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except+between

  • 1 except between

    Персональный Сократ > except between

  • 2 except between

    не иначе как

    Большой англо-русский и русско-английский словарь > except between

  • 3 except between

    English-Russian base dictionary > except between

  • 4 except

    1. v исключать

    present company excepted — за исключением присутствующих, о присутствующих не говорят

    2. v протестовать, возражать
    3. v юр. отводить
    4. prep исключая, за исключением, кроме

    except that — за исключением; кроме

    5. prep кроме; за

    except as — кроме случаев ; за исключением

    except as may be agreed … — за исключением случаев, которые могут быть согласованы …

    it shall remain in force except as amended by this Protocol — это остаётся в силе с учётом поправок, внесённых настоящим протоколом

    except for — за исключением, кроме; если бы не; если не считать

    6. cj арх. кроме как
    7. cj арх. библ. если не
    Синонимический ряд:
    1. barring (adj.) barring; besides; excluding
    2. but (adj.) but; however; only; save
    3. object (verb) expostulate; inveigh against; kick; object; protest; remonstrate
    4. omit (verb) bar; bate; count out; debar; eliminate; exclude; excuse; keep out; leave out; omit; reject; rule out; suspend
    5. apart from (other) apart from; aside from (US); bar; barring; beyond; outside of; save; short of; with the exception of
    6. but (other) aside from; but; excepting; excluding; lacking; omitting; saving; without
    7. only (other) except that; however; only
    Антонимический ряд:
    accept; admit; admitting; affirm; classify; count; embrace; include; including; state

    English-Russian base dictionary > except

  • 5 except by

    except that — за исключением; кроме

    except as — кроме случаев ; за исключением

    English-Russian base dictionary > except by

  • 6 except

    1) если не
    except for если не считать; если исключить; если отбросить; если не учитывать; не выполняется лишь при ( условии)
    2) за исключением
    3) за вычетом
    4) (в отрицат. конструкциях) не иначе, как
    but these rights and obligations cannot arise except between the parties of the contract однако эти права и обязанности могут возникнуть не иначе, как между сторонами контракта
    5) \except с изъятиями...
    except as stated in para. 306.3.2 С изъятиями, указанными в ст. 306.3.2

    English-Russian dictionary of scientific and technical difficulties vocabulary > except

  • 7 except as otherwise agreed between the parties

    Универсальный англо-русский словарь > except as otherwise agreed between the parties

  • 8 asset holder (the person who is responsible for all aspects of management of an asset. The various asset holders cover between them all aspects of a company business except its strategic direction and policy making)

    Общая лексика: руководитель подразделения компан

    Универсальный англо-русский словарь > asset holder (the person who is responsible for all aspects of management of an asset. The various asset holders cover between them all aspects of a company business except its strategic direction and policy making)

  • 9 не иначе как

    except between

    Большой англо-русский и русско-английский словарь > не иначе как

  • 10 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

  • 11 but

    1. conjunction
    (used to show a contrast between two or more things: John was there, but Peter was not.) pero

    2. preposition
    (except (for): no-one but me; the next road but one.) excepto
    but1 conj
    1. pero
    I'd like to come to the party, but I can't me gustaría ir a la fiesta, pero no puedo
    2. sino
    the party's not on Saturday, but on Sunday la fiesta no es el sábado, sino el domingo
    but2 prep salvo / excepto / menos
    tr[bʌt]
    1 pero
    ■ it's cold, but dry hace frío, pero no llueve
    ■ I'd like to, but I can't me gustaría, pero no puedo
    ■ not two, but three no dos, sino tres
    ■ she told him not to wait, but to go home le dijo que no se esperara, sino que se fuera para casa
    1 (nada) más que, no... sino, solamente, sólo,
    1 excepto, salvo, menos
    1 pero
    \
    SMALLIDIOMATIC EXPRESSION/SMALL
    but for de no ser por, si no fuera por
    ■ but for him, we would have failed de no ser por él, habríamos fracasado
    had I but «+ pp»... si lo + imperf subj...
    there is nothing for it but to «+ inf» no hay más remedio que + inf
    the last but one el/la penúltimo,-a
    but ['bʌt] conj
    1) that: que
    there is no doubt but he is lazy: no cabe duda que sea perezoso
    2) without: sin que
    3) nevertheless: pero, no obstante, sin embargo
    I called her but she didn't answer: la llamé pero no contestó
    4) yet: pero
    he was poor but proud: era pobre pero orgulloso
    but prep
    except: excepto, menos
    everyone but Carlos: todos menos Carlos
    the last but one: el penúltimo
    adv.
    • pero adv.
    • sino adv.
    • solamente adv.
    conj.
    • ahora conj.
    • empero conj.
    • mas conj.
    • pero conj.
    • sino conj.
    n.
    • objeción s.f.
    • pero s.m.
    prep.
    • excepto prep.

    I bʌt, weak form bət
    1)
    a) ( however) pero

    she was fired, but they were not — la despidieron a ella pero no a ellos

    everybody, but everybody knows that — eso no hay nadie que no lo sepa

    you're really bugging me but good! — (AmE colloq) qué manera de darme la lata! (fam)

    but what made you say it? — ¿pero por qué lo dijiste?

    surely he doesn't believe that? - oh, but he does! — no puede ser que se crea eso - pues sí que se lo cree

    c)

    but then — (as linker) (however, still) pero; ( in that case) pero entonces

    but then you never were very ambitious, were you? — pero la verdad es que tú nunca fuiste muy ambicioso ¿no?

    I don't want to, but then again I do — no quiero, pero a la vez or al mismo tiempo sí quiero

    2)

    not... but... — no... sino...

    it appears that she's not Greek but Albanian — parece que no es griega, sino albanesa

    not only did she hit him, but she also... — no sólo le pegó, sino que también...


    II
    a) ( except)

    everyone but me — todos menos or excepto or salvo yo

    the next street but one — la próxima calle no: la siguiente

    there's nothing we can do but wait — no podemos hacer otra cosa sino esperar, lo único que podemos hacer es esperar

    b)

    but for: but for them, we'd have lost everything — de no haber sido or si no hubiera sido por ellos, habríamos perdido todo


    III
    adverb (frml)

    IV bʌt
    noun pero m

    no buts: come here at once! — no hay pero que valga, ven aquí inmediatamente!

    [bʌt]
    1. CONJ

    I want to go but I can't afford it — quiero ir, pero no tengo el dinero

    but it does move! — ¡pero sí se mueve!

    • he's not Spanish but Italian — no es español sino italiano

    • we never go out but it rains — nunca salimos sin que llueva

    • but then he couldn't have known — por otro lado, no podía saber or haberlo sabido

    but then you must be my cousin! — ¡entonces tú debes ser mi primo!

    2.
    ADV (=only) solo, sólo, solamente; (=no more than) no más que
    In the past the standard spelling for solo as an adverb was with an accent (sólo). Nowadays the Real Academia Española advises that the accented form is only required where there might otherwise be confusion with the adjective solo.

    if I could but speak to him — si solamente or solo pudiese hablar con él

    • you can but try — con intentar no se pierde nada

    • all but naked — casi desnudo

    • had I but known — de haberlo sabido (yo), si lo hubiera sabido

    3.
    PREP (=except) menos, excepto, salvo

    • anything but that — cualquier cosa menos eso

    • everyone but him — todos menos él

    • but for you — si no fuera por ti

    • the last but one — el/la penúltimo(-a)

    • there is nothing for it but to pay up — no hay más remedio que pagar

    • who but she could have said something like that? — ¿quién sino ella podría haber dicho semejante cosa?

    4.
    N pero m, objeción f

    • no buts about it! — ¡no hay pero que valga!

    come on, no buts, off to bed with you! — ¡vale ya! no hay pero que valga, ¡a la cama!

