp) me complace comunicarle or informarle que...

    it's not easy, I can tell you — no es fácil, te lo aseguro or garantizo

    you're telling me! — (colloq) me lo vas a decir a mí!

    I told you so! — ¿no te lo dije?

    2) (recount, relate) \<\<joke/tale\>\> contar*

    the poem tells how... — el poema cuenta or (frml) narra or relata cómo...

    to tell somebody ABOUT somebody/something: she's told me all about you me ha hablado mucho de ti; tell us about Lima — cuéntanos cómo es Lima (or qué tal te fue en Lima etc)

    3) (instruct, warn) decir*

    do as o what you're told — haz lo que se te dice

    to tell somebody to + INF — decirle* a alguien que (+ subj)

    4)
    a) (ascertain, know)

    to be able to tell the time — saber* decir la hora

    to tell something/somebody (FROM something/somebody) — distinguir* algo/a alguien (de algo/alguien)

    I can't tell the difference — yo no veo or no noto ninguna diferencia

    5) ( count)

    2.
    vi
    1)
    a) ( reveal)

    promise you won't tell? — ¿prometes que no se lo vas a contar or decir a nadie?

    ah, that would be telling — ah, eso es un secreto

    to tell ON somebody (TO somebody) — (colloq) acusar a alguien (a or con alguien)

    b) ( relate) (liter)
    2) ( know) saber*
    3) (count, have an effect)

    to tell AGAINST somebody/something — obrar en contra de alguien/algo

    to tell ON somebody: the strain is beginning to tell on him — la tensión lo está empezando a afectar

    •
    Phrasal Verbs:
    [tel] (pt, pp told)
    1. VT
    1) [+ story, experiences] contar; [+ truth] decir; [+ secret] contar, divulgar frm; (formally) comunicar, informar

    to tell sb whether/how/why etc — decir a algn si/cómo/por qué etc

    to tell sb that... — decir a algn que...

    I have been told that... — me han dicho que..., se me ha dicho que... frm

    I am pleased to tell you that... — frm me complace comunicarle que..., me es grato comunicarle que...

    I tell you it isn't! — ¡te digo que no!

    let me tell you, I didn't enjoy it — si te digo la verdad, no me gustó nada

    there were three, I tell you, three — había tres, ¿me oyes?, tres

    • I told him about the missing money — le dije lo del dinero que faltaba, le informé acerca del dinero que faltaba frm

    • tell me another! * — ¡cuéntaselo a tu abuela! *

    • he's no saint, I can tell you! — ¡no es ningún santo, te lo aseguro!

    • I cannot tell you how pleased I am — no encuentro palabras para expresarle lo contento que estoy

    • I could tell you a thing or two about him — hay cosas de él que yo me sé

    • don't tell me you can't do it! — ¡no me vayas a decir or no me digas que no lo puedes hacer!

    • to tell sb's fortune, tell sb the future — decir a algn la buenaventura

    • to tell a lie — mentir

    • you're telling me! * — ¡a quién se lo cuentas!, ¡a mí no me lo vas a contar!

    • I told you so! — ¡ya lo decía yo!

    didn't I tell you so? — ¿no te lo dije ya?

    • (I) tell you what, let's go now — sabes qué, vámonos ya

    I tell you what! — ¡se me ocurre una idea!

    marine
    2) (=order)

    to tell sb to do sth — decir a algn que haga algo, mandar a algn a hacer algo

    • do as you are told! — ¡haz lo que te digo!

    • he won't be told — no acepta consejos de nadie, no quiere hacer caso de nadie

    • I told you not to — te dije que no lo hicieras

    3) (=indicate) [sign, dial, clock] indicar
    4) (=distinguish) distinguir

    • I couldn't tell them apart — no sabía distinguirlos

    • to tell the difference between A and B — distinguir entre A y B

    • to tell right from wrong — distinguir el bien del mal

    time 1., 5)
    5) (=know, be certain) saber

    • you can tell he's a German — se (le) nota que es alemán

    how can I tell what she will do? — ¿cómo voy a saber lo que ella hará?

    • I couldn't tell how it was done — no sabía cómo se hizo

    • there is no telling what he will do — es imposible saber qué va a hacer

    6) (=count)
    2. VI
    1) (=speak)

    • "did you love her?" - "more than words can tell" — -¿la amabas? -más de lo que pueda expresar con palabras

    it hurt more than words can tell — dolió una barbaridad, dolió lo indecible

    • I hear tell that... — dicen que...

    2) * (=sneak, tell secrets)

    please don't tell! — ¡no vayas contándolo or soplándolo * por ahí!

    that would be telling! — ¡es un secreto!

    3) (=know, be certain) saber

    how can I tell? — ¿cómo lo voy a saber?, ¿yo qué sé?

    I can't tell — (me) es imposible saberlo, no le puedo decir, no sabría decirle

    who can tell? — ¿quién sabe?

    time 1., 1)
    4) (=have an effect)

    stamina tells in the long run — a la larga importa or vale más la resistencia

    • to tell against sb — obrar en contra de algn

    • the strain is beginning to tell on him — la tensión está empezando a afectarle

    * * *
    [tel]
    1.
    (past & past p told) transitive verb
    1) (inform, reveal) decir*

    he was told that... — le dijeron que...

    could you tell me the way to the station? — ¿me podría decir or indicar cómo se llega a la estación?

    tell me when you've finished — dime or avísame cuando hayas terminado

    I am pleased to be able to tell you that... — ( Corresp) me complace comunicarle or informarle que...

    it's not easy, I can tell you — no es fácil, te lo aseguro or garantizo

    you're telling me! — (colloq) me lo vas a decir a mí!

    I told you so! — ¿no te lo dije?

    2) (recount, relate) \<\<joke/tale\>\> contar*

    the poem tells how... — el poema cuenta or (frml) narra or relata cómo...

    to tell somebody ABOUT somebody/something: she's told me all about you me ha hablado mucho de ti; tell us about Lima — cuéntanos cómo es Lima (or qué tal te fue en Lima etc)

    3) (instruct, warn) decir*

    do as o what you're told — haz lo que se te dice

    to tell somebody to + INF — decirle* a alguien que (+ subj)

    4)
    a) (ascertain, know)

    to be able to tell the time — saber* decir la hora

    to tell something/somebody (FROM something/somebody) — distinguir* algo/a alguien (de algo/alguien)

    I can't tell the difference — yo no veo or no noto ninguna diferencia

    5) ( count)

    2.
    vi
    1)
    a) ( reveal)

    promise you won't tell? — ¿prometes que no se lo vas a contar or decir a nadie?

    ah, that would be telling — ah, eso es un secreto

    to tell ON somebody (TO somebody) — (colloq) acusar a alguien (a or con alguien)

    b) ( relate) (liter)
    2) ( know) saber*
    3) (count, have an effect)

    to tell AGAINST somebody/something — obrar en contra de alguien/algo

    to tell ON somebody: the strain is beginning to tell on him — la tensión lo está empezando a afectar

