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  • 1 slovar

    Slovenian-english dictionary > slovar

  • 2 matorъ

    matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 244-249
    Church Slavic:
    matorъ `old' [adj o]
    Russian:
    matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];
    materój `full-grown' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    matǫ́r `old' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-
    IE meaning: mother
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. mātūrus `ripe, mature, premature' [adj];
    Lat. mānus `good' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > matorъ

  • 3 materъ

    matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 244-249
    Church Slavic:
    matorъ `old' [adj o]
    Russian:
    matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];
    materój `full-grown' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    matǫ́r `old' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-
    IE meaning: mother
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. mātūrus `ripe, mature, premature' [adj];
    Lat. mānus `good' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > materъ

  • 4 bel(e)nъ

    bel(e)nъ; belená; bolnъ \{1\} \{2\} Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `henbane'
    Page in Trubačev: I 185-187; II 177
    Church Slavic:
    belenъ (RuCS) `henbane' [m o]
    Russian:
    belen (dial.) `henbane' [m o];
    belená `henbane' [f ā]
    Czech:
    blín `henbane' [m o];
    blim (dial.) `henbane' [m o]
    Old Czech:
    blén `henbane' [m o]
    Slovak:
    blen `henbane, bitterness' [m o] \{2\}
    Polish:
    blen `henbane' [m o] \{3\}
    Old Polish:
    bleń `henbane' [m jo] \{4\}
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blȇn (rare) `henbane' [m o];
    blȇm (rare) `henbane' [m o];
    belèna `fool, idiot' [f ā];
    blan (17th c.) `furibundus' [m o] \{5\}
    Slovene:
    blẹ̀n `henbane' [m o], blẹ́na [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    bljan `day-dream' [m o];
    blen `day-dream' [m o]
    Macedonian:
    blen (poet.) `(day-)dream' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰel-(e)n-o-
    IE meaning: henbane
    Page in Pokorny: 120
    Other cognates:
    OE beolone, beolene, belene `henbane' [f];
    OS bilene `henbane' [f];
    Dan. (early) bylne, buln-urt `henbane';
    Gaul. βελενουντίαν [Accs] `henbane';
    Gaul. BELENO [dsg] `name of a divinity' \{6\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Ru. belen- cannot reflect *beln-, which would regularly yield bolon-. \{2\} Alongside bielian. \{3\} Alongside bielun. \{4\} In Old Polish we find bleń, bielun, bieluń, bielon. According to Sɫawski (SP I: Q), blen is a borrowing from Czech. \{5\} Both blȇn and blȇm are rarely attested. The form with m can be traced to Stulli's dictionary. \{6\} Besides the n-stem *bʰel(e)no-, there was an s-stem *bʰel-es-, e.g. OHG bilisa, bilesa, bilsa [f], MDu. bilse, Spanish belesa, velesa, and probably W bela, bele, all meaning `henbane' (see Schrijver 1999).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bel(e)nъ

  • 5 belena

    bel(e)nъ; belená; bolnъ \{1\} \{2\} Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `henbane'
    Page in Trubačev: I 185-187; II 177
    Church Slavic:
    belenъ (RuCS) `henbane' [m o]
    Russian:
    belen (dial.) `henbane' [m o];
    belená `henbane' [f ā]
    Czech:
    blín `henbane' [m o];
    blim (dial.) `henbane' [m o]
    Old Czech:
    blén `henbane' [m o]
    Slovak:
    blen `henbane, bitterness' [m o] \{2\}
    Polish:
    blen `henbane' [m o] \{3\}
    Old Polish:
    bleń `henbane' [m jo] \{4\}
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blȇn (rare) `henbane' [m o];
    blȇm (rare) `henbane' [m o];
    belèna `fool, idiot' [f ā];
    blan (17th c.) `furibundus' [m o] \{5\}
    Slovene:
    blẹ̀n `henbane' [m o], blẹ́na [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    bljan `day-dream' [m o];
    blen `day-dream' [m o]
    Macedonian:
    blen (poet.) `(day-)dream' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰel-(e)n-o-
    IE meaning: henbane
    Page in Pokorny: 120
    Other cognates:
    OE beolone, beolene, belene `henbane' [f];
    OS bilene `henbane' [f];
    Dan. (early) bylne, buln-urt `henbane';
    Gaul. βελενουντίαν [Accs] `henbane';
    Gaul. BELENO [dsg] `name of a divinity' \{6\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Ru. belen- cannot reflect *beln-, which would regularly yield