    BUT There are three main ways of translating the conjunction but: pero, sino and sino que.
    Contrasting
    ► To introduce a contrast or a new idea, use pero:
    Strange but interesting Extraño pero interesante
    I thought he would help me but he refused Creí que me ayudaría, pero se negó ► In informal language, pero can be used at the start of a comment:
    But where are you going to put it? Pero ¿dónde lo vas a poner? NOTE: In formal language, s in embargo or no obstante may be preferred:
    But, in spite of the likely benefits, he still opposed the idea Sin embargo or No obstante, a pesar de las probables ventajas, todavía se oponía a la idea
    Correcting a previous negative
    ► When but or but rather introduces a noun phrase, prepositional phrase or verb in the infinitive which corrects a previous negative, translate but using sino:
    Not wine, but vinegar No vino, sino vinagre
    They aren't from Seville, but from Bilbao No son de Sevilla, sino de Bilbao
    His trip to London was not to investigate the case but to hush it up Su viaje a Londres no fue para investigar el caso sino para taparlo ► When but or but rather introduces a verb clause (or requires a verb clause in Spanish) which corrects a previous negative, translate using sino que:
    He's not asking you to do what he says but (rather) to listen to him No te pide que hagas lo que él dice, sino que le escuches
    Not only... but also
    ► When the but also part of this construction contains ((subject)) + ((verb)), translate using no solo or no sólo or no solamente... sino que también or sino que además:
    It will not only cause tension, but it will also damage the economy No solo or No sólo or No solamente provocará tensiones, sino que además or sino que también dañará la economía ► When the but also part does not contain ((subject)) + ((verb)), translate using no solo or no sólo or no solamente... sino también or sino además:
    Not only rich but also powerful No solo or No sólo or No solamente rico sino también or sino además poderoso
    We don't only want to negotiate but also to take decisions No queremos solo or sóloor solamente negociar, sino también tomar decisiones For further uses and examples, see main entry
    * * *

    I [bʌt], weak form [bət]
    1)
    a) ( however) pero

    she was fired, but they were not — la despidieron a ella pero no a ellos

    everybody, but everybody knows that — eso no hay nadie que no lo sepa

    you're really bugging me but good! — (AmE colloq) qué manera de darme la lata! (fam)

    but what made you say it? — ¿pero por qué lo dijiste?

    surely he doesn't believe that? - oh, but he does! — no puede ser que se crea eso - pues sí que se lo cree

    c)

    but then — (as linker) (however, still) pero; ( in that case) pero entonces

    but then you never were very ambitious, were you? — pero la verdad es que tú nunca fuiste muy ambicioso ¿no?

    I don't want to, but then again I do — no quiero, pero a la vez or al mismo tiempo sí quiero

    2)

    not... but... — no... sino...

    it appears that she's not Greek but Albanian — parece que no es griega, sino albanesa

    not only did she hit him, but she also... — no sólo le pegó, sino que también...


    II
    a) ( except)

    everyone but me — todos menos or excepto or salvo yo

    the next street but one — la próxima calle no: la siguiente

    there's nothing we can do but wait — no podemos hacer otra cosa sino esperar, lo único que podemos hacer es esperar

    b)

    but for: but for them, we'd have lost everything — de no haber sido or si no hubiera sido por ellos, habríamos perdido todo


    III
    adverb (frml)

    IV [bʌt]
    noun pero m

    no buts: come here at once! — no hay pero que valga, ven aquí inmediatamente!

    English-spanish dictionary > but

  • 12 anything

    1. noun & pronoun
    1) (whatever thing) was [immer]; alles, was
    2) (something) irgendetwas

    is there anything wrong with you? — fehlt Ihnen [irgend] etwas?

    have you done anything silly? — hast du [irgend] etwas Dummes gemacht?

    I don't want anything [further] to do with him — ich möchte nichts [mehr] mit ihm zu tun haben

    3) (a thing of any kind) alles

    as... as anything — (coll.) wahnsinnig... (ugs.)

    not for anything [in the world] — um nichts in der Welt

    anything but... — (anything except) alles außer...; (far from) alles andere als

    we don't want [just] anything — wir wollen nicht einfach irgendetwas [Beliebiges]

    2. adverb

    not anything like as... as — keineswegs so... wie

    * * *
    1) ((in questions, and negative sentences etc) some thing: Can you see anything?; I can't see anything.) irgendetwas
    2) (a thing of any kind: You can buy anything you like; `What would you like for your birthday?' `Anything will do.') irgendetwas
    * * *
    any·thing
    [ˈeniθɪŋ]
    pron indef
    1. (one of any) [irgend]etwas, [irgend]was fam; (one of set also) ein/eine
    \anything you like alles, was du willst
    nobody found/said \anything keiner fand/sagte etwas
    \anything but! von wegen! fam
    he is \anything but racist er ist alles, nur kein Rassist!
    \anything and everything absolut alles
    for \anything:
    ready for \anything auf alles vorbereitet
    ▪ not \anything nichts
    not \anything like sb/sth nicht annähernd wie jd/etw
    it doesn't taste \anything like rum das schmeckt absolut nicht nach Rum
    or \anything ( fam) oder so was fam
    you don't have to join up or \anything du musst weder beitreten noch sonst was fam
    2. (any range)
    \anything between sth and sth [or from sth to sth] irgendwo zwischen etw dat und etw dat
    she could be \anything between 30 and 40 [or from 30 to 40] sie könnte alles zwischen 30 und 40 sein
    is there \anything I can do to help? kann ich irgendwie helfen?
    does it look \anything like an eagle? sieht das irgendwie wie ein Adler aus?
    \anything else? sonst noch etwas?; (in shop) darf es noch was sein?
    hardly \anything kaum etwas
    not \anything much nicht viel
    4.
    ▶ [as]... as \anything ( fam) ausgesprochen...
    ▶ not for \anything [in the world] um nichts in der Welt
    ▶ \anything goes (permitted) erlaubt ist, was gefällt; (unforeseeable) alles kann passieren
    ▶ like \anything ( fam) wie verrückt fam
    ▶ \anything for a quiet life Hauptsache Ruhe fam
    * * *
    ['enIɵɪŋ]
    1. pron

    not anything — nichts; (emph) gar or überhaupt nichts

    is it/isn't it worth anything? — ist es etwas/gar nichts wert?

    it's worth anything between £1,000 and £5,000 — es ist irgendwas zwischen £ 1000 und £ 5000 wert

    did/didn't he say anything else? — hat er (sonst) noch etwas/sonst (gar) nichts gesagt?

    did/didn't they give you anything at all? — haben sie euch überhaupt etwas/überhaupt nichts gegeben?

    is there anything more tiring than...? — gibt es etwas Ermüdenderes als...?

    he's as smart as anything (inf) — er ist clever wie noch was (inf)

    2) (= no matter what) alles

    anything you like —

    anything but that! — alles, nur das nicht!

    See:
    → if, go, like
    2. adv (inf)

    if it looked anything like him... — wenn es ihm gleichsehen würde...

    it didn't cost anything like £100 —

    if it costs anything like as much as before... — wenn es auch nur annähernd so viel kostet wie früher...

    anything/not anything like as wet as... — auch nur annähernd/nicht annähernd so nass wie...

