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element

  • 1 element

    элемент, стихия
    основа

    Slovensko-ruski slovar > element

  • 2 prvina

    Slovenian-english dictionary > prvina

  • 3 bě̑sъ

    bě̑sъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `demon'
    Page in Trubačev: II 88-91
    Old Church Slavic:
    běsъ `demon' [m o]
    Russian:
    bes `demon' [m o]
    Czech:
    běs `demon' [m o]
    Slovak:
    bes `demon' [m o]
    Polish:
    bies `demon' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bȉjes `demon' [m o];
    Čak. bȋs `demon' [m o], bȋsa [Gens]
    Slovene:
    bẹ̑s `demon' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    bjas `rabies, demon' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: boiʔsós
    Lithuanian:
    baisùs `terrible' [adj u]
    Latvian:
    baîss `terrible' [adj u]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰoiHdʰ-so-
    Page in Pokorny: 161
    Comments: Since both Slavic and Baltic point to BSl. *s instead of *ṣ, it has been suggested that the root of this etymon was * bʰoiHdʰ-, cf. Lat. foedus `repulsive, terrible, disgraceful' (cf. Pedersen 1895). An extension of the root is also found in Lith. baidýti, Latv. baĩdît `scare', but it is uncertain if this *d, which may be identified with * dʰh₁- `put' and is part of a productive suffix (cf. OPr. pobaiint `punish'), is the same element.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. foedus `repulsive, terrible, disgraceful'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bě̑sъ

  • 4 blě̑dъ

    blě̑dъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `pale'
    Page in Trubačev: II 111-112
    Old Church Slavic:
    blědъ `pale' [adj o]
    Russian:
    bledój (dial.) `pale' [adj o];
    blëdyj (dial.) `pale' [adj o]
    Ukrainian:
    blidýj `pale' [adj o]
    Czech:
    bledý `pale' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    bledý `pale' [adj o]
    Polish:
    blady `pale' [adj o]
    Slovincian:
    bladḯ `pale' [adj o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    blědy `pale, bright' [adj o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    blědy `pale' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blȉjed `pale' [adj o], blijèda [Nomsf];
    Čak. blȋd (Vrgada) `pale' [adj o], blīdȁ [Nomsf], blȋdo [Nomsn];
    Čak. bliȇt (Orbanići) `pale' [adj o], bliedȁ [Nomsf]
    Slovene:
    blẹ̑d `pale' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    bled `pale' [adj o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bloiʔd-(u̯)ó-
    Lithuanian:
    blaĩvas `whitish, blue, sober' [adj o] 4
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰloid-(u̯)o-
    Page in Pokorny: 160
    Comments: In view of Winter's law, we would expect to find traces of a glottalic element in Balto-Slavic. The accentuation of Lith. blaivas - the Proto-Slavic form is mobile and therefore inconclusive - offers no evidence for an original acute, however. Pokorny's reconstruction *bhlǝido-s is impossible for Slavic and *bhleh₂ido-s is incompatible with the mobile accentuation of the adjective in Balto-Slavic.
    Other cognates:
    OE blāt `pale' [adj];
    OHG bleizza `pallor' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > blě̑dъ

  • 5 dàti

    dàti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `give'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 194-195
    Old Church Slavic:
    dati `give' [verb], damь [1sg], dasi [2sg], dastъ [3sg], damъ [1pl], daste [2pl], dadętъ [3pl]
    Russian:
    dat' `give' [verb], dam [1sg], daš' [2sg], dast [3sg], dadím [1pl], dadíte [2pl], dadút [3pl]
    Czech:
    dáti `give' [verb]
    Old Czech:
    dáti `give' [verb], dám [1sg], dáš [2sg], dádie [3pl]
    Slovak:
    dáti (OSlk.) `give' [verb];
    dat' `give' [verb]
    Polish:
    dać `give' [verb], dam [1sg], dadzą [3pl]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dȁti `give' [verb], dȃm [1sg], dámo [1pl];
    Čak. dȁti (Vrgada) `give' [verb], då̃š [2sg], då̑dȅš [2sg];
    Čak. dȁt (Orbanići) `give' [verb], dãn [1sg], dāmȍ [1pl]
    Slovene:
    dáti `give' [verb], dám [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    dam `give' [verb]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: doʔtei; doʔd-mi [1sg]
    Lithuanian:
    dúoti `give' [verb]
    Latvian:
    duôt `give' [verb]
    Old Prussian:
    dāt `give' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: deh₃-; didh₃-
    IE meaning: give
    Page in Pokorny: 223
    Comments: In the reduplicated present the first element became acute as a result of Winter's law.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. δίδωμι `give' [verb];
    Skt. dádāti `give' [verb];
    Lat. dāre `give' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dàti