    •
    Phrasal Verbs:

    English-spanish dictionary > tell

  • 126 GÖRA

    ð, also spelt görva, giörva, geyra, giora, gera: prop. gøra, not gra (the ø was sounded nearly as y or ey), so that the g is to be sounded as an aspirate, however the word is spelt; and the insertion of i or j (giöra, gjöra), which is usual in mod. writing, and often occurs in old, is phonetic, not radical, and göra and gjöra represent the same sound. The word in the oldest form had a characteristic v, and is spelt so on the Runic stones in the frequent Runic phrase, gaurva kubl, Baut., and Danske Runemind. passim; but also now and then in old Icel. MSS., e. g. the Kb. of Sæm. (cited from Bugge’s Edit.), gorva, Am. 75, Skv. 1. 34, 3. 20, Hm. 123, Og. 29; gerva, Am. 64, Bkv. 3; giorva, Rm. 9; giorfa, 28; gorvir, Hkv. Hjörv. 41; gørvom, Hým. 6; gorviz, Am. 35; gerviz, Merl. 2. 89:—this characteristic v has since been dropped, and it is usually spelt without it in MSS., gora, Hým. 1, Og. 23, Ls. 65; gera, Am. 85; gorir, Hm. 114: the pret. always drops the v, gorþi, Hym. 21; gorðo or gorþo, fecerunt, Hm. 142, Am. 9; gorðumz, Hðm. 28; gerþi, Am. 74; gerþit, 26:—with i inserted, Rm. 9, 22; giordu, 11; in the Mork. freq. giavra. The ö is still sounded in the east of Icel., whereas gera is the common form in speech, gjöra in writing:—the old pres. indic. used by the poets and in the laws is monosyllabic görr, with suffixed negative, görr-a, Hkr. i. (in a verse); mod. bisyllabic görir, which form is also the usual one in the Sagas:—the old part. pass. was görr or gerr, geyrr, Fms. ix. 498, x. 75, where the v was kept before a vowel, and is often spelt with f, gorvan, gorvir, and gorfan, gorfir: dat. so-goro or so-guru adverbially = sic facto: the mod. part. gjörðr, gerðr, görðr, as a regular part. of the 2nd weak conjugation, which form occurs in MSS. of the 15th century, e. g. Bs. i. 877, l. 21. [This is a Scandin. word; Dan. gjöre; Swed. göra; Old Engl. and Scot. gar, which is no doubt of Scandin. origin, the Saxon word being do, the Germ. thun, neither of which is used in the Scandin.; the word however is not unknown to the Teut., though used in a different sense; A. S. gervan and gearvjan = parare; O. H. G. karwan; Germ. gerben, garben, but esp. the adj. and adv. gar, vide above s. v. gör-.] To make, to do; the Icel. includes both these senses.
    A. To make:
    I. to build, work, make, etc.; göra himin ok jörð, 623. 36, Hom. 100; göra hús, to build a house, Fms. xi. 4, Rb. 384; göra kirkju, Bjarn. 39; göra skip, N. G. L. i. 198; göra langskip, Eg. 44; göra stólpa, Al. 116; göra tól (= smíða), Vsp. 7; göra (fingr)-gull, Bs. i. 877; göra haug, to build a cairn, Eg. 399; göra lokhvílu, Dropl. 27; göra dys, Ld. 152; göra kistu ( coffin), Eg. 127; göra naust, N. G. L. i. 198; göra jarðhús, Dropl. 34; göra veggi, Eg. 724: also, göra bók, to write a book, Íb. 1, Rb. 384; göra kviðling, to make a song, Nj. 50; göra bréf, to draw up a deed ( letter), Fms. ix. 22; göra nýmæli, to frame a law, Íb. 17.
    2. adding prep.; göra upp, to repair, rebuild, restore, Fb. ii. 370; göra upp Jórsala-borg, Ver. 43; göra upp skála, Ld. 298; göra upp leiði, to build up a grave.
    II. to make, prepare, get ready; göra veizlu, drykkju, brúðkaup, erfi, and poët. öl, öldr, to make a feast, brew bridal ale, Fs. 23, Fms. xi. 156, Dropl. 6, Am. 86; göra seið, blót, to perform a sacrifice, Ld. 152; göra bú, to set up a house, Grág. i. 185, Ld. 68; göra eld, to make a fire, Fs. 100, K. Þ. K. 88; göra rekkju, to make one’s bed, Eg. 236; göra upp hvílur, Sturl. ii. 124; göra graut, to make porridge, Eg. 196, N. G. L. i. 349; göra drykk, to make a drink, Fms. i. 8; göra kol, or göra til kola, to make charcoal, Ölk. 35.
    III. in somewhat metaph. phrases; göra ferð, to make a journey, Fms. x. 281; görði heiman för sína, he made a journey from home, Eg. 23; göra sinn veg, to make one’s way, travel, Mar.; göra uppreisn, to make an uprising, to rebel, Rb. 384, Fms. ix. 416; göra úfrið, to make war, 656 C. 15; göra sátt, göra frið, to make peace, Hom. 153, Bs. i. 24; göra féskipti, Nj. 118; göra tilskipan, to make an arrangement, Eg. 67; göra ráð sitt, to make up one’s mind, Nj. 267, Fms. ix. 21; göra hluti, to cast lots, Fms. x. 348.
    2. to make, give, pay, yield; göra tíund, to pay tithes, Hom. 180; hann skal göra Guði tíunda hlut verðsins, id.; göra ölmusu, to give alms, 64; göra ávöxt, to yield fruit, Greg. 48; gefa né göra ávöxt, Stj. 43; göra konungi skatt eða skyld, Fms. xi. 225.
    3. to contract; göra vináttu, félagskap, to contract friendship, Nj. 103, Eg. 29; göra skuld, to contract a debt, Grág. i. 126: göra ráð með e-m, to take counsel with, advise one, Eg. 12; göra ráð fyrir, to suppose, Nj. 103, Fms. ix. 10; göra mun e-s, to make a difference, i. 255, Eb. 106.
    4. to make, make up, Lat. efficere; sex tigir penninga göra eyri, sixty pence make an ounce, Grág. i. 500, Rb. 458.
    5. to grant, render; göra kost, to make a choice, to grant, Nj. 130, Dropl. 6, Fms. xi. 72, (usually ellipt., kostr being understood); vil ek at þér gerit kostinn, Nj. 3; ok megit þér fyrir því göra ( grant) honum kostinn, 49, 51; göra e-m lög, to grant the law to one, 237; göra guðsifjar, to make ‘gossip’ with one, to be one’s godfather, Fms. ii. 130.
    6. special usages; göra spott, háð, gabb, … at e-u, to make sport, gibes, etc. at or over a thing, Fms. x. 124; göra iðran, to do penance, Greg. 22; göra þakkir, to give thanks, Hom. 55; göra róm at máli e-s, to cheer another’s speech, shout hear, hear! var görr at máli hans mikill rómr ok góðr, his speech was much cheered, Nj. 250,—a parliamentary term; the Teutons cheered, the Romans applauded (with the hands), cp. Tacit. Germ.
    7. with prepp.; gera til, to make ready or dress meat; láta af ( to kill) ok göra til ( and dress), K. Þ. K. 80, Ísl. ii. 83, 331, Fs. 146, 149, Bjarn. 31, Finnb. 228; göra til nyt, to churn milk, K. Þ. K. 78; göra til sverð, to wash and clean the sword, Dropl. 19; máttu þeir eigi sjá, hversu Þorvaldr var til gerr, how Th. got a dressing, Nj. 19.
    β. göra at e-u, to mend, make good, put right (at-görð), ek skal at því gera, Fms. xi. 153, Eg. 566, Nj. 130: to heal, Bárð. 171, Eg. 579, Grág. i. 220; göra at hesti, K. Þ. K. 54, Nj. 74: göra við e-u, vide B. II.