    * * *
    A pron & s
    1. (irgend)etwas, etwas Beliebiges:
    it’s not just anything es ist nicht irgendetwas;
    not … for anything um keinen Preis, um nichts in der Welt;
    not anything (gar oder überhaupt) nichts;
    be (as) afraid as anything umg fürchterliche Angst haben;
    (as) boring as anything umg stinklangweilig;
    he carried the glasses (as) carefully as anything umg so vorsichtig wie rohe Eier;
    be (as) cross as anything umg in einer Stinklaune sein;
    (as) dark as anything umg stockfinster;
    he is (as) drunk as anything umg er ist blau wie ein Veilchen;
    (as) easy as anything umg kinderleicht;
    (as) fast as anything umg wie der Blitz;
    (as) surprised as anything umg völlig überrascht;
    be (as) pleased as anything umg sich freuen wie ein Schneekönig;
    for anything I know soviel ich weiß;
    like anything umg wie verrückt;
    or anything oder so etwas Ähnliches
    2. alles(, was es auch sei):
    a) alles andere als,
    b) von wegen!;
    I’ll pay anything ich zahle jeden Preis;
    I would give anything to inf ich würde alles darum geben zu inf;
    anything for a quiet life umg was tut man nicht alles um des lieben Friedens willen!
    B adv irgend(wie), etwas, überhaupt, in gewissem Maße:
    a) wenn überhaupt, höchstens,
    b) womöglich;
    he is a little better if anything es geht ihm etwas besser, wenn man von Besserung überhaupt reden kann;
    not anything like as … as keineswegs so … wie;
    there were anything up to 200 at the meeting auf der Versammlung waren annähernd oder an die 200 Leute
    * * *
    1. noun & pronoun
    1) (whatever thing) was [immer]; alles, was

    you may do anything you wish — Sie können [alles] tun, was Sie möchten

    2) (something) irgendetwas

    is there anything wrong with you? — fehlt Ihnen [irgend] etwas?

    have you done anything silly? — hast du [irgend] etwas Dummes gemacht?

    I don't want anything [further] to do with him — ich möchte nichts [mehr] mit ihm zu tun haben

    as... as anything — (coll.) wahnsinnig... (ugs.)

    not for anything [in the world] — um nichts in der Welt

    anything but... — (anything except) alles außer...; (far from) alles andere als

    we don't want [just] anything — wir wollen nicht einfach irgendetwas [Beliebiges]

    2. adverb

    not anything like as... as — keineswegs so... wie

    * * *
    pron.
    alles pron.
    etwas pron.
    irgendetwas pron.
    jedes pron.
    jedes beliebige pron.

    English-german dictionary > anything

  • 13 but

    1. conjunction
    1) coordinating aber

    Sue wasn't there, but her sister was — Sue war nicht da, dafür aber ihre Schwester

    we tried to do it but couldn't — wir haben es versucht, aber nicht gekonnt

    2) correcting after a negative sondern

    not that book but this one — nicht das Buch, sondern dieses

    not only... but also — nicht nur..., sondern auch

    3) subordinating ohne dass

    never a week passes but he phones — keine Woche vergeht, ohne dass er anruft

    2. preposition
    außer (+ Dat.)

    the next but one/two — der/die/das über-/überübernächste

    the last but one/two — der/die/das vor-/vorvorletzte

    3. adverb
    nur; bloß

    if I could but talk to her... — wenn ich [doch] nur mit ihr sprechen könnte...

    4. noun
    Aber, das

    no buts [about it]! — kein Aber!

    * * *
    1. conjunction
    (used to show a contrast between two or more things: John was there, but Peter was not.) aber
    2. preposition
    (except (for): no-one but me; the next road but one.) außer
    * * *
    [bʌt, bət]
    I. conj
    1. (although) aber
    she's nice \but bossy sie ist nett, wenn auch rechthaberisch
    2. (however) aber, jedoch
    he's a nice guy \but he's not my type er ist zwar ein netter Kerl, doch er ist nicht mein Typ
    I think so, \but then I'm no expert ich denke schon, allerdings bin ich keine Expertin
    3. (except) als, außer
    what could I do \but accept? mir blieb nichts anderes übrig, als Ja zu sagen
    4. (rather)
    ▪ not... \but... nicht..., sondern...
    we must not complain \but do something wir sollten nicht klagen, sondern handeln
    5. (in addition)
    not only... \but also... [too] nicht nur..., sondern auch...
    II. prep
    1. (except) außer + dat
    the last episode \but one die vorletzte Folge
    I have no questions \but one ich habe nur noch [die] eine Frage
    all/anyone \but sb alle/jeder außer jdm
    anything \but... alles, nur... nicht
    2. (only) außer + dat
    she wanted to go nowhere \but home sie wollte nur noch nach Hause
    this car has been nothing \but trouble dieses Auto hat nichts als Ärger gemacht
    ▪ not... \but... nicht..., sondern...
    she's not a painter \but a writer sie ist nicht Malerin, sondern Schriftstellerin
    III. n Aber nt
    no \buts! keine Widerrede!
    ▶ no [ifs, ands or] \buts about it da gibt es kein Wenn und Aber
    ▶ but me no \buts! ( saying) komm mir nicht mit Ausreden!
    IV. adv inv
    1. (only) nur, lediglich
    she's \but a young girl sie ist doch noch ein junges Mädchen
    I cannot [help] \but wonder... ich frage mich bloß,...
    one cannot \but smile man muss einfach lächeln
    2. esp AM (really) aber auch
    everyone, \but everyone, will be there jeder, aber auch wirklich jeder, wird dort sein
    3.
    ▶ \but for sb/sth (except for) bis auf jdn/etw; (thanks to) wäre jd/etw nicht gewesen, dank jdm/etw iron
    ▶ \but that ( old)
    \but that we were young again! wenn wir wieder jung wären!
    ▶ \but then [again] (on the other hand) andererseits; (after all) schließlich, immerhin
    * * *
    [bʌt]
    1. conj
    1) aber

    but you must know that... —

    but HE didn't know that — aber er hat das nicht gewusst, er hat das aber nicht gewusst

    they all went but I didn't — sie sind alle gegangen, nur ich nicht

    2)
    3) (subordinating) ohne dass

    never a week passes but she is ill —

    I would have helped but that I was ill (old, liter) — ich hätte geholfen, wäre ich nicht krank gewesen (old)

    4)

    but then you must be my brother! —

    but then do you mean to say... — wollen Sie dann etwa sagen...

    2. adv

    I cannot ( help) but think that... — ich kann nicht umhin zu denken, dass...

    one cannot but admire him/suspect that... — man kann ihn nur bewundern/nur annehmen, dass...

    you can but try — du kannst es immerhin versuchen

    she left but a few minutes ago — sie ist erst vor ein paar Minuten gegangen

    Napoleon, to name but one, lived here — Napoleon, um nur einen zu nennen, hat hier gelebt

    3. prep

    who but Fred would...? — wer außer Fred würde...?

    anything but that! — (alles,) nur das nicht!

    he/it was nothing but trouble — er/das hat nichts als or nur Schwierigkeiten gemacht

    the last house but one/two/three — das vorletzte/vorvorletzte/drittletzte Haus

    the first but one — der/die/das Zweite

    the next street but one/two/three — die übernächste/überübernächste Straße/vier Straßen weiter

    I could definitely live in Scotland, but for the weather — ich könnte ganz bestimmt in Schottland leben, wenn das Wetter nicht wäre