  • 6 děl̨a

    děl̨a; děl̨ьma; děl̨a; dьl̨a Grammatical information: prep. Proto-Slavic meaning: `because of'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 234-235
    Old Church Slavic:
    děl̨a `because of' [postp];
    děl̨ьma `because of' [postp]
    Russian:
    dlja `for' [prep]
    Ukrainian:
    diljá (dial.) `for, because of, therefore' [prep]
    Old Czech:
    dle `because of' [prep]
    Polish:
    dla `for' [prep]
    Old Polish:
    dziela (Bogurodzica) `for' [prep]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dijel (arch.) `because of' [prep]
    Slovene:
    dẹ̀lj `because of' [prep]
    Lithuanian:
    dė̃l `because of' [prep]
    Latvian:
    dēl̨ `because of' [prep]
    Page in Pokorny: 235
    Other cognates:
    This etymon cannot be separated from -> *dě̀lo, cf. Lat. causā `because of'. The form *děl̨a seems to be a petrified Isg., whilel *dělьma is an Idu. The presence of an element *-j- is unexpected.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > děl̨a

  • 7 děl̨ьma

    děl̨a; děl̨ьma; děl̨a; dьl̨a Grammatical information: prep. Proto-Slavic meaning: `because of'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 234-235
    Old Church Slavic:
    děl̨a `because of' [postp];
    děl̨ьma `because of' [postp]
    Russian:
    dlja `for' [prep]
    Ukrainian:
    diljá (dial.) `for, because of, therefore' [prep]
    Old Czech:
    dle `because of' [prep]
    Polish:
    dla `for' [prep]
    Old Polish:
    dziela (Bogurodzica) `for' [prep]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dijel (arch.) `because of' [prep]
    Slovene:
    dẹ̀lj `because of' [prep]
    Lithuanian:
    dė̃l `because of' [prep]
    Latvian:
    dēl̨ `because of' [prep]
    Page in Pokorny: 235
    Other cognates:
    This etymon cannot be separated from -> *dě̀lo, cf. Lat. causā `because of'. The form *děl̨a seems to be a petrified Isg., whilel *dělьma is an Idu. The presence of an element *-j- is unexpected.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > děl̨ьma

  • 8 děl̨a

    děl̨a; děl̨ьma; děl̨a; dьl̨a Grammatical information: prep. Proto-Slavic meaning: `because of'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 234-235
    Old Church Slavic:
    děl̨a `because of' [postp];
    děl̨ьma `because of' [postp]
    Russian:
    dlja `for' [prep]
    Ukrainian:
    diljá (dial.) `for, because of, therefore' [prep]
    Old Czech:
    dle `because of' [prep]
    Polish:
    dla `for' [prep]
    Old Polish:
    dziela (Bogurodzica) `for' [prep]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dijel (arch.) `because of' [prep]
    Slovene:
    dẹ̀lj `because of' [prep]
    Lithuanian:
    dė̃l `because of' [prep]
    Latvian:
    dēl̨ `because of' [prep]
    Page in Pokorny: 235
    Other cognates:
    This etymon cannot be separated from -> *dě̀lo, cf. Lat. causā `because of'. The form *děl̨a seems to be a petrified Isg., whilel *dělьma is an Idu. The presence of an element *-j- is unexpected.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > děl̨a