    8. adding acc. of an adj., part., or the like; göra mun þat margan höfuðlausan, Nj. 203; göra mikit um sik, to make a great noise, great havoc, Fb. i. 545, Grett. 133, Fms. x. 329; göra e-n sáttan, to reconcile one, Grág. i. 336; göra sér e-n kæran, to make one dear to oneself, Hkr. i. 209; göra sik líkan e-m, to make oneself like to another, imitate one, Nj. 258; göra sik góðan, to make oneself good or useful, 74, 78; göra sik reiðan, to take offence, 216; göra sér dælt, to make oneself at home, take liberties, Ld. 134, Nj. 216; göra langmælt, to make a long speech, Sks. 316; göra skjót-kjörit, to make a quick choice, Fms. ii. 79; göra hólpinn, to ‘make holpen,’ to help, x. 314; göra lögtekit, to make a law, issue a law, xi. 213, Bs. i. 37; hann gerði hann hálshöggvinn, he had him beheaded, Fms. ix. 488, v. l.; ok görðu þá handtekna alla at minsta kosti, Sturl. i. 40; várir vöskustu ok beztu menn era görfir handteknir, 41.
    β. göra sér mikit um e-t, to make much of, admire, Eg. 5, Fms. x. 254, 364; göra e-t at ágætum, to make famous, extol a thing, vii. 147; göra at orðum, to notice as remarkable, Fas. i. 123; göra at álitum, to take into consideration, Nj. 3; göra sér úgetið at e-u, to be displeased with, Ld. 134; göra vart við sik, to make one’s presence noticed, Eg. 79; göra sér mikit, lítið fyrir, to make great, small efforts, Finnb. 234; göra sér í hug, to brood over; hann gerði sér í hug at drepa jarl, Fs. 112; göra sér í hugar lund, to fancy, think: göra af sér, to exert oneself, ef þú gerir eigi meira af þér um aðra leika, Edda 32; hvárt hann var með Eiríki jarli, eðr görði hann annat af sér, or what else he was making of himself, Fms. xi. 157.
    9. phrases, gera fáleika á sik, to feign, make oneself look sad, Nj. 14; esp. adding upp, gera sér upp veyki, to feign sickness, (upp-gerð, dissimulation); göra sér til, to make a fuss, (hence, til-gerð, foppishness.)
    B. To do:
    I. to do, act; allt þat er hann gerir síðan ( whatever he does), þat á eigandi at ábyrgjask, Gþl. 190; þér munut fátt mæla eðr gera, áðr yðr munu vandræði af standa, i. e. whatsoever you say or do will bring you into trouble, Nj. 91; göra e-t með harðfengi ok kappi, 98; ger svá vel, ‘do so well,’ be so kind! 111; gerit nú svá, góði herra (please, dear lord!), þiggit mitt heilræði, Fms. vii. 157: and in mod. usage, gerið þér svo vel, gerðu svo vel, = Engl. please, do! sagði, at hann hafði með trúleik gört, done faithfully, Eg. 65; göra gott, to do good; göra íllt, to do evil, (góð-görð, íll-görð); ok þat var vel gört, well done, 64; geyrða ek hotvetna íllt, I did evil in all things, Niðrst. 109; hefir hann marga hluti gört stór-vel til mín, he has done many things well towards me, I have received many great benefits at his hands, Eg. 60: with dat., svá mikit gott sem jarl hefir mér gert, Nj. 133; þér vilda ek sízt íllt göra, I would least do harm to thee, 84: göra fúlmennsku, to do a mean act, 185; göra vel við e-n, to do well to one, Fs. 22; göra stygð við e-n, to offend one, Fms. x. 98; göra sæmiliga til e-s, to do well to one, Ld. 62, Nj. 71; göra sóma e-s, to do honour to one, Fms. vii. 155; göra e-m gagn, to give help to one, Nj. 262; göra e-m sæmd, skomm, to do ( shew) honour, dishonour, to one, 5, Fms. x. 43; göra háðung, xi. 152; göra styrk, to strengthen one, ix. 343; göra e-m skapraun, to tease one; göra ósóma, Vápn. 19; göra skaða ( scathe), Eg. 426; göra óvina-fagnað, to give joy to one’s enemies, i. e. to do just what they want one to do, Nj. 112; göra til skaps e-m, to conform to one’s wishes, 80; gerum vér sem faðir vár vill, let us do as our father wishes, 198; vel má ek gera þat til skaps föður míns at brenna inni með honum, id.; göra at skapi e-s, id., 3; var þat mjök gert móti mínu skapi, Fms. viii. 300; gera til saka við e-n, to offend, sin against one, Nj. 80; gera á hluta e-s, to wrong one, Vígl. 25; göra ílla fyrir sér, to behave badly, Fms. vii. 103.
    II. adding prep.; göra til e-s, to deserve a thing (cp. til-görð, desert, behaviour); hvat hafðir þú til gört, what hast thou done to deserve it? Nj. 130; framarr en ek hefi til gört, more than I have deserved, Fms. viii. 300; ok hafit þér Danir heldr til annars gört, ye Danes have rather deserved the reverse, xi. 192, Hom. 159:—göra eptir, to do after, imitate, Nj. 90:—göra við e-u (cp. við-görð, amendment), to provide for, amend, ok mun úhægt vera at göra við forlögum þeirra, Ld. 190; er úhægt at göra við ( to resist) atkvæðum, Fs. 22; ok mun ekki mega við því gera, Nj. 198:—göra af við e-n (cp. af-görð, evil doing), to transgress against one, ek hefi engan hlut af gört við þik, Fms. vii. 104, viii. 241; ok iðrask nú þess er hann hefir af gert, 300; göra af við Guð, to sin against God, Hom. 44.
    2. special usages; göra … at, to do so and so; spurði, hvat hann vildi þá láta at gera, he asked what he would have done, Nj. 100; hann gerði þat eina at, er hann átti, he did only what be ought, 220; þeir Flosi sátu um at rengja, ok gátu ekki at gert, F. tried, and could do nothing, 115, 242; þér munut ekki fá at gert, fyrr en …, 139; Flosi ok hans menn fengu ekki at gert, 199; mikit hefir þú nú at gert, much hast thou now done ( it is a serious matter), 85; er nú ok mikit at gert um manndráp siðan, 256; hann vildi taka vöru at láni, ok göra mikit at, and do great things, Ld. 70; Svartr hafði höggit skóg ok gert mikit at, Nj. 53; slíkt gerir at er sölin etr, so it happens with those who eat seaweed, i. e. that (viz. thirst) comes of eating seaweed, Eg. 605.
    β. göra af e-u, to do so and so with a thing; hvat hafið ér gert af Gunnari, Njarð. 376; ráð þú draumana, vera má at vér gerim af nokkut, may be that we may make something out of it, Ld. 126; gör af drauminum slíkt er þér þykkir líkligast, do with the dream ( read it) as seems to thee likeliest, Ísl. ii. 196: göra við e-n, to do with one; þá var um rætt, hvað við þá skyldi göra, what was to be done with them? Eg. 232; ærnar eru sakir til við Egil, hvat sem eg læt göra við hann, 426; eigi veit ek hvat þeir hafa síðan við gört, 574: göra fyrir e-t, to provide; Jón var vel fjáreigandi, ok at öllu vel fyrir gört, a wealthy and well-to-do man, Sturl. iii. 195; þótt Björn sé vel vígr maðr, þá er þar fyrir gört, því at …, but that is made up, because …: fyrir göra (q. v.), to forfeit.