    4. n
    * * *
    but [bʌt]
    A adv
    1. nur, bloß:
    there is but one way out es gibt nur einen Ausweg;
    I did but glance ich blickte nur flüchtig hin
    2. erst, gerade:
    he left but an hour ago er ist erst vor einer Stunde (weg)gegangen
    3. wenigstens, immerhin:
    4. all but fast, beinahe, um ein Haar umg:
    he all but died er wäre fast gestorben
    B präp
    1. außer:
    all but him alle außer ihm, alle bis auf ihn;
    the last but one der Vorletzte;
    the last but two der Drittletzte;
    nothing but nonsense nichts als Unsinn;
    but that außer dass; es sei denn, dass
    2. but for ohne:
    but for my parents wenn meine Eltern nicht (gewesen) wären
    C konj
    what can I do but refuse was bleibt mir anderes übrig als abzulehnen;
    he could not but laugh er musste einfach lachen
    2. obs ohne dass:
    he never comes but he causes trouble er kommt nie, ohne Unannehmlichkeiten zu verursachen
    3. auch but that, but what (nach Negativen) obs dass nicht:
    you are not so stupid but ( oder but that, but what) you can learn that du bist nicht so dumm, dass du das nicht lernen könntest
    4. obs but that dass:
    5. but that obs wenn nicht:
    6. aber, jedoch:
    you want to do it, but you cannot du willst es tun, aber du kannst es nicht;
    small but select klein, aber fein;
    a) aber schließlich,
    b) aber andererseits,
    c) immerhin
    7. dennoch, nichtsdestoweniger:
    but yet, but for all that (aber) trotzdem
    8. sondern:
    not only …, but also nicht nur …, sondern auch
    D rel pr neg obs der oder die oder das nicht:
    there is no one but knows about it es gibt niemanden, der es nicht weiß;
    few of them but rejoiced es gab nur wenige, die sich nicht freuten
    E s Aber n, Einwand m, Widerrede f:
    no buts about it! kein Aber!; → academic.ru/36709/if">if1 B
    * * *
    1. conjunction
    1) coordinating aber

    Sue wasn't there, but her sister was — Sue war nicht da, dafür aber ihre Schwester

    we tried to do it but couldn't — wir haben es versucht, aber nicht gekonnt

    2) correcting after a negative sondern

    not that book but this one — nicht das Buch, sondern dieses

    not only... but also — nicht nur..., sondern auch

    3) subordinating ohne dass

    never a week passes but he phones — keine Woche vergeht, ohne dass er anruft

    2. preposition
    außer (+ Dat.)

    the next but one/two — der/die/das über-/überübernächste

    the last but one/two — der/die/das vor-/vorvorletzte

    3. adverb
    nur; bloß

    if I could but talk to her... — wenn ich [doch] nur mit ihr sprechen könnte...

    4. noun
    Aber, das

    no buts [about it]! — kein Aber!

    * * *
    conj.
    aber konj.
    doch konj.
    ohne dass konj.
    sondern konj.

    English-german dictionary > but

  • 14 but

    1. conjunction
    (used to show a contrast between two or more things: John was there, but Peter was not.) men
    2. preposition
    (except (for): no-one but me; the next road but one.) med undtagelse af; på nær; den næste igen (to veje herfra)
    * * *
    1. conjunction
    (used to show a contrast between two or more things: John was there, but Peter was not.) men
    2. preposition
    (except (for): no-one but me; the next road but one.) med undtagelse af; på nær; den næste igen (to veje herfra)

    English-Danish dictionary > but

  • 15 anywhere

    ['enɪweə(r)] [AE -hweər]
    1) (with negative, implied negative) da nessuna parte, in nessun luogo
    2) (in questions, conditional sentences) da qualche parte, in qualche luogo

    we're going to Spain, if anywhere — se mai andremo da qualche parte, sarà in Spagna

    anywhere except o but Bournemouth dovunque eccetto Bournemouth; anywhere she goes, he follows her dovunque lei vada, lui la segue; "where do you want to go?" - "anywhere hot" "dove vuoi andare?" - "in un qualsiasi posto caldo"; anywhere between 50 and 100 people — fra le 50 e le 100 persone

    * * *
    adverb (in any place at all: Have you seen my gloves anywhere?; I can't find them anywhere; `Where will I put these?' `Anywhere will do.') da qualche parte; da nessuna parte; da qualsiasi parte
    * * *
    ['enɪweə(r)] [AE -hweər]
    1) (with negative, implied negative) da nessuna parte, in nessun luogo
    2) (in questions, conditional sentences) da qualche parte, in qualche luogo

    we're going to Spain, if anywhere — se mai andremo da qualche parte, sarà in Spagna

    anywhere except o but Bournemouth dovunque eccetto Bournemouth; anywhere she goes, he follows her dovunque lei vada, lui la segue; "where do you want to go?" - "anywhere hot" "dove vuoi andare?" - "in un qualsiasi posto caldo"; anywhere between 50 and 100 people — fra le 50 e le 100 persone

