Перевод: со словенского на все языки

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he's+not+well

  • 1 lękati

    lękati; lęcati Grammatical information: v.
    Page in Trubačev: XV 59-61
    Old Church Slavic:
    lęčǫtъ `set traps' [3pl]
    Russian:
    ljakát' (dial.) `scare, chase a fish caught in a net' [verb]
    Czech:
    lekati `scare' [verb];
    léceti `lay snares, set traps' [verb];
    líceti `lay snares, set traps' [verb]
    Old Czech:
    léceti `lay snares, set traps' [verb]
    Polish:
    lękać się `be afraid' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lécati se `not feel well, fear' [verb];
    lȅcati se `not feel well, fear' [verb]
    Slovene:
    lę́cati `bend, lay snares, tremble, be scared' [verb], lę́cam [1sg]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: lenktei
    Lithuanian:
    leñkti `bend' [verb]
    Latvian:
    lìekt `bend' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: lenk-
    Page in Pokorny: 676
    Comments: The form lęcati shows the regular reflex of the second palatalization.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > lękati

  • 2 lęcati

    lękati; lęcati Grammatical information: v.
    Page in Trubačev: XV 59-61
    Old Church Slavic:
    lęčǫtъ `set traps' [3pl]
    Russian:
    ljakát' (dial.) `scare, chase a fish caught in a net' [verb]
    Czech:
    lekati `scare' [verb];
    léceti `lay snares, set traps' [verb];
    líceti `lay snares, set traps' [verb]
    Old Czech:
    léceti `lay snares, set traps' [verb]
    Polish:
    lękać się `be afraid' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lécati se `not feel well, fear' [verb];
    lȅcati se `not feel well, fear' [verb]
    Slovene:
    lę́cati `bend, lay snares, tremble, be scared' [verb], lę́cam [1sg]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: lenktei
    Lithuanian:
    leñkti `bend' [verb]
    Latvian:
    lìekt `bend' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: lenk-
    Page in Pokorny: 676
    Comments: The form lęcati shows the regular reflex of the second palatalization.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > lęcati

  • 3 màkъ

    màkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `poppy'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 149-151
    Church Slavic:
    makъ `poppy' [m o]
    Russian:
    mak `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]
    Czech:
    mák `poppy' [m o]
    Slovak:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Polish:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁk `poppy' [m o], mȁka [Gens], màka [Gens];
    Čak. mȁk (Vrgada) `poppy' [m o], makȁ [Gens]
    Slovene:
    màk `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ?
    Lithuanian:
    aguonà `poppy' [f ā] 2;
    mãguonė (dial.) `poppy' [f ē] 1 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    maguône `poppy' [f ē] \{2\} \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    moke (EV) `poppy' [f]
    IE meaning: poppy
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 698
    Comments: The Germanic forms show grammatischer Wechsel as well as an alternation *ā: a. The vocalism, which could reflect PIE *eh₁: h₁, does not match the ā of the Greek and the Slavic forms, which leads us to assume that the vowel alternation arose when at a comparatively late stage the root māk- was borrowed into Germanic (cf. Kluge 1989, 484). The Lithuanian and Latvian forms are usually considered borrowings from Germanic, whereas OPr. moke may have been borrowed from Polish. The Estonian and Livonian forms must be borrowings from Baltic, probably Latvian. It is generally agreed upon that ultimately we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European (Mediterranean?) origin.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. μήκων `poppy' [f];
    Dor. μά̑κων `poppy' [f];
    OHG māho `poppy'
    ;
    OHG mago `poppy'
    ;
    OS magosāmo `poppyseed'
    ;
    OS mēcopin (Königsberg) `poppy'
    ;
    OSw. valmoghe `poppy'
    \{4\};
    Est. magun `poppy;
    Liv. maggon `poppy'
    Notes:
    \{1\} Besides, we find the variants maguona and magūna. The forms with m are restricted to the area around Klaipėda. \{2\} I have found the variants magùona2, magana, magane and magūne. \{3\} The initial m of the word for `poppy' was apparently lost in Lithuanian but not in Latvian. The Lithuanian dialect forms with m- may be due to the influence of the (Latvian) language of the fishermen of the Couronian Isthmus (cf. Būga RR III: 320). Sabaliauskas suggests dissimilatory loss of m, parallel to the loss of r in arotai: rarotai, akrūtas: rakrūtas, Latv. ruodere: uodere, ūk̨eris (1960, 71-72). \{4\} The first element means `sleep', cf. Nw. dial. vale `deep sleep', Sw. dial. valbjörn `Schlafdorn'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > màkъ