    C. METAPH. AND SPECIAL USAGES:
    I. to do, help, avail; nú skulum vér ganga allir á vald jarlsins, því at oss gerir eigi annat, nothing else will do for us, Nj. 267; þat mun ekki gera, that wont do, 84; en ek kann ekki ráð til at leggja ef þetta gerir ekki, Fms. ii. 326; konungr vill þat eigi, þvi at mér gerir þat eigi ( it will not do for me) at þér gangit hér upp, x. 357; þat gerir mér ekki, at þér gangit á Orminn, … en hitt má vera at mér komi at gagni, ii. 227; þóttisk þá vita, at honum mundi ekki gera ( it would do nothing) at biðja fyrir honum, Fb. i. 565; engum gerði við hann at keppa, 571; ekki gerði þeim um at brjótask, Bárð. 10 new Ed.; sagða ek yðr eigi, at ekki mundi gera at leita hans, Sks. 625; hvat gerir mér nú at spyrja, Stj. 518; ekki gerir at dylja, no use hiding it, Fbr. 101 new Ed.; ætla þat at fáir þori, enda geri engum, Band. 7; bæði var leitað til annarra ok heima, ok gerði ekki, but did no good, 4; hét hann þeim afarkostum, ok gerði þat ekki, but it did no good, Fms. ii. 143.
    II. to send, despatch, cp. the Engl. to ‘do’ a message; hann gerði þegar menn frá sér, Eg. 270; hann hafði gört menn sex á skóginn fyrir þá, 568; þá gerði Karl lið móti þeim, Fms. i. 108; jarl gerði Eirík at leita Ribbunga, ix. 314; hann gerði fram fyrir sik Álf á njósn, 488; hann gerði menn fyrir sér at segja konunginum kvámu sína, x. 10; hleypi-skúta var gör norðr til Þrándheims, vii. 206; jafnan gerði jarl til Ribbunga ok drap menn af þeim, ix. 312; vilja Ósvífrs-synir þegar gera til þeirra Kotkels, despatch them to slay K., Ld. 144; skulu vér nú göra í mót honum, ok láta hann engri njósn koma, 242:—göra eptir e-m, to send after one, Nero bað göra eptir postulunum ok leiða þangat, 656 C. 26; nú verðr eigi eptir gört at miðjum vetri, Grág. i. 421; frændr Bjarnar létu göra eptir (Germ. abholen) líki hans, Bjarn. 69; síðan gerðu þeir til klaustrs þess er jómfrúin var í, Fms. x. 102:—gera e-m orð, njósn, to do a message to one; hann gerði orð jörlum sínum, Eg. 270; ætluðu þeir at göra Önundi njósn um ferðir Egils, 386, 582; vóru þangat orð gör, word was sent thither, Hkr. ii. 228.
    III. with infin. as an auxiliary verb, only in poetry and old prose (laws); ef hón gerði koma, if she did come, Völ. 5; gerðit vatn vægja, Am. 25; gramr gørr-at sér hlífa, he does not spare himself, Hkr. i. (in a verse); gerðut vægjask, id., Fs. (in a verse); hann gerðisk at höggva, Jb. 41; görðir at segja, Bkv. 15; görðisk at deyja, Gkv. 1. 1: in prose, eigi gerir hugr minn hlægja við honum, Fas. i. 122; góðir menn göra skýra sitt mál með sannsögli, 677. 12; Aristodemus görði eigi enn at trúa, Post.: esp. in the laws, ef þeir göra eigi ganga í rúm sín, Grág. i. 8; ef goðinn gerr eigi segja, 32; ef hann gerr eigi í ganga, 33; ef þeir göra eigi hluta meðr sér, 63; ef dómendr göra eigi dæma, 67; ef dómendr göra eigi við at taka, id.; ef goðinn gerr eigi ( does not) nefna féráns-dóm, 94; nú göra þeir menn eigi úmaga færa, 86; ef þeir göra eigi nefna kvöðina af búanum, Kb. ii. 163; ef þeir göra eigi segja, hvárt …, Sb. ii. 52; nú gerr sá eigi til fara, Kb. ii. 96; göra eigi koma, 150; ef hann gerr eigi kjósa, § 113.
    IV. a law term, göra um, or gera only, to judge or arbitrate in a case; fékksk þat af, at tólf menn skyldu göra um málit, Nj. 111; villt þú göra um málit, 21; bjóða mun ek at göra um, ok lúka upp þegar görðinni, 77; mun sá mála-hluti várr beztr, at góðir menn geri um, 88; málin vóru lagið í gerð, skyldu gera um tólf menn, var þá gert um málin á þingi, var þat gert, at … (follows the verdict), 88; vil ek at þú sættisk skjótt ok látir góða menn gera um …, at hann geri um ok enir beztu menn af hvárra liði lögliga til nefndir, 188; Njáll kvaðsk eigi gera mundu nema á þingi, 105; þeir kváðusk þat halda mundu, er hann gerði, id.; skaltú gera sjálfr, 58; fyrr en gert var áðr um hitt málit, 120; ek vil bjóðask til at göra milli ykkar Þórðar um mál yðar, Bjarn. 55; Þorsteinn kvað þat þó mundi mál manna, at þeir hefði góða nefnd um sættir þótt hann görði, 56; nú er þegar slegit í sætt málinu með því móti, at Áskell skal göra um þeirra í milli, Rd. 248; er nú leitað um sættir milli þeirra, ok kom svá at þeir skulu göra um málin Þorgeirr goði frá Ljósa-vatni ok Arnórr ór Reykjahlíð, sú var görð þeirra at …, 288; svá kemr at Ljótr vill at Skapti görði af hans hendi, en Guðmundr vill sjálfr göra fyrir sína hönd, skyldi Skapti gerð upp segja, Valla L. 225; eigi hæfir þat, leitum heldr um sættir ok geri Þorgeirr um mál þessi, Lv. 12; var jafnt gört sár Þórðar ok sár Þórodds, Eb. 246; þær urðu mála-lyktir at Þórðr skyldi göra um …, 24; ok vóru þá görvar miklar fésektir, 128; var leitað um sættir, ok varð þat at sætt, at þeir Snorri ok Steindórr skyldi göra um, 212; þit erut gerfir héraðs-sekir sem íllræðis-menn, Fs. 58: göra görð, Sturl. i. 63, 105: adding the fine, to fix the amount, þat er gerð mín, at ek geri verð húss ok matar, I fix the amount of the value of the house and (stolen) stores, Nj. 80; gerði Njáll hundrað silfrs, N. put it at a hundred silver pieces, 58; margir mæltu, at mikit vaeri gert, that the amount was high, id.; slíkt fégjald sem gert var, 120; vilit ér nokkut héraðs-sektir göra eða utanferðir, 189; hann dæmdi þegar, ok görði hundrað silfrs, 6l; síðan bauð Bjarni Þorkatli sætt ok sjálfdæmi, görði Bjarni hundrað silfrs, Vápn. 31; ek göri á hönd Þóri hundrað silfrs, Lv. 55; ek göri á hönd þér hundrað silfrs, id.; vilit þér, at ek göra millum ykkar? síðan görði konungr konuna til handa Þórði ok öll fé hennar, Bjarn. 17; Rafn kvað hann mikit fé annat af sér hafa gört, at eigi þætti honum þat betra, Fs. 30; Gellir görði átta hundrað silfrs, Lv. 97; fyrir þat gerði Börkr hinn digri af honum eyjarnar, B. took the isles from him as a fine, Landn. 123: adding the case as object, Gunnarr gerði gerðina, G. gave judgment in the case, Nj. 80; fyrr en gert var áðr um hitt málit, till the other case was decided, 120; þá sætt er hann görði Haraldi jarli, that settlement which he made for earl Harold, Fms. viii. 300: Flosi var görr utan ok allir brennu-menn, F. was put out ( banished) and all the burners, Nj. 251: metaph., nema þau vili annat mál á gera, unless they choose to settle it otherwise, Grág. i. 336.