  • 9 dьl̨a

    děl̨a; děl̨ьma; děl̨a; dьl̨a Grammatical information: prep. Proto-Slavic meaning: `because of'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 234-235
    Old Church Slavic:
    děl̨a `because of' [postp];
    děl̨ьma `because of' [postp]
    Russian:
    dlja `for' [prep]
    Ukrainian:
    diljá (dial.) `for, because of, therefore' [prep]
    Old Czech:
    dle `because of' [prep]
    Polish:
    dla `for' [prep]
    Old Polish:
    dziela (Bogurodzica) `for' [prep]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dijel (arch.) `because of' [prep]
    Slovene:
    dẹ̀lj `because of' [prep]
    Lithuanian:
    dė̃l `because of' [prep]
    Latvian:
    dēl̨ `because of' [prep]
    Page in Pokorny: 235
    Other cognates:
    This etymon cannot be separated from -> *dě̀lo, cf. Lat. causā `because of'. The form *děl̨a seems to be a petrified Isg., whilel *dělьma is an Idu. The presence of an element *-j- is unexpected.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dьl̨a

  • 10 dъždžь

    dъždžь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `rainstorm, rain'
    Page in Trubačev: V 195-197
    Old Church Slavic:
    dъždь `rain, rainstorm' [m jo]
    Russian:
    dožd' `rain' [m jo], doždjá `rain' [Gens]
    Czech:
    déšt' `rain' [m jo];
    dešt' `rain' [m jo]
    Old Czech:
    déšč `rain' [m jo], dšče [Gens]
    Slovak:
    dážd' `rain' [m jo], dažd'a [Gens]
    Polish:
    deszcz `rain' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    deżdż `rain' [m jo], dżdżu [Gens]
    Slovincian:
    dẽi̯šč `rain' [m jo]
    Upper Sorbian:
    dešć `rain' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dȃžd (Vuk: SW dial.) `rain' [m o], dà̀žda [Gens];
    dȁžd (Dubr.) `rain' [m o], dàžda;
    dȁžd (Prčanj) `rain' [m o], daždȁ [Gens];
    Čak. dȁž (Vrgada) `rain' [m jo], dažȁ;
    Čak. dãš (Orbanići) `rain' [m jo], dajžȁ `rain' [Gens], dažljȁ [Gens]
    Slovene:
    dǝ̀ž `rain' [m jo], dǝžjà `rain' [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    dăžd `rain' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dus-diu-(s)
    Page in Pokorny: 227+184
    Comments: Watkins (1991: 175-176) argues that the basic meaning `rainstorm', attested in OCS, is in agreement with Skt. durdina- < * dus-di-n- explains why the compound contains the element * dus- `bad'. In this way he challenges the view that Trubetzkoy's and Vaillant's etymology cannot be correct because to the farmer rain is beneficial.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. durdina- `rain, shower, rainy weather' [n];
    Gk. εὐδία `fair weather' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dъždžь

  • 11 edìnъ

    edìnъ; edьnъ Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `one'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 11-13
    Old Church Slavic:
    jedinъ `one' [num o];
    jedьnъ `one' [num o] \{1\}
    Russian:
    odín `one' [num o], odnogó [Gens], odná [Nomsf]
    Czech:
    jeden `one' [num o]
    Polish:
    jeden `one' [num o];
    jedyny `only' [num o]
    Old Polish:
    jedziny `only' [num o]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃dĕn `one' [num o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèdan `one' [num o], jȅdna [Nomsf];
    Čak. jedå̃n (Vrgada) `one' [num o], jednȁ [Nomsf], jednȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. jedãn (Orbanići) `one, some, a certain, a' [num o], jenȁ [Nomsf], jenȍ [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    edín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    jedín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    édǝn `one' [num o];
    jédǝn `one' [num o];
    èn `one' [num o]
    Bulgarian:
    edín `one' [num. o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-HiH-no-
    IE meaning: one
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 284, 286
    Comments: In view of Ru. odín, Gsg. odnogó etc., the form *jedьnь must be due to analogy. The vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called "tense jer": in strong postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour might be linked to the j of *jьnъ. Though the j, which before words beginning with a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *jedinъ/jedьnъ, it is conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jьnъ. The problem with this hypothesis is that forms with *jn- < *jьn appear to be lacking. Andersen's reconstruction *edeino- next to *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *jed- < *(h₁)edʰ- is unclear. Pokorny's reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter's law.
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form with ь is less common than jedinъ.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > edìnъ