    English-Italian dictionary > anywhere

  • 16 Language

       Philosophy is written in that great book, the universe, which is always open, right before our eyes. But one cannot understand this book without first learning to understand the language and to know the characters in which it is written. It is written in the language of mathematics, and the characters are triangles, circles, and other figures. Without these, one cannot understand a single word of it, and just wanders in a dark labyrinth. (Galileo, 1990, p. 232)
       It never happens that it [a nonhuman animal] arranges its speech in various ways in order to reply appropriately to everything that may be said in its presence, as even the lowest type of man can do. (Descartes, 1970a, p. 116)
       It is a very remarkable fact that there are none so depraved and stupid, without even excepting idiots, that they cannot arrange different words together, forming of them a statement by which they make known their thoughts; while, on the other hand, there is no other animal, however perfect and fortunately circumstanced it may be, which can do the same. (Descartes, 1967, p. 116)
       Human beings do not live in the object world alone, nor alone in the world of social activity as ordinarily understood, but are very much at the mercy of the particular language which has become the medium of expression for their society. It is quite an illusion to imagine that one adjusts to reality essentially without the use of language and that language is merely an incidental means of solving specific problems of communication or reflection. The fact of the matter is that the "real world" is to a large extent unconsciously built on the language habits of the group.... We see and hear and otherwise experience very largely as we do because the language habits of our community predispose certain choices of interpretation. (Sapir, 1921, p. 75)
       It powerfully conditions all our thinking about social problems and processes.... No two languages are ever sufficiently similar to be considered as representing the same social reality. The worlds in which different societies live are distinct worlds, not merely the same worlds with different labels attached. (Sapir, 1985, p. 162)
       [A list of language games, not meant to be exhaustive:]
       Giving orders, and obeying them- Describing the appearance of an object, or giving its measurements- Constructing an object from a description (a drawing)Reporting an eventSpeculating about an eventForming and testing a hypothesisPresenting the results of an experiment in tables and diagramsMaking up a story; and reading itPlay actingSinging catchesGuessing riddlesMaking a joke; and telling it
       Solving a problem in practical arithmeticTranslating from one language into another
       LANGUAGE Asking, thanking, cursing, greeting, and praying-. (Wittgenstein, 1953, Pt. I, No. 23, pp. 11 e-12 e)
       We dissect nature along lines laid down by our native languages.... The world is presented in a kaleidoscopic flux of impressions which has to be organized by our minds-and this means largely by the linguistic systems in our minds.... No individual is free to describe nature with absolute impartiality but is constrained to certain modes of interpretation even while he thinks himself most free. (Whorf, 1956, pp. 153, 213-214)
       We dissect nature along the lines laid down by our native languages.
       The categories and types that we isolate from the world of phenomena we do not find there because they stare every observer in the face; on the contrary, the world is presented in a kaleidoscopic flux of impressions which has to be organized by our minds-and this means largely by the linguistic systems in our minds.... We are thus introduced to a new principle of relativity, which holds that all observers are not led by the same physical evidence to the same picture of the universe, unless their linguistic backgrounds are similar or can in some way be calibrated. (Whorf, 1956, pp. 213-214)
       9) The Forms of a Person's Thoughts Are Controlled by Unperceived Patterns of His Own Language
       The forms of a person's thoughts are controlled by inexorable laws of pattern of which he is unconscious. These patterns are the unperceived intricate systematizations of his own language-shown readily enough by a candid comparison and contrast with other languages, especially those of a different linguistic family. (Whorf, 1956, p. 252)
       It has come to be commonly held that many utterances which look like statements are either not intended at all, or only intended in part, to record or impart straightforward information about the facts.... Many traditional philosophical perplexities have arisen through a mistake-the mistake of taking as straightforward statements of fact utterances which are either (in interesting non-grammatical ways) nonsensical or else intended as something quite different. (Austin, 1962, pp. 2-3)
       In general, one might define a complex of semantic components connected by logical constants as a concept. The dictionary of a language is then a system of concepts in which a phonological form and certain syntactic and morphological characteristics are assigned to each concept. This system of concepts is structured by several types of relations. It is supplemented, furthermore, by redundancy or implicational rules..., representing general properties of the whole system of concepts.... At least a relevant part of these general rules is not bound to particular languages, but represents presumably universal structures of natural languages. They are not learned, but are rather a part of the human ability to acquire an arbitrary natural language. (Bierwisch, 1970, pp. 171-172)
       In studying the evolution of mind, we cannot guess to what extent there are physically possible alternatives to, say, transformational generative grammar, for an organism meeting certain other physical conditions characteristic of humans. Conceivably, there are none-or very few-in which case talk about evolution of the language capacity is beside the point. (Chomsky, 1972, p. 98)
       [It is] truth value rather than syntactic well-formedness that chiefly governs explicit verbal reinforcement by parents-which renders mildly paradoxical the fact that the usual product of such a training schedule is an adult whose speech is highly grammatical but not notably truthful. (R. O. Brown, 1973, p. 330)
       he conceptual base is responsible for formally representing the concepts underlying an utterance.... A given word in a language may or may not have one or more concepts underlying it.... On the sentential level, the utterances of a given language are encoded within a syntactic structure of that language. The basic construction of the sentential level is the sentence.
       The next highest level... is the conceptual level. We call the basic construction of this level the conceptualization. A conceptualization consists of concepts and certain relations among those concepts. We can consider that both levels exist at the same point in time and that for any unit on one level, some corresponding realizate exists on the other level. This realizate may be null or extremely complex.... Conceptualizations may relate to other conceptualizations by nesting or other specified relationships. (Schank, 1973, pp. 191-192)
       The mathematics of multi-dimensional interactive spaces and lattices, the projection of "computer behavior" on to possible models of cerebral functions, the theoretical and mechanical investigation of artificial intelligence, are producing a stream of sophisticated, often suggestive ideas.
       But it is, I believe, fair to say that nothing put forward until now in either theoretic design or mechanical mimicry comes even remotely in reach of the most rudimentary linguistic realities. (Steiner, 1975, p. 284)
       The step from the simple tool to the master tool, a tool to make tools (what we would now call a machine tool), seems to me indeed to parallel the final step to human language, which I call reconstitution. It expresses in a practical and social context the same understanding of hierarchy, and shows the same analysis by function as a basis for synthesis. (Bronowski, 1977, pp. 127-128)
        t is the language donn eґ in which we conduct our lives.... We have no other. And the danger is that formal linguistic models, in their loosely argued analogy with the axiomatic structure of the mathematical sciences, may block perception.... It is quite conceivable that, in language, continuous induction from simple, elemental units to more complex, realistic forms is not justified. The extent and formal "undecidability" of context-and every linguistic particle above the level of the phoneme is context-bound-may make it impossible, except in the most abstract, meta-linguistic sense, to pass from "pro-verbs," "kernals," or "deep deep structures" to actual speech. (Steiner, 1975, pp. 111-113)
       A higher-level formal language is an abstract machine. (Weizenbaum, 1976, p. 113)
       Jakobson sees metaphor and metonymy as the characteristic modes of binarily opposed polarities which between them underpin the two-fold process of selection and combination by which linguistic signs are formed.... Thus messages are constructed, as Saussure said, by a combination of a "horizontal" movement, which combines words together, and a "vertical" movement, which selects the particular words from the available inventory or "inner storehouse" of the language. The combinative (or syntagmatic) process manifests itself in contiguity (one word being placed next to another) and its mode is metonymic. The selective (or associative) process manifests itself in similarity (one word or concept being "like" another) and its mode is metaphoric. The "opposition" of metaphor and metonymy therefore may be said to represent in effect the essence of the total opposition between the synchronic mode of language (its immediate, coexistent, "vertical" relationships) and its diachronic mode (its sequential, successive, lineal progressive relationships). (Hawkes, 1977, pp. 77-78)
       It is striking that the layered structure that man has given to language constantly reappears in his analyses of nature. (Bronowski, 1977, p. 121)
       First, [an ideal intertheoretic reduction] provides us with a set of rules"correspondence rules" or "bridge laws," as the standard vernacular has it-which effect a mapping of the terms of the old theory (T o) onto a subset of the expressions of the new or reducing theory (T n). These rules guide the application of those selected expressions of T n in the following way: we are free to make singular applications of their correspondencerule doppelgangers in T o....
       Second, and equally important, a successful reduction ideally has the outcome that, under the term mapping effected by the correspondence rules, the central principles of T o (those of semantic and systematic importance) are mapped onto general sentences of T n that are theorems of Tn. (P. Churchland, 1979, p. 81)
       If non-linguistic factors must be included in grammar: beliefs, attitudes, etc. [this would] amount to a rejection of the initial idealization of language as an object of study. A priori such a move cannot be ruled out, but it must be empirically motivated. If it proves to be correct, I would conclude that language is a chaos that is not worth studying.... Note that the question is not whether beliefs or attitudes, and so on, play a role in linguistic behavior and linguistic judgments... [but rather] whether distinct cognitive structures can be identified, which interact in the real use of language and linguistic judgments, the grammatical system being one of these. (Chomsky, 1979, pp. 140, 152-153)
        23) Language Is Inevitably Influenced by Specific Contexts of Human Interaction
       Language cannot be studied in isolation from the investigation of "rationality." It cannot afford to neglect our everyday assumptions concerning the total behavior of a reasonable person.... An integrational linguistics must recognize that human beings inhabit a communicational space which is not neatly compartmentalized into language and nonlanguage.... It renounces in advance the possibility of setting up systems of forms and meanings which will "account for" a central core of linguistic behavior irrespective of the situation and communicational purposes involved. (Harris, 1981, p. 165)
       By innate [linguistic knowledge], Chomsky simply means "genetically programmed." He does not literally think that children are born with language in their heads ready to be spoken. He merely claims that a "blueprint is there, which is brought into use when the child reaches a certain point in her general development. With the help of this blueprint, she analyzes the language she hears around her more readily than she would if she were totally unprepared for the strange gabbling sounds which emerge from human mouths. (Aitchison, 1987, p. 31)
       Looking at ourselves from the computer viewpoint, we cannot avoid seeing that natural language is our most important "programming language." This means that a vast portion of our knowledge and activity is, for us, best communicated and understood in our natural language.... One could say that natural language was our first great original artifact and, since, as we increasingly realize, languages are machines, so natural language, with our brains to run it, was our primal invention of the universal computer. One could say this except for the sneaking suspicion that language isn't something we invented but something we became, not something we constructed but something in which we created, and recreated, ourselves. (Leiber, 1991, p. 8)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Language

  • 17 but

    I 1. [ forma debole bət] [ forma forte bʌt]

    it's not an asset but a disadvantage — non è un pregio, ma uno svantaggio

    I'll do it, but not yet — lo farò, ma non subito

    2) (yet) ma, eppure, tuttavia
    3) (expressing reluctance, protest, surprise)

    excuse me, but — mi scusi, ma

    I've searched everywhere, but everywhere — ho cercato proprio dappertutto

    but to continue... — ma, per continuare...

    but first... — ma, prima di tutto

    2.
    1) eccetto, fuorché

    anybody, everybody but him — chiunque, tutti tranne lui

    and whom should I meet in town but Steven! — e chi ti incontro in città, Steven!