  • 4 olьxa

    olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82
    Russian:
    ol'xá `alder' [f ā];
    ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    jelcha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Polish:
    olcha `alder' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jelha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-
    Lithuanian:
    al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;
    alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;
    álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1
    Latvian:
    àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];
    àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂
    IE meaning: alder
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-303
    Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. alnus `alder'
    ;
    Span. aliso `alder'
    ;
    Mac. ἄλιζα `white poplar';
    OHG elira, erila `alder' [f];
    OE alor `alder'
    ;
    OIc. ǫlr `alder'
    , jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olьxa

  • 5 elьxa

    olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82
    Russian:
    ol'xá `alder' [f ā];
    ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    jelcha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Polish:
    olcha `alder' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jelha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-
    Lithuanian:
    al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;
    alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;
    álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1
    Latvian:
    àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];
    àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂
    IE meaning: alder
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-303
    Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. alnus `alder'
    ;
    Span. aliso `alder'
    ;
    Mac. ἄλιζα `white poplar';
    OHG elira, erila `alder' [f];
    OE alor `alder'
    ;
    OIc. ǫlr `alder'
    , jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elьxa

  • 6 ȁsenь

    ȁsenь; ȁsenъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `ash-tree'
    Page in Trubačev: I 79-80
    Russian:
    jásen' `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Czech:
    jasan `ash-tree' [m o];
    jasaň (dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jesen (obs.) `ash-tree' [m o];
    jeseň (dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Slovak:
    jaseň `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Polish:
    jesion `ash-tree' [m o];
    jasień (arch., S. dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jesień (arch.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jasion (arch., S. dial.) `ash-tree' [m o] \{1\}
    Old Polish:
    jasień `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃sȯu̯n `ash-tree' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jaseń `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȁsēn `ash-tree' [m o], jȁsena [Gens];
    Čak. jȁsen (Vrgada) `ash-tree' [m o], jȁsena [Gens];
    Čak. jȅsēn (Novi) `ash-tree' [m o];
    Čak. jȅsen (Orbanići) `(European) ash (tree)' [m o], jȅsena [Gens]
    Slovene:
    jásen `ash-tree' [m o], jasẹ́na [Gens];
    jésen `ash-tree' [m o], jesẹ́na [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    jásen `ash-tree' [m o];
    ósen (N.) `ash-tree' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: oʔs-en-; oʔs-i-o-
    Lithuanian:
    úosis `ash-tree' [m io] 1
    Latvian:
    uôsis `ash-tree' [m io]
    Old Prussian:
    woasis (EV) `ash-tree'
    Indo-European reconstruction: Heh₃-s-
    IE meaning: ash-tree
    Comments: In view of the Baltic forms as well as Ru. ja- ( je- > ja- is common in West Slavic and western South Slavic but not in East Slavic), we must reconstruct *oʔs- < *Heh₃-s- for Balto-Slavic. Unless the West and South Slavic forms with je-/o- continue ja- (cf. Sɫawski SP I: 159), Slavic also offers evidence for the elsewhere in Indo-European widely attested stem shape *Hh₃es. The e-vocalism could be considered an example of Rozwadowski's change (see Andersen 1996).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. ornus `mountain-ash' [f];
    OIr. uinnius `ash-tree'
    ;
    OIc. askr `ash-tree'
    ;
    OHG asc `ash-tree'
    ;
    Arm. hac'i `ash-tree';
    Alb. ah `beech'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Standard Polish form jesion originates from the Mazowian dialect area (Bańkowski 2000: 588).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȁsenь

  • 7 ȁsenъ

    ȁsenь; ȁsenъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `ash-tree'
    Page in Trubačev: I 79-80
    Russian:
    jásen' `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Czech:
    jasan `ash-tree' [m o];
    jasaň (dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jesen (obs.) `ash-tree' [m o];
    jeseň (dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Slovak:
    jaseň `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Polish:
    jesion `ash-tree' [m o];
    jasień (arch., S. dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jesień (arch.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jasion (arch., S. dial.) `ash-tree' [m o] \{1\}
    Old Polish:
    jasień `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃sȯu̯n `ash-tree' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jaseń `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȁsēn `ash-tree' [m o], jȁsena [Gens];
    Čak. jȁsen (Vrgada) `ash-tree' [m o], jȁsena [Gens];
    Čak. jȅsēn (Novi) `ash-tree' [m o];
    Čak. jȅsen (Orbanići) `(European) ash (tree)' [m o], jȅsena [Gens]
    Slovene:
    jásen `ash-tree' [m o], jasẹ́na [Gens];
    jésen `ash-tree' [m o], jesẹ́na [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    jásen `ash-tree' [m o];
    ósen (N.) `ash-tree' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: oʔs-en-; oʔs-i-o-
    Lithuanian:
    úosis `ash-tree' [m io] 1
    Latvian:
    uôsis `ash-tree' [m io]
    Old Prussian:
    woasis (EV) `ash-tree'
    Indo-European reconstruction: Heh₃-s-
    IE meaning: ash-tree
    Comments: In view of the Baltic forms as well as Ru. ja- ( je- > ja- is common in West Slavic and western South Slavic but not in East Slavic), we must reconstruct *oʔs- < *Heh₃-s- for Balto-Slavic. Unless the West and South Slavic forms with je-/o- continue ja- (cf. Sɫawski SP I: 159), Slavic also offers evidence for the elsewhere in Indo-European widely attested stem shape *Hh₃es. The e-vocalism could be considered an example of Rozwadowski's change (see Andersen 1996).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. ornus `mountain-ash' [f];
    OIr. uinnius `ash-tree'
    ;
    OIc. askr `ash-tree'
    ;
    OHG asc `ash-tree'
    ;
    Arm. hac'i `ash-tree';
    Alb. ah `beech'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Standard Polish form jesion originates from the Mazowian dialect area (Bańkowski 2000: 588).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȁsenъ

  • 8 bòlna

    bòlna Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `membrane'
    Page in Trubačev: II 175-177
    Church Slavic:
    blana (RuCS) `placenta' [f ā]
    Russian:
    boloná `sickly outgrowth on trees, sap-wood, (dial.) lump' [f ā]
    Old Russian:
    bolona `placenta' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    bolóna `membrane, window-pane' [f ā]
    Czech:
    blána `film, membrane, web (of water-fowl), sap-wood' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    blana `membrane, film' [f ā]
    Polish:
    bɫona `membrane, film' [f ā]
    Old Polish:
    bɫona `placenta, eyeweb, peritoneum, entrails' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    bɫona `membrane, film' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    blȃna `membrane, thin skin, parchment' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    blaná `manure (used as fuel), turf' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    bálnas `white, having a white back (cattle)' [adj] 3
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰolH-neh₂
    Page in Pokorny: 118
    Comments: Both Trubačëv and Sɫawski are inclined to derive bolna `membrane, sapwood' and bolna `turf, meadow' from a root meaning `white'. Though the relationship between `membrane' and `white' may not be obvious, the relationship between the usually light-coloured sapwood and `white' is unproblematic. In view of the semantic similarities between `sapwood' and `membrane', the etymology advocated by Trubačëv and Sɫawski may very well be correct. The connection between * bolna `turf, meadow' and * bolto `swamp', where an etymology involving the root for `white' is widely accepted, seems quite plausible.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bòlna

  • 9 dòl̨a

    dòl̨a Grammatical information: f. jā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `share, fate'
    Page in Trubačev: V 62-63
    Church Slavic:
    dolja (RuCS) `part, fate' [f jā]
    Russian:
    dólja `part, share, fate, (bot., anat.) lobe' [f jā]
    Old Russian:
    dolja `part, fate' [f jā]
    Belorussian:
    dólja `share, fate' [f jā]
    Ukrainian:
    dólja `fate, destiny' [f jā] \{1\}
    Old Czech:
    s dolí < zdoly> `succesfully'
    Polish:
    dola `fate, destiny, (coll.) share' [f jā] \{1\}
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: doljaʔ \{1\}
    Lithuanian:
    dalià `fate, destiny' [f jā] 4
    Latvian:
    dal̨a `part, share' [f jā]
    Comments: According to Bańkowski (2000: 282), this etymon spread from Belorussian, where it originated from a Lithuanian substratum, to Ukrainian, Russian and Polish. The secondary meaning `fate' is assumed to have arisen in Belorussian. Though this is not an implausible scenario, it should be noticed that Trubačëv mentions late 14th century attestations of dolja in Old Russian / Russian Church Slavic, in the meaning `fate' as well as in the meaning `part'. Furthermore, there is an Old Czech attestation from around 1400.
    Notes:
    \{1\} The earliest attestations date from the 17th century (Bańkowski 2000: 282).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dòl̨a