  • 12 edьnъ

    edìnъ; edьnъ Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `one'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 11-13
    Old Church Slavic:
    jedinъ `one' [num o];
    jedьnъ `one' [num o] \{1\}
    Russian:
    odín `one' [num o], odnogó [Gens], odná [Nomsf]
    Czech:
    jeden `one' [num o]
    Polish:
    jeden `one' [num o];
    jedyny `only' [num o]
    Old Polish:
    jedziny `only' [num o]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃dĕn `one' [num o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèdan `one' [num o], jȅdna [Nomsf];
    Čak. jedå̃n (Vrgada) `one' [num o], jednȁ [Nomsf], jednȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. jedãn (Orbanići) `one, some, a certain, a' [num o], jenȁ [Nomsf], jenȍ [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    edín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    jedín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    édǝn `one' [num o];
    jédǝn `one' [num o];
    èn `one' [num o]
    Bulgarian:
    edín `one' [num. o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-HiH-no-
    IE meaning: one
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 284, 286
    Comments: In view of Ru. odín, Gsg. odnogó etc., the form *jedьnь must be due to analogy. The vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called "tense jer": in strong postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour might be linked to the j of *jьnъ. Though the j, which before words beginning with a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *jedinъ/jedьnъ, it is conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jьnъ. The problem with this hypothesis is that forms with *jn- < *jьn appear to be lacking. Andersen's reconstruction *edeino- next to *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *jed- < *(h₁)edʰ- is unclear. Pokorny's reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter's law.
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form with ь is less common than jedinъ.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > edьnъ

  • 13 elьcь

    elьcь Grammatical information: m. jo Proto-Slavic meaning: `dace'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 22-23
    Russian:
    eléc `dace' [m jo], el'cá [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    jaléc' `bleak' [m jo]
    Czech:
    jelec `dace, chub' [m jo]
    Slovak:
    jalec `dace, chub' [m jo]
    Polish:
    jelec `dace' [m jo]
    Kashubian:
    i̯el `a fish' [m jo??]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jalc `dace' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jálac `dace' [m jo];
    jal (dial.) `ide' [m o??]
    Indo-European reconstruction: eliko-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-304
    Comments: As Trubačëv observes (VI: 305), the semantics of Pokorny's root *el- are capacious and complex. In my opinion, there is little evidence for a root *el- `light-coloured'. It is tempting to seek a connection between *jelьcь and OHG alunt `ide'. Pokorny identifies what is presumedly the root of the latter word with the first element of *albʰo- `white' and links it to *el-. Since the fish-names under discussion refer to shining, whitish species, this is semantically unproblematic. Nevertheless, it seems quite possible that the root *al/el (Slavic *el as a result of Rozwadowski's change?) originates from a substratum language.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elьcь

  • 14 ešče

    ešče Grammatical information: adv. Proto-Slavic meaning: `still, yet'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 32-33
    Old Church Slavic:
    ješte `still, yet' [adv]
    Russian:
    eščë `still, yet' [adv];
    ošče (dial.) `still, yet' [adv] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ještě `still, yet' [adv]
    Old Czech:
    ješče `still, yet' [adv]
    Slovak:
    ešte `still, yet' [adv]
    Polish:
    jeszcze `still, yet' [adv];
    oszczo (dial.) `still, yet' [adv]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȍšt(e) `still, yet' [adv];
    ješče (dial.) `still, yet' [adv];
    Čak. jošćȅ (Vrgada) `still, yet' [adv];
    Čak. jȍš (Orbanići) `still, yet' [adv]
    Slovene:
    šè `still, yet' [adv];
    ščè `still, yet' [adv];
    jošče `still, yet' [adv];
    još `still, yet' [adv];
    ešče `still, yet' [adv];
    íšče `still, yet' [adv]
    Bulgarian:
    ešte `still, yet' [adv];
    ošte `still, yet' [adv]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁eske(h₁)
    Other cognates:
    Skt. áchā `to' [prep., pvb.];
    Arm. c` `to, till' [prep.] \{2\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Russian dialects forms with e- occur alongside forms with o-. This variation is already found in Old Russian. \{2\} Forms such as SCr. jȍšte, Bulg. (dial.) jóšte and Sln. (dial.) išče result from the accretion of *i `and'. The *o-variants in this word are attested in a remarkably large area. The alternative etymologies contain a deictic element *edʰ- or *et- (see ESSJa s.v.).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ešče