    but for you, I would have died — se non fosse stato per te, sarei morto

    3.
    avverbio (only, just)
    II [bʌt]
    nome ma m.
    ••

    no buts (about it) — non c'è "ma" che tenga

    * * *
    1. conjunction
    (used to show a contrast between two or more things: John was there, but Peter was not.) ma, però
    2. preposition
    (except (for): no-one but me; the next road but one.) tranne, eccetto
    * * *
    I 1. [ forma debole bət] [ forma forte bʌt]

    it's not an asset but a disadvantage — non è un pregio, ma uno svantaggio

    I'll do it, but not yet — lo farò, ma non subito

    2) (yet) ma, eppure, tuttavia
    3) (expressing reluctance, protest, surprise)

    excuse me, but — mi scusi, ma

    I've searched everywhere, but everywhere — ho cercato proprio dappertutto

    but to continue... — ma, per continuare...

    but first... — ma, prima di tutto

    2.
    1) eccetto, fuorché

    anybody, everybody but him — chiunque, tutti tranne lui

    and whom should I meet in town but Steven! — e chi ti incontro in città, Steven!

    but for you, I would have died — se non fosse stato per te, sarei morto

    3.
    avverbio (only, just)
    II [bʌt]
    nome ma m.
    ••

    no buts (about it) — non c'è "ma" che tenga

    English-Italian dictionary > but

  • 18 gate

    1) вентиль; (вентильная) схема; логический элемент
    2) стробирующий импульс; строб-импульс || стробировать; пропускать; управлять пропусканием; управлять отпиранием
    •
    - gate through
    - A AND-NOT B gate
    - A except B gate
    - A ignore B gate
    - A ignore B negative gate
    - A implies B gate
    - A implies B negative gate
    - A OR-NOT B gate
    - add gate
    - add without carry gate
    - addend-in gate
    - adder gate
    - all or nothing gate
    - alternation gate
    - alternative denial gate
    - amplitude gate
    - AND - NOT gate
    - AND gate
    - AND-to-AND gate
    - AND-to-OR gate
    - anticoincidence gate
    - any but not all gate
    - any or all gate
    - augend-in gate
    - B AND-NOT A gate
    - B except A gate
    - B ignore A gate
    - B ignore A negative gate
    - B implies A gate
    - B implies a negative gate
    - B OR-NOT A gate
    - basic gate
    - biconditional gate
    - Boolean gate
    - bud isolation gates
    - carry gate
    - cascaded gates
    - C-gate
    - coincidence gate
    - complement gate
    - conditional implication gate
    - conjunction gate
    - controllable gate
    - crowded gate
    - decision gate
    - difference gate
    - differential gate
    - diode gate
    - disjunction gate
    - dispersion gate
    - distance gate
    - diversity gate
    - don't care gate
    - double-input gate
    - dual gate
    - EITHER-OR gate
    - emitter-coupled gate
    - equality gate
    - equivalence gate
    - equivalent gate
    - eraser gate
    - except gate
    - exclusive NOR gate
    - exclusive OR gate
    - exjunction gate
    - fault tree gate
    - front-end gate
    - gate between channels
    - generator gate
    - glue-type gate
    - identity gate
    - if A then B gate
    - if A then NOT B gate
    - IF-THEN gate
    - ignore gate
    - implication gate
    - inclusion gate
    - inclusive NOR gate
    - inclusive OR gate
    - inequivalence gate
    - inhibitory gate
    - insulated gate
    - intersection gate
    - inverted AND gate
    - inverting gate
    - isolated gate
    - join gate
    - joint denial gate
    - locking gate
    - logic product gate
    - logic sum gate
    - logical gate
    - logic gate
    - low-power gate
    - majority decision gate
    - majority gate
    - match gate
    - matrix gate
    - mix gate
    - modulo-two sum gate
    - multiplicand gate
    - NAND gate
    - negation gate
    - negative AND gate
    - negative OR gate
    - NEITHER-NOR gate
    - N-input gate
    - nonconjunctive gate
    - nondisjunction gate
    - nonequality gate
    - nonequivalence gate
    - NOR gate
    - NOT gate
    - NOT-AND gate
    - NOT-both gate
    - NOT-IF-THEN gate
    - null gate
    - one gate
    - open-collector gate
    - OR gate
    - OR-ELSE gate
    - OR-to-AND gate
    - OR-to-OR gate
    - partial sum gate
    - positive AND gate
    - positive OR gate
    - priority AND gate
    - pulse gate
    - pulse-train gate
    - quad gate
    - readout gate
    - reconvergent gate
    - rejection gate
    - self-aligned gate
    - Sheffer stroke gate
    - shift gate
    - silicon gate
    - spare gate
    - special gate
    - sum readout gate
    - sum-out gate
    - swap gate
    - symmetric difference gate
    - threshold gate
    - time gate
    - true gate
    - two-input gate
    - union gate
    - voltage sensitive gate
    - wired gate
    - zero gate
    - zero-match gate

    English-Russian dictionary of computer science and programming > gate

  • 19 exchange

    1. transitive verb
    1) tauschen [Plätze, Zimmer, Ringe, Küsse]; umtauschen, wechseln [Geld]; austauschen [Adressen, [Kriegs]gefangene, Erinnerungen, Gedanken, Erfahrungen]; wechseln [Blicke, Worte, Ringe]

    exchange blows/insults — sich schlagen/sich gegenseitig beleidigen

    2) (give in place of another) eintauschen ( for für, gegen); umtauschen [[gekaufte] Ware] ( for gegen); austauschen [Spion] ( for gegen)
    2. intransitive verb 3. noun
    1) Tausch, der; (of prisoners, spies, compliments, greetings, insults) Austausch, der

    an exchange of ideas/blows — ein Meinungsaustausch/Handgreiflichkeiten Pl.

    2) (Educ.) Austausch, der; attrib. Austausch-

    an exchange student — ein Austauschstudent/eine Austauschstudentin

    3) (of money) Umtausch, der

    exchange [rate], rate of exchange — Wechselkurs, der

    exchange rate mechanism — Wechselkursmechanismus, der

    4) see academic.ru/73885/telephone_exchange">telephone exchange
    * * *
    [iks' ein‹] 1. verb
    1) (to give, or give up, in return for something else: Can you exchange a dollar note for two 50-cent pieces?) wechseln
    2) (to give and receive in return: They exchanged amused glances.) tauschen
    2. noun
    1) (the giving and taking of one thing for another: He gave me a pencil in exchange for the marble; An exchange of opinions is helpful.) der Austausch
    2) (a conversation or dispute: An angry exchange took place between the two brothers when their father's will was read.) der Meinungsaustausch
    3) (the act of exchanging the money of one country for that of another.) das Wechseln
    4) (the difference between the value of money in different countries: What is the rate of exchange between the U.S. dollar and the yen?) das Wechselkurs
    5) (a place where business shares are bought and sold or international financial dealings carried on.) die Börse
    6) ((also telephone exchange) a central telephone system where lines are connected.) die Vermittlung
    •
    * * *
    ex·change
    [ɪksˈtʃeɪnʤ, eks-]
    I. vt
    1. (trade)
    ▪ to \exchange sth [for sth] etw [gegen etw akk] austauschen; in a shop etw [gegen etw akk] umtauschen
    to \exchange apartments einen Wohnungstausch vornehmen
    ▪ to \exchange sth etw austauschen
    to \exchange addresses/greetings/opinions Adressen/Grüße/Meinungen austauschen
    to \exchange banter with sb mit jdm herumalbern [o ÖSTERR, SCHWEIZ herumblödeln]
    to \exchange looks Blicke wechseln
    to \exchange words einen Wortwechsel haben
    II. n
    1. (trade) Tausch m
    he gave me some tomatoes in \exchange for a lift into town er gab mir ein paar Tomaten und dafür nahm ich ihn mit in die Stadt
    \exchange of contracts Vertragsabschluss m
    \exchange of letters Briefwechsel m
    \exchange of proposals Austausch m von Vorschlägen
    2. FIN, ECON Währung f
    foreign \exchange Devisen pl; (money) ausländische Zahlungsmittel
    rate of \exchange Wechselkurs m
    rate of \exchange of the dollar Wechselkurs m des Dollars
    \exchange regulations Devisenbestimmungen pl
    3. STOCKEX (shares market) Börse f
    commodity \exchange Warenbörse f
    stock \exchange Börse f
    London International Financial Futures and Options E\exchange Internationale Londoner Finanzterminbörse
    Baltic International Freight and Futures E\exchange Londoner Börse für Warentermingeschäfte
    London Metal E\exchange Londoner Metallbörse
    4. (interchange) Wortwechsel m
    there was a brief \exchange between the two leaders die beiden Führungskräfte tauschten sich kurz aus
    \exchange of blows Schlagabtausch m
    \exchange of fire Feuergefecht nt, Schusswechsel m
    \exchange of threats gegenseitige Drohungen
    bitter \exchange erbitterter Wortwechsel
    III. adj attr, inv
    \exchange conditions Wechselbedingungen pl
    \exchange market Devisenmarkt m
    \exchange teacher Austauschlehrer(in) m(f)
    \exchange value Tauschwert m
    * * *
    [Iks'tSeIndZ]
    1. vt
    books, glances, seats tauschen; foreign currency wechseln, umtauschen (for in +acc); information, views, secrets, experiences, hostages, phone numbers austauschen
    2. n
    1) (of goods, stamps) Tausch m; (of prisoners, views, secrets, diplomatic notes) Austausch m; (of one bought item for another) Umtausch m