    2. in the phrase, göra sekð, to make a case of outlawry, Grág. i. 118; eigi um görir sekð manns ella, else the outlawry takes no effect; en hann um görir eigi ella sekðina, else he cannot condemn him, 119.
    3. to perform; eptir-gerðar þeirrar sem hverr nennti framast at gera eptir sinn náung, Fms. viii. 103; en þat grunaði konung, at hann mundi ætla at göra eptir sumar sættir, i. e. that he had some back door to escape by, Orkn. 58 (cp. Ó. H.); allt þat er þér gerit nú fyrir þeirra sálum, id.
    V. special usages, to make allowance for; gera fóðr til fjár, to make an arbitrary allowance for, Ísl. ii. 138; hence, to suppose, en ef ek skal göra til fyrir fram ( suggest) hvat er hón (the code) segir mér, þá segi ek svá, at …, Fms. ix. 331; gera sér í hug, Fs. 112; göra sér í hugar-lund, to fancy; göra e-m getsakir, to impute to one; gera orð á e-u, to report a thing; þat er ekki orð á því geranda, ‘tis not worth talking about; eigi þarf orð at göra hjá því (‘tis not to be denied), sjálfan stólkonunginn blindaði hann, Mork. 14 (cp. Fms. vi. 168, l. c.); gera sér létt, to take a thing lightly, Am. 70; göra sér far um, to take pains; göra sér í hug, hugar-lund, to suppose.
    D. IMPERS. it makes one so and so, one becomes; hann görði fölvan í andliti, he turned pale, Glúm. 342; leysti ísinn ok görði varmt vatnið, the water became warm, 623. 34; veðr görði hvast, a gale arose, Eg. 128; hríð mikla gerði at þeim, they were overtaken by a storm, 267; þá gerði ok á hríð (acc.) veðrs, 281; féll veðrit ok gerði logn (acc.), and became calm, 372; görði þá stórt á firðinum, the sea rose high, 600; til þess er veðr lægði ok ljóst gerði, and till it cleared up, 129; um nóttina gerði á æði-veðr ok útsynning, 195; görir á fyrir þeim hafvillur, they lost their course (of sailors), Finnb. 242; mér gerir svefnhöfugt, I grow sleepy, Nj. 264; þá görði vetr mikinn þar eptir hinn næsta, Rd. 248.
    E. REFLEX, to become, grow, arise, and the like; þá görðisk hlátr, then arose laughter, Nj. 15; görðisk bardagi, it came to a fight, 62, 108; sá atburðr görðisk, it came to pass, Fms. x. 279; þau tíðendi er þar höfðu görzt, Ld. 152; gerðisk með þeim félagskapr, they entered into fellowship, Eg. 29; gerðisk svá fallit kaup, Dipl. ii. 10; Sigurðr konungr gerðisk ( grew up to be) ofstopa-maðr …, görðisk mikill maðr ok sterkr, Fms. vii. 238; hann görðisk brátt ríkr maðr ok stjórnsamr, xi. 223; Unnr görðisk þá mjök elli-móð, U. became worn with age, Ld. 12; sár þat er at ben görðisk, a law term, a wound which amounted to a bleeding wound, Nj. passim:—to be made, to become, görask konungr, to become king, Eg. 12; ok görðisk skáld hans, and became his skáld, 13; görðisk konungs hirðmaðr, 27; görask hans eigin-kona, to become his wedded wife, Fms. i. 3; at hann skyldi görask hálf-konungr yfir Dana-veldi, 83; vill Hrútr görask mágr þinn, Nj. 3; hann gerðisk síðan óvarari, he became less cautious, Fms. x. 414.
    2. with the prep. svá, to happen, come to pass so and so; svá görðisk, at …, it so happened, that …, Nj. 167; görðisk svá til, at …, Fms. x. 391; þá görðisk svá til um síðir, at…, at last it came to pass. that …, 392; enda vissi hann eigi, at þingför mundi af görask, in case he knew not that it would entail a journey to parliament, Grág. i. 46: with at added, to increase, þá görðisk þat mjök at um jarl ( it grew even worse with the earl) at hann var úsiðugr um kvenna-far, görðisk þat svá mikit, at …, it grew to such a pitch, that …, Hkr. i. 245; hence the mod. phrase, e-ð á-görist, it increases, gains, advances, esp. of illness, bad habits, and the like, never in a good sense.
    3. impers. with dat., honum gerðisk ekki mjök vært, he felt restless, Ld. 152; næsta gerisk mér kynlegt, I feel uneasy, Finnb. 236.
    4. to behave, bear oneself; Páll görðisk hraustliga í nafni Jesu, Post. 656 C. 13.
    5. to set about doing, be about; fám vetrum síðan görðisk hann vestr til Íslands, Fms. x. 415; maðr kom at honum ok spurði, hvat hann gerðisk, what he was about, Ó. H. 244; görðisk jarl til Ribbunga, Fms. ix. 312, v. l.; tveir menn görðusk ferðar sinnar, two men set out for a journey, x. 279; görðusk menn ok eigi til þess at sitja yfir hlut hans, Eg. 512; at þessir menn hafa görzk til svá mikils stórræðis, Fms. xi. 261; eigi treystusk menn at görask til við hann, Bárð. 160.
    6. (mod.) to be; in such phrases as, eins og menn nú gerast, such as people now are; eins og flestir menn gerast.
    F. PART. PASS. görr, geyrr (Fms. ix. 498, x. 75), gjörr, gerr, as adj., compar. görvari, superl. görvastr; [A. S. gearu; gare, Chaucer, Percy’s Ballads; O. H. G. garwe; Germ. gar]:—skilled, accomplished; vaskligr, at sér görr, Ld. 134; vel at sér görr, Ísl. ii. 326, Gísl. 14; gerr at sér um allt, Nj. 51; hraustir ok vel at sér görvir, Eg. 86; at engi maðr hafi gervari at sér verit en Sigurðr, Mork. 221; allra manna snjallastr í máli ok görvastr at sér, Hkr. iii. 360: the phrase, leggja görva hönd á e-t, to set a skilled hand to work, to be an adept, a master in a thing; svá hagr, at hann lagði allt á görva hönd, Fas. i. 391, (á allt görva hönd, iii. 195.)
    2. ready made, at hand; in the saying, gott er til geyrs (i. e. görs, not geirs) at taka, ‘tis good to have a thing at hand, Hkm. 17; ganga til görs, to have it ready made for one, Ld. 96; gör gjöld, prompt punishment, Lex. Poët.:—with infin., gerr at bjóða, ready to offer, Gh. 17; gervir at eiskra, in wild spirits, Hom. 11; görvar at ríða, Vsp. 24: with gen. of the thing, gerr ílls hugar, prone to evil, Hým. 9; gerr galdrs, prone to sorcery, Þd. 3; skulut þess görvir, be ready for that! Am. 55.
    II. [cp. görvi, Engl. gear], done, dressed; svá görvir, so ‘geared,’ so trussed, Am. 40.
    III. adverb. phrases, so-gurt, at soguru, so done; verða menn þat þó so-gurt at hafa, i. e. there is no redress to be had, Hrafn. 9; hafi hann so-gurt, N. G. L. i. 35, Nj. 141; kvað eigi so-gort duga, 123, v. l.; at (með) so-guru, this done, quo facto, Skv. 1. 24, 40; freq. with a notion of being left undone, re infecta. Germ. unverrichteter sache, Eg. 155, Glúm. 332, Ó. H. 202; enda siti um so-gort, and now let it stand, Skálda 166; við so-gurt, id., 655 vii. 4; á so-gurt ofan, into the bargain, Bs. i. 178, Ölk. 36, Fas. i. 85.