  • 10 ěždžь

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ěždžь

  • 11 ěždžikъ

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ěždžikъ

  • 12 ězgarъ

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ězgarъ

  • 13 ězgarь

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ězgarь

  • 14 ěskarъ

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ěskarъ

  • 15 matorъ

    matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 244-249
    Church Slavic:
    matorъ `old' [adj o]
    Russian:
    matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];
    materój `full-grown' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    matǫ́r `old' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-
    IE meaning: mother
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. mātūrus `ripe, mature, premature' [adj];
    Lat. mānus `good' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > matorъ

  • 16 materъ

    matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 244-249
    Church Slavic:
    matorъ `old' [adj o]
    Russian:
    matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];
    materój `full-grown' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    matǫ́r `old' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-
    IE meaning: mother
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. mātūrus `ripe, mature, premature' [adj];
    Lat. mānus `good' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > materъ

  • 17 rębika

    rębika; rębina Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `rowan tree'
    Russian:
    rjabíka (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā];
    rjabína `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    rjabýna (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    rebika (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    rebíka `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ri(m)ʔb-;; ru(m)ʔb-
    Lithuanian:
    ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;
    irbẽnis `snowball-tree' [m io]
    Latvian:
    ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];
    irbęnājs `snowball-tree' [m o];
    rubenis `black grouse' [m io]
    Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 334
    Comments: Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. ráibas, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (= Ukr. ribyj?) probably belongs here as well. The i: u alternation in the root and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis must have been secondarily shortened because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > rębika

  • 18 rębina

    rębika; rębina Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `rowan tree'
    Russian:
    rjabíka (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā];
    rjabína `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    rjabýna (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    rebika (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    rebíka `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ri(m)ʔb-;; ru(m)ʔb-
    Lithuanian:
    ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;
    irbẽnis `snowball-tree' [m io]
    Latvian:
    ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];
    irbęnājs `snowball-tree' [m o];
    rubenis `black grouse' [m io]
    Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 334
    Comments: Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. ráibas, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (= Ukr. ribyj?) probably belongs here as well. The i: u alternation in the root and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis must have been secondarily shortened because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > rębina

  • 19 rębь

    rębь; rębъkъ Grammatical information: m. jo??; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `hazel-grouse, partridge'
    Russian:
    rjab' ( Dal': eccl., N. dial.) `sand-grouse, hazel-grouse' [m jo];
    rjabók (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [m o] \{1\}
    Slovene:
    rę̑b `partridge' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: re/imbo-
    Lithuanian:
    ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;
    jerubė̃, jerumbė̃ (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [f ē] 3b
    Latvian:
    ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];
    rubenis `black grouse' [m io]
    Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-o-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 334
    Other cognates:
    OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{2\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Cf. rjábčik (the Standard Russian form), rjábuška and rjábec or rjabéc `hazel-grouse', rjábka `partridge' (Dal' s.v. rjabyj). The form rjabéc also means `trout'. \{2\} Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- and contain u but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. raibas 3/4, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (Ukr. ribyj?) may belong here as well. The e: eu alternation and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ etc.) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis poses a problem because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > rębь

  • 20 rębъkъ

    rębь; rębъkъ Grammatical information: m. jo??; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `hazel-grouse, partridge'
    Russian:
    rjab' ( Dal': eccl., N. dial.) `sand-grouse, hazel-grouse' [m jo];
    rjabók (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [m o] \{1\}
    Slovene:
    rę̑b `partridge' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: re/imbo-
    Lithuanian:
    ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;
    jerubė̃, jerumbė̃ (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [f ē] 3b
    Latvian:
    ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];
    rubenis `black grouse' [m io]
    Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-o-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 334
    Other cognates:
    OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{2\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Cf. rjábčik (the Standard Russian form), rjábuška and rjábec or rjabéc `hazel-grouse', rjábka `partridge' (Dal' s.v. rjabyj). The form rjabéc also means `trout'. \{2\} Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- and contain u but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. raibas 3/4, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (Ukr. ribyj?) may belong here as well. The e: eu alternation and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ etc.) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis poses a problem because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > rębъkъ

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