  • 15 màkъ

    màkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `poppy'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 149-151
    Church Slavic:
    makъ `poppy' [m o]
    Russian:
    mak `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]
    Czech:
    mák `poppy' [m o]
    Slovak:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Polish:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁk `poppy' [m o], mȁka [Gens], màka [Gens];
    Čak. mȁk (Vrgada) `poppy' [m o], makȁ [Gens]
    Slovene:
    màk `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ?
    Lithuanian:
    aguonà `poppy' [f ā] 2;
    mãguonė (dial.) `poppy' [f ē] 1 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    maguône `poppy' [f ē] \{2\} \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    moke (EV) `poppy' [f]
    IE meaning: poppy
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 698
    Comments: The Germanic forms show grammatischer Wechsel as well as an alternation *ā: a. The vocalism, which could reflect PIE *eh₁: h₁, does not match the ā of the Greek and the Slavic forms, which leads us to assume that the vowel alternation arose when at a comparatively late stage the root māk- was borrowed into Germanic (cf. Kluge 1989, 484). The Lithuanian and Latvian forms are usually considered borrowings from Germanic, whereas OPr. moke may have been borrowed from Polish. The Estonian and Livonian forms must be borrowings from Baltic, probably Latvian. It is generally agreed upon that ultimately we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European (Mediterranean?) origin.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. μήκων `poppy' [f];
    Dor. μά̑κων `poppy' [f];
    OHG māho `poppy'
    ;
    OHG mago `poppy'
    ;
    OS magosāmo `poppyseed'
    ;
    OS mēcopin (Königsberg) `poppy'
    ;
    OSw. valmoghe `poppy'
    \{4\};
    Est. magun `poppy;
    Liv. maggon `poppy'
    Notes:
    \{1\} Besides, we find the variants maguona and magūna. The forms with m are restricted to the area around Klaipėda. \{2\} I have found the variants magùona2, magana, magane and magūne. \{3\} The initial m of the word for `poppy' was apparently lost in Lithuanian but not in Latvian. The Lithuanian dialect forms with m- may be due to the influence of the (Latvian) language of the fishermen of the Couronian Isthmus (cf. Būga RR III: 320). Sabaliauskas suggests dissimilatory loss of m, parallel to the loss of r in arotai: rarotai, akrūtas: rakrūtas, Latv. ruodere: uodere, ūk̨eris (1960, 71-72). \{4\} The first element means `sleep', cf. Nw. dial. vale `deep sleep', Sw. dial. valbjörn `Schlafdorn'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > màkъ