    Íslensk-ensk orðabók > GÖRA

  • 127 now

    Now как слово часто используется в качестве наречия времени со значением 'сейчас / теперь'. Однако, как показывает анализ, в современном языке оно достаточно часто употребляется в таких функциях, которые никак не связаны с логическим значением времени. Рассмотрим, в частности, следующий пример:

    • This is Mr. Ernest Beevers.... Now all these are Conways, except this young lady... (Pr: 24)


    Это Эрнест Биверс... А вот это все семья Конвей, за исключением этой молодой девушки.


    Понятно, что в принципе высказывание типа ' Now all these are Conways' может быть понято примерно как ' Теперь все они Конвеи', например в ситуации, когда некие девушки вышли замуж за мужчин из одной семьи и сменили фамилии. Однако в анализируемом случае подобному пониманию препятствует весь контекст. Мы видим, что происходит представление присутствующих, и now используется фактически для переключения внимания от одного к другим, то есть не может быть переведено как теперь, поскольку очевидно, что героини и раньше носили такую фамилию. В таком употреблении анализируемое слово соответствует данным нами во введении критериям выделения частиц, и должно быть признано частицей. Важным формальным критерием отнесения now к частицам является синтаксическая позиция - now-частица преимущественно ставится в начале предложения и часто обособляется.
    Наиболее распространенная функция частицы now в общем виде может быть названа функцией привлечения внимания. В конкретных контекстах, однако, обычно происходит уточнение этой общей функции. Одной из важных разновидностей мы считаем функцию введения актуальной информации, которую нужно знать в данной ситуации общения. Яркой иллюстрацией этой функции является следующий пример:

    • "Flute and piano."


    "Oh?"


    "Flute and piano; not recorder and piano." Welch laughed briefly. " Now a recorder, you know, isn't like a flute, though it's the flute's immediate ancestor, of course..." (KA: 7)


    "Для флейты и фортепиано."


    "Да что вы?"


    "Да, не для блок-флейты и фортепиано, а просто для флейты и фортепиано." Велч издал короткий смешок. " А ведь, понимаете, блок-флейта - не то же самое, что просто флейта, хотя, конечно, и является ее непосредственной предшественницей..."


    Русская частица ведь очень хорошо подходит на роль эквивалента now в функции введения актуальной информации, хотя в других контекстах могут быть предпочтительны и другие эквиваленты:

    • He twittered away and Dad got more and more nervous and kept coughing to hide his nervousness. Now it so happened that he'd not long ago had all his teeth out... (DL: 175)


    Он все болтал и болтал, а папа все больше и больше волновался и постоянно кашлял, чтобы скрыть свое волнение. И знаете, так получилось, что он незадолго до этого удалил все зубы...


    • He said, I remember the exact words, "It's difficult to share the author's sentimental regard for the main character. That your dentures fit badly doesn't automatically guarantee that you are the salt of the earth." Now there was nothing about false teeth in the book. (DL: 176)


    Он написал, я в точности помню слова: "Едва ли можно разделить сентиментальные чувства автора по отношению к главному герою. Если у кого-то плохо сидят вставные челюсти, это ещё не значит, что он пуп земли." При этом в книге ведь ничего не было об искусственных зубах.


    Введение актуальной информации может осуществляться также с оттенком уступки или противопоставления, что обычно влияет на способ перевода частицы now:

    •... there was something like a forged testimonial or something of the sort, I gathered. Something rather shady, anyway. Now, of course, this journal of his may be quite above-board and so on, I'm not saying it isn't... (KA: 82)


    ... насколько я понял, там было что-то типа поддельной рекомендации или чего-то в этом роде. В любом случае, что-то довольно подозрительное. Нет, конечно, что касается его журнала, то там, возможно, все в порядке, я ничего не хочу сказать...


    • "I explained to them that we're not married anymore and as a special concession they've agreed to halve the ransom money to a quarter of a million dollars. Now, I know that's a lot of money,... but you're the only person I know..." (DL: 281)


    "Я объяснил им, что мы уже не муж и жена, и в качестве особого одолжения они согласились уменьшить сумму выкупа до четверти миллиона долларов. Конечно, я понимаю, что это очень большие деньги,... но ты единственный человек из всех, кого я знаю..."


    Другими разновидностями функции привлечения внимания можно считать те случаи, когда частица now выступает как средство когезии и в рамках монолога маркирует переход к новой теме, возврат к прежней теме или переход к заключению:
    - переход к новой теме

    • "That's very kind of you."


    "You're welcome. Now, where do I check in?" (DL: 18)


    "Очень любезно с вашей стороны."


    "Не стоит. Так, где мне зарегистрироваться?"


    - возврат к прежней теме

    • "Some of one's former students do rather presume on the relationship... Now, where were we? Yeats's death wish..." (DL: 157)


    "Некоторые из твоих бывших студентов порой излишне злоупотребляют знакомством с тобой... Так, на чем мы там остановились? Предсмертное желание Йейтса..."


    - переход к заключению

    • "It couldn't very well have been someone from outside."


    "No," agreed Bundle, more readily this time.


    "Very well. Now, that narrows down things considerably..." ( AC1: 55)


    "Это ведь не мог быть кто-нибудь из посторонних."


    "Нет," согласилась Бандл, на этот раз с большей готовностью.


    "Прекрасно. Так, значит это существенно сужает список подозреваемых."


    Иногда частица now, также как и составная частица now then, при употреблении в функции привлечения внимания фактически представляет собой обращение, так что в качестве ее эквивалента хорошо подходит русская форма привлечения внимания послушай(те):

    • " Now, Margaret, you know I didn't mean it like that; don't be ridiculous..."(KA: 76)


    " Послушай, Маргарет, ты же знаешь, я не это хотел сказать, к чему эта нелепая комедия?"


    • " Now then, Alfred, have you got a cupboard downstairs where you could shove all this glass?" ( AC1: 87)


    " Послушай, Альфред, у тебя есть наверху шкаф, в который ты мог бы засунуть всю эту посуду?"


    Употребление частицы now при обращении напрямую перекликается с ее способностью выступать в побудительной функции. Рассмотрим следующие примеры:

    • Now, shut up, Hazel! (Pr: 26)


    Да замолчи ты, Хейзел!


    • Now, stop it, both of you. (Pr: 232)


    Ну-ка прекратите, вы обе!


    • "Now, now, that's enough," said Felix Skinner, trying to interpose himself between the two men. (DL: 174)


    "Ладно, ладно, хватит", закричал Феликс Скиннер, пытаясь встать между двумя мужчинами.


    • " Now, Mack," said Mrs Corcoran, but it was too late. He was crying again. (DT: 443)


    " Не надо, Мэк", сказала миссис Коркоран, но было уже поздно. Он опять плакал.


    Как видно, в первых двух примерах частица употребляется при глаголах в повелительном наклонении и используется для усиления побудительности. В третьем примере мы наблюдаем повтор частицы, что, кстати, следует признать довольно частотным в ситуациях, подобных описанным в этом и следующем примерах, то есть когда частица используется для того, чтобы остановить или предупредить некое действие, в особенности, когда нужно кого-то успокоить или утешить. Отметим, что в двух последних примерах now употребляется без глагола в императиве, и идентифицировать ее функцию помогает контекст, в частности глаголы interpose (третий пример) и cry (четвертый пример). Из примеров также хорошо видно, что перевод частицы now в побудительной функции сильно зависит от конкретной ситуации.
    Последняя функция частицы now, на которой нам хотелось бы остановиться - это функция выражения колебания (хезитация). Употребление частицы сигнализирует о размышлениях или колебании говорящего, и в этой своей функции now ближе всего подходит к другой частице, для которой упомянутая функция является основной, то есть к well. Неслучайно и совпадение русских эквивалентов, здесь обычно употребляются русские частицы ну и так:

    • " Now where shall we put them?" ( AC1: 11)


    "Так, ну где мы их поставим?"


    • She turns on the night-table lamp again. Now where are the pills? Oh, yes, on the chest... (DL: 87)


    Она снова включает ночник. Так, где же таблетки? Ах да, на комоде...