    in exchange for lending me your car —

    2) (FIN: act) Wechseln nt; (= place) Wechselstube f
    4)

    (telephone) exchange — Fernvermittlungsstelle f (form), Fernamt nt; (in office etc) (Telefon)zentrale f

    5) (= altercation) Wortwechsel m
    * * *
    exchange [ıksˈtʃeındʒ]
    A v/t
    1. (for) etwas aus-, umtauschen (gegen), (ver)tauschen (mit)
    2. eintauschen, Geld auch (um)wechseln ( beide:
    for gegen)
    3. Blicke, Küsse, die Plätze etc tauschen, Blicke, Worte wechseln, Briefe, Erinnerungen, Grüße, Gedanken, Gefangene austauschen:
    Bob exchanged seats with Tom Bob tauschte mit Tom den Platz;
    they exchanged blows sie schlugen aufeinander ein;
    they exchanged words sie hatten einen Wortwechsel;
    exchange contracts Br einen Vertrag (über Grundstücksverkauf) abschließen;
    he’s looking for sb to exchange stamps with er sucht einen Briefmarkentauschpartner
    4. TECH auswechseln, aus-, vertauschen:
    exchanged engine AUTO Austauschmotor m
    5. Schachspiel: Figuren austauschen
    6. ersetzen ( for sth durch etwas)
    B v/i
    1. tauschen
    2. (for) als Gegenwert bezahlt werden (für), (etwas) wert sein:
    one mark exchanges for less than one Swiss franc für eine Mark bekommt man weniger als einen Schweizer Franken
    3. MIL sich versetzen lassen ( into in akk)
    C s
    1. a) (Aus-, Um)Tausch m, Auswechs(e)lung f, Tauschhandel m:
    in exchange for (im Austausch) gegen, (als Entgelt) für;
    exchange of blows (Boxen) Schlagabtausch m;
    exchange of letters Brief-, Schriftwechsel m;
    exchange of prisoners Gefangenenaustausch;
    exchange of shots Schuss-, Kugelwechsel m;
    exchange of views Gedanken-, Meinungsaustausch ( beide:
    on über akk);
    give (take) in exchange in Tausch geben (nehmen); → note A 5
    b) Wortgefecht n, -wechsel m
    2. eingetauschter Gegenstand
    3. WIRTSCH
    a) (Um)Wechseln n, Wechselverkehr m
    b) Geld-, Wertumsatz m
    c) meist bill of exchange Tratte f, Wechsel m
    e) Devisen pl:
    at the exchange of zum Kurs von;
    with a high (low) exchange valutastark (-schwach);
    exchange restrictions devisenrechtliche Beschränkungen
    4. WIRTSCH Börse f:
    at the exchange an der Börse;
    quoted at the exchange börsengängig
    5. Wechselstube f
    6. (Fernsprech)Amt n, Vermittlung f
    ex. abk
    6. WIRTSCH US exchange
    7. US executed
    8. US executive
    * * *
    1. transitive verb
    1) tauschen [Plätze, Zimmer, Ringe, Küsse]; umtauschen, wechseln [Geld]; austauschen [Adressen, [Kriegs]gefangene, Erinnerungen, Gedanken, Erfahrungen]; wechseln [Blicke, Worte, Ringe]

    exchange blows/insults — sich schlagen/sich gegenseitig beleidigen

    2) (give in place of another) eintauschen ( for für, gegen); umtauschen [[gekaufte] Ware] ( for gegen); austauschen [Spion] ( for gegen)
    2. intransitive verb 3. noun
    1) Tausch, der; (of prisoners, spies, compliments, greetings, insults) Austausch, der

    an exchange of ideas/blows — ein Meinungsaustausch/Handgreiflichkeiten Pl.

    2) (Educ.) Austausch, der; attrib. Austausch-

    an exchange student — ein Austauschstudent/eine Austauschstudentin

    3) (of money) Umtausch, der

    exchange [rate], rate of exchange — Wechselkurs, der

    exchange rate mechanism — Wechselkursmechanismus, der

    * * *
    n.
    Austausch m.
    Tausch -e m. (for) v.
    austauschen (gegen) v. v.
    austauschen v.
    eintauschen v.
    tauschen v.
    umtauschen v.

    English-german dictionary > exchange

  • 20 Introduction

       Portugal is a small Western European nation with a large, distinctive past replete with both triumph and tragedy. One of the continent's oldest nation-states, Portugal has frontiers that are essentially unchanged since the late 14th century. The country's unique character and 850-year history as an independent state present several curious paradoxes. As of 1974, when much of the remainder of the Portuguese overseas empire was decolonized, Portuguese society appeared to be the most ethnically homogeneous of the two Iberian states and of much of Europe. Yet, Portuguese society had received, over the course of 2,000 years, infusions of other ethnic groups in invasions and immigration: Phoenicians, Greeks, Celts, Romans, Suevi, Visigoths, Muslims (Arab and Berber), Jews, Italians, Flemings, Burgundian French, black Africans, and Asians. Indeed, Portugal has been a crossroads, despite its relative isolation in the western corner of the Iberian Peninsula, between the West and North Africa, Tropical Africa, and Asia and America. Since 1974, Portugal's society has become less homogeneous, as there has been significant immigration of former subjects from its erstwhile overseas empire.
       Other paradoxes should be noted as well. Although Portugal is sometimes confused with Spain or things Spanish, its very national independence and national culture depend on being different from Spain and Spaniards. Today, Portugal's independence may be taken for granted. Since 1140, except for 1580-1640 when it was ruled by Philippine Spain, Portugal has been a sovereign state. Nevertheless, a recurring theme of the nation's history is cycles of anxiety and despair that its freedom as a nation is at risk. There is a paradox, too, about Portugal's overseas empire(s), which lasted half a millennium (1415-1975): after 1822, when Brazil achieved independence from Portugal, most of the Portuguese who emigrated overseas never set foot in their overseas empire, but preferred to immigrate to Brazil or to other countries in North or South America or Europe, where established Portuguese overseas communities existed.
       Portugal was a world power during the period 1415-1550, the era of the Discoveries, expansion, and early empire, and since then the Portuguese have experienced periods of decline, decadence, and rejuvenation. Despite the fact that Portugal slipped to the rank of a third- or fourth-rate power after 1580, it and its people can claim rightfully an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions that assure their place both in world and Western history. These distinctions should be kept in mind while acknowledging that, for more than 400 years, Portugal has generally lagged behind the rest of Western Europe, although not Southern Europe, in social and economic developments and has remained behind even its only neighbor and sometime nemesis, Spain.
       Portugal's pioneering role in the Discoveries and exploration era of the 15th and 16th centuries is well known. Often noted, too, is the Portuguese role in the art and science of maritime navigation through the efforts of early navigators, mapmakers, seamen, and fishermen. What are often forgotten are the country's slender base of resources, its small population largely of rural peasants, and, until recently, its occupation of only 16 percent of the Iberian Peninsula. As of 1139—10, when Portugal emerged first as an independent monarchy, and eventually a sovereign nation-state, England and France had not achieved this status. The Portuguese were the first in the Iberian Peninsula to expel the Muslim invaders from their portion of the peninsula, achieving this by 1250, more than 200 years before Castile managed to do the same (1492).
       Other distinctions may be noted. Portugal conquered the first overseas empire beyond the Mediterranean in the early modern era and established the first plantation system based on slave labor. Portugal's empire was the first to be colonized and the last to be decolonized in the 20th century. With so much of its scattered, seaborne empire dependent upon the safety and seaworthiness of shipping, Portugal was a pioneer in initiating marine insurance, a practice that is taken for granted today. During the time of Pombaline Portugal (1750-77), Portugal was the first state to organize and hold an industrial trade fair. In distinctive political and governmental developments, Portugal's record is more mixed, and this fact suggests that maintaining a government with a functioning rule of law and a pluralist, representative democracy has not been an easy matter in a country that for so long has been one of the poorest and least educated in the West. Portugal's First Republic (1910-26), only the third republic in a largely monarchist Europe (after France and Switzerland), was Western Europe's most unstable parliamentary system in the 20th century. Finally, the authoritarian Estado Novo or "New State" (1926-74) was the longest surviving authoritarian system in modern Western Europe. When Portugal departed from its overseas empire in 1974-75, the descendants, in effect, of Prince Henry the Navigator were leaving the West's oldest empire.
       Portugal's individuality is based mainly on its long history of distinc-tiveness, its intense determination to use any means — alliance, diplomacy, defense, trade, or empire—to be a sovereign state, independent of Spain, and on its national pride in the Portuguese language. Another master factor in Portuguese affairs deserves mention. The country's politics and government have been influenced not only by intellectual currents from the Atlantic but also through Spain from Europe, which brought new political ideas and institutions and novel technologies. Given the weight of empire in Portugal's past, it is not surprising that public affairs have been hostage to a degree to what happened in her overseas empire. Most important have been domestic responses to imperial affairs during both imperial and internal crises since 1415, which have continued to the mid-1970s and beyond. One of the most important themes of Portuguese history, and one oddly neglected by not a few histories, is that every major political crisis and fundamental change in the system—in other words, revolution—since 1415 has been intimately connected with a related imperial crisis. The respective dates of these historical crises are: 1437, 1495, 1578-80, 1640, 1820-22, 1890, 1910, 1926-30, 1961, and 1974. The reader will find greater detail on each crisis in historical context in the history section of this introduction and in relevant entries.
       LAND AND PEOPLE
       The Republic of Portugal is located on the western edge of the Iberian Peninsula. A major geographical dividing line is the Tagus River: Portugal north of it has an Atlantic orientation; the country to the south of it has a Mediterranean orientation. There is little physical evidence that Portugal is clearly geographically distinct from Spain, and there is no major natural barrier between the two countries along more than 1,214 kilometers (755 miles) of the Luso-Spanish frontier. In climate, Portugal has a number of microclimates similar to the microclimates of Galicia, Estremadura, and Andalusia in neighboring Spain. North of the Tagus, in general, there is an Atlantic-type climate with higher rainfall, cold winters, and some snow in the mountainous areas. South of the Tagus is a more Mediterranean climate, with hot, dry, often rainless summers and cool, wet winters. Lisbon, the capital, which has a fifth of the country's population living in its region, has an average annual mean temperature about 16° C (60° F).
       For a small country with an area of 92,345 square kilometers (35,580 square miles, including the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and the Madeiras), which is about the size of the state of Indiana in the United States, Portugal has a remarkable diversity of regional topography and scenery. In some respects, Portugal resembles an island within the peninsula, embodying a unique fusion of European and non-European cultures, akin to Spain yet apart. Its geography is a study in contrasts, from the flat, sandy coastal plain, in some places unusually wide for Europe, to the mountainous Beira districts or provinces north of the Tagus, to the snow-capped mountain range of the Estrela, with its unique ski area, to the rocky, barren, remote Trás-os-Montes district bordering Spain. There are extensive forests in central and northern Portugal that contrast with the flat, almost Kansas-like plains of the wheat belt in the Alentejo district. There is also the unique Algarve district, isolated somewhat from the Alentejo district by a mountain range, with a microclimate, topography, and vegetation that resemble closely those of North Africa.
       Although Portugal is small, just 563 kilometers (337 miles) long and from 129 to 209 kilometers (80 to 125 miles) wide, it is strategically located on transportation and communication routes between Europe and North Africa, and the Americas and Europe. Geographical location is one key to the long history of Portugal's three overseas empires, which stretched once from Morocco to the Moluccas and from lonely Sagres at Cape St. Vincent to Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. It is essential to emphasize the identity of its neighbors: on the north and east Portugal is bounded by Spain, its only neighbor, and by the Atlantic Ocean on the south and west. Portugal is the westernmost country of Western Europe, and its shape resembles a face, with Lisbon below the nose, staring into the
       Atlantic. No part of Portugal touches the Mediterranean, and its Atlantic orientation has been a response in part to turning its back on Castile and Léon (later Spain) and exploring, traveling, and trading or working in lands beyond the peninsula. Portugal was the pioneering nation in the Atlantic-born European discoveries during the Renaissance, and its diplomatic and trade relations have been dominated by countries that have been Atlantic powers as well: Spain; England (Britain since 1707); France; Brazil, once its greatest colony; and the United States.
       Today Portugal and its Atlantic islands have a population of roughly 10 million people. While ethnic homogeneity has been characteristic of it in recent history, Portugal's population over the centuries has seen an infusion of non-Portuguese ethnic groups from various parts of Europe, the Middle East, and Africa. Between 1500 and 1800, a significant population of black Africans, brought in as slaves, was absorbed in the population. And since 1950, a population of Cape Verdeans, who worked in menial labor, has resided in Portugal. With the influx of African, Goan, and Timorese refugees and exiles from the empire—as many as three quarters of a million retornados ("returned ones" or immigrants from the former empire) entered Portugal in 1974 and 1975—there has been greater ethnic diversity in the Portuguese population. In 2002, there were 239,113 immigrants legally residing in Portugal: 108,132 from Africa; 24,806 from Brazil; 15,906 from Britain; 14,617 from Spain; and 11,877 from Germany. In addition, about 200,000 immigrants are living in Portugal from eastern Europe, mainly from Ukraine. The growth of Portugal's population is reflected in the following statistics:
       1527 1,200,000 (estimate only)
       1768 2,400,000 (estimate only)
       1864 4,287,000 first census
       1890 5,049,700
       1900 5,423,000
       1911 5,960,000
       1930 6,826,000
       1940 7,185,143
       1950 8,510,000
       1960 8,889,000
       1970 8,668,000* note decrease
       1980 9,833,000
       1991 9,862,540
       1996 9,934,100
       2006 10,642,836
       2010 10,710,000 (estimated)

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Introduction

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