  • 16 netopyr'ь

    netopyr'ь Grammatical information: m. jo Proto-Slavic meaning: `bat'
    Page in Trubačev: XXIV 143-145
    Church Slavic:
    netopyrь (RuCS) `bat' [m jo];
    nepъtyrь (RuCS) `bat' [m jo]
    Russian:
    netopýr' `bat' [m jo], netopyrjá [Gens];
    nétopyr' (dial.) `bat' [m jo]
    Ukrainian:
    netopýr `bat' [m o]
    Czech:
    netopýr `bat' [m o]
    Old Czech:
    netopýř `bat' [m o]
    Slovak:
    netopier `bat' [m o]
    Polish:
    nietoperz `bat' [m jo];
    niedoperz `bat' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    nietopyrz `bat' [m jo]
    Upper Sorbian:
    njetopyŕ `bat' [m o]
    Slovene:
    netopír `bat' [m jo], netopírja [Gens] \{1\}
    Comments: What makes this etymon interesting, is the fact that it may contain * neto- < *nekwto- `night', with e-grade as in Hitt. nekuz `at night'. Vaillant (Gr. I: 83, IV: 655) reconstructs original o-grade, however. The second element is often interpreted as * pyrь `flier', with a lengthened zero grade (-> * pariti, * pьrati). A reanalysis * ne-topyrь seems only possible for East Slavic (Ru. ne `not', topýrit' `bristle'). According to Vaillant (l.c.), * pyrь has replaced original * pirь under the influence of the suffix *- yrь, which originated in borrowings from Greek (cf. Ru. psaltýr').
    Notes:
    \{1\} Pleteršnik mentions a large number of variants: natopír, nadopę́r, matopír, matofír, letopír, latopír, dopír, dupír, nadopir (Meg. 1744).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > netopyr'ь

  • 17 rębika

    rębika; rębina Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `rowan tree'
    Russian:
    rjabíka (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā];
    rjabína `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    rjabýna (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    rebika (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    rebíka `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ri(m)ʔb-;; ru(m)ʔb-
    Lithuanian:
    ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;
    irbẽnis `snowball-tree' [m io]
    Latvian:
    ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];
    irbęnājs `snowball-tree' [m o];
    rubenis `black grouse' [m io]
    Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 334
    Comments: Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. ráibas, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (= Ukr. ribyj?) probably belongs here as well. The i: u alternation in the root and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis must have been secondarily shortened because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > rębika

  • 18 rębina

    rębika; rębina Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `rowan tree'
    Russian:
    rjabíka (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā];
    rjabína `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    rjabýna (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    rebika (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    rebíka `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ri(m)ʔb-;; ru(m)ʔb-
    Lithuanian:
    ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;
    irbẽnis `snowball-tree' [m io]
    Latvian:
    ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];
    irbęnājs `snowball-tree' [m o];
    rubenis `black grouse' [m io]
    Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 334
    Comments: Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. ráibas, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (= Ukr. ribyj?) probably belongs here as well. The i: u alternation in the root and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis must have been secondarily shortened because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > rębina

  • 19 rębь

    rębь; rębъkъ Grammatical information: m. jo??; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `hazel-grouse, partridge'
    Russian:
    rjab' ( Dal': eccl., N. dial.) `sand-grouse, hazel-grouse' [m jo];
    rjabók (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [m o] \{1\}
    Slovene:
    rę̑b `partridge' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: re/imbo-
    Lithuanian:
    ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;
    jerubė̃, jerumbė̃ (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [f ē] 3b
    Latvian:
    ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];
    rubenis `black grouse' [m io]
    Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-o-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 334
    Other cognates:
    OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{2\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Cf. rjábčik (the Standard Russian form), rjábuška and rjábec or rjabéc `hazel-grouse', rjábka `partridge' (Dal' s.v. rjabyj). The form rjabéc also means `trout'. \{2\} Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- and contain u but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. raibas 3/4, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (Ukr. ribyj?) may belong here as well. The e: eu alternation and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ etc.) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis poses a problem because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > rębь

  • 20 rębъkъ

    rębь; rębъkъ Grammatical information: m. jo??; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `hazel-grouse, partridge'
    Russian:
    rjab' ( Dal': eccl., N. dial.) `sand-grouse, hazel-grouse' [m jo];
    rjabók (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [m o] \{1\}
    Slovene:
    rę̑b `partridge' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: re/imbo-
    Lithuanian:
    ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;
    jerubė̃, jerumbė̃ (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [f ē] 3b
    Latvian:
    ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];
    rubenis `black grouse' [m io]
    Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-o-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 334
    Other cognates:
    OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{2\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Cf. rjábčik (the Standard Russian form), rjábuška and rjábec or rjabéc `hazel-grouse', rjábka `partridge' (Dal' s.v. rjabyj). The form rjabéc also means `trout'. \{2\} Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- and contain u but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. raibas 3/4, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (Ukr. ribyj?) may belong here as well. The e: eu alternation and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ etc.) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis poses a problem because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > rębъkъ

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