    Английские частицы. Англо-русский словарь > now

  • 128 know

    1. I
    I am not guessing, I know это не догадки, я это точно знаю; as far as I know насколько мне известно /я знаю/; he may be a robber for all I know почем я знаю /откуда мне знать/, он может быть и грабитель; as everyone knows как [всем] известно; how do /should/ I know? откуда мне знать?; let me know дайте мне знать
    2. II
    know in some manner you know best тебе лучше знать || she knows better than to spend all her money at once она не настолько глупа, чтобы сразу истратить все свой деньги; god [only] knows why одному богу известно почему
    3. III
    1) know smth. know a foreign language (a lot of English, the facts of the case, one's business, one's profession, etc.) знать иностранный язык и т. д., he knows only English and French он знает только английский и французский, он владеет только английским языком и французским; know literature (poetry, the law, banking, etc.) разбираться в литературе и т. д., know a poem (one's lesson, one's part, smb.'s name, the way, the number, etc.) знать /помнить/ стихотворение и т. д.; know the area (the country, the place, etc.) знать данный район и т. д., ориентироваться в данной местности и т. д., know smb.'s faults (smb.'s habits, smb.'s character, smb.'s peculiarities, one's duties, etc.) знать чьи-л. недостатки и т. д., иметь представление о чьих-л. недостатках и т. д.; he knows more than he says он знает больше, чем говорит; certain things which you cannot but know некоторые обстоятельства, которых вы не можете не знать; he doesn't seem to know the value of time он, по-видимому, не умеет ценить время; he doesn't know his own mind он сам не знает, чего он хочет; don't I know it! мне ли этого не знать!
    2) know smth. know fear (misery, poverty and sorrow, life, etc.) испытать /познать/ страх и т. д., he knows no defeat он не знает поражений; he has never known trouble у него никогда не было неприятностей, ему неведомы неприятности; he has known better days он знавал /видел/ лучшие времена; his zeal knows no bounds его усердие не имеет границ
    3) know smb. know this man (this actress, the mayor, a very good lawyer, etc.) знать этого человека и т. д., быть знакомым с этим человеком и т. д.; I should like to know Mr. Hill я бы хотел познакомиться с мистером Хиллом; when I first knew him когда я впервые узнал его /познакомился с ним/; you two ought to know one another вы должны подружиться друг с другом
    4) know smb., smth. I didn't know you when you came forward я не узнал тебя, когда ты вышел вперед; he knows a good horse (a good drama, a good actor, etc.) он большей знаток лошадей и т. д.; he knows a good thing when he sees it он понимает толк в вещах
    4. IV
    1) know smth. in some manner know smth. positively (perfectly well, thoroughly, through and through, a little, insufficiently, superficially, officially, personally, intuitively, etc.) знать что-л. определенно и т. д., hardly /scarcely/ know smth. почти не иметь представления о чем-л.; when you get to know it better когда вы с этим получше познакомитесь
    2) know smb. in some manner know smb. intimately (personally, slightly, only casually, etc.) близко и т. д. знать кого-л., быть близко и т. д. знакомым с кем-л.; get /come/ to know smb. better узнать кого-л. лучше; it happened that they knew each other well оказалось, что они хорошо знали друг друга; know smb. for (at) some time have you known him long? вы его давно знаете?; вы давно с ним знакомы?
    3) know smb., smth. in some manner know smb., smth. easily (with difficulty, etc.) узнавать кого-л., что-л. сразу и т. д.; know smb., smth. at some time know smb., smth. at once (immediately, instantly, again, etc.) узнать кого-л., что-л. тотчас же и т. д.; know smb., smth. at some place you are just like your father, I'd know you anywhere ты очень похож на отца, я узнал бы тебя при встрече
    5. VII
    know smb. to be smth. know him to be a gentleman (her to be a liar, him to be a poet, this man to be one of their accomplices, etc.) знать его как порядочного человека и т. д., know him to be honest (the judge to be just, herself to be pretty, etc.) знать, что он честен / что он честный человек/ и т. д., know smb. do smth. know educated people make this mistake (a man die of love, etc.) знать случаи, когда и образованные люди делают такую ошибку и т. д.; I have never known him tell a lie я не припомню такого случая, чтобы он соврал; I have never known that man smile я никогда не видел, чтобы этот человек улыбался
    6. XI
    be known wait until all the facts in the case are known подождите, пока [не] станут известны /[не] выяснятся/ все обстоятельства дела; everything gets known все выходит наружу, утаить ничего нельзя; I don't want it known я не хочу, чтобы это получило огласку; be known in some manner this is well (widely, generally, etc.) known это хорошо и т. д. известно; the name is little known here это имя здесь мало кто знает; be known to smb. he is known to the police он у полиции на заметке; be known as smb. he is known as a successful architect его считают преуспевающим архитектором; be known to be smb. he is known to be a good fellow говорят, что он хороший малый; be known to have some quality he is known to be generous (to be obstinate, etc.) он прославился своей щедростью и т. д.; be known to do smth. he had never been known to laugh никто никогда не видел, чтобы он смеялся, его смеха никто никогда не слышал
    7. XIII
    know how to do smth. know how to make cakes (how to play chess, how to manage a horse, how to drive a car, how to read, how to write, how to speak, etc.) уметь печь пироги и т. д., do you know how to go there alone? ты один найдешь туда дорогу?; know what (whether) to do I don't know what to say я не знаю, что сказать; I don't know whether to go or not я не знаю know идти или нет
    8. XVI
    know about /of/ smb., smth. know about the man (of his presence, about the trouble, about the matter, of the engagement, etc.) знать об этом человеке и т. д.; I know about it я в курсе дела; I'll let you know about it later on я тебе сообщу /дам знать/ об этом позже; how did they come to know of it? каким образом это стало им известно?; this is the best method I know of это лучший из известных мне методов; has Smith been ill? - Not that I know of Смит болел? - Насколько я знаю /мне известно/ - нет; know of a good watchmaker ( of any good doctor near here, of any teacher who would suit me, etc.) знать хорошего часовщика и т. д.
    9. XVIII
    || make oneself known представиться кому-л.; why don't you make yourself known to him? a) почему бы тебе не познакомиться с ним?; б) почему бы тебе не открыться ему?
    10. XXI1
    1) know smth. about /of/ smth., smb. know everything ( all, most, a little, etc.) about /of/ smth., smb. знать все и т. д. о чем-л., о ком-л.; I know nothing about him у меня нет никаких сведений о нем; do you know anything about astronomy? вы что-нибудь понимаете в астрономии?; know smth. from /by/ smth. know smth. from history знать что-л. из истории; know smth. by /from/ experience знать что-л. по опыту; know smb. by smth. know smb. by name (by reputation, by his articles, etc.) знать кого-л. по имени и т. д.; do you know him by sight? вы его знаете в лицо?; know smth. against smb. know some facts against him иметь кое-какие факты, говорящие против него || know smth. by heart знать что-л. наизусть; know smth. for a fact знать точно что-л.
    2) know smb. by (from, at, etc.) smth. know one's brother by his voice (the man by the scar, him by his walk, a policeman by the clothes he wears, etc.) узнать своего брата по голосу и т. д.; I knew him from the photograph я его узнал по фотографии; she knew him at a distance она узнала /признала/ его издалека; know smb., smth. from smb., smth. know a friend from a foe (a fool from a wise man, the one from the other, the swallow from a house martin, right from wrong, good from evil, one tune from another, etc.) отличать друга от врага и т. д., you wouldn't know him from an Englishman его не отличишь от настоящего англичанина; know smb. for smb. know him for an American (for a German, for a sportsman, etc.) узнавать в нем американца и т. д.; I wonder how you were able to know him for a doctor удивляюсь, как вам удалось определить, что он врач
    11. XXIV1
    know smb. as smb. know smb. as a great lawyer (as a man of ability, as a poor man, etc.) знать кого-л. как крупного юриста и т. д.
    12. XXV
    know that... (where..., who..., etc.) know that you were coming today (that you are busy, (that) you would help me if you could, (that) it is going to rain, (that) he was here, where he was, who did it, who Napoleon was, who's who on the screen, what he is talking about, etc.) знать, что вы сегодня приезжаете и т. д.; know what's what знать, что к чему; you know how it is знаешь, как это бывает; I don't know that he understands much about it не думаю /сомневаюсь/, чтобы он в этом что-л. понимал; heaven knows when I shall be back кто его знает, когда я вернусь; let me know if you change your mind если передумаете, дайте мне знать /сообщите мне/; there is no knowing what it may lead to (how she will act, when we shall meet again, etc.) нельзя сказать, к чему это может привести и т. д.
    13. XXVI
    know smb. since I've known her since I was a child я знаю ее с детства

    English-Russian dictionary of verb phrases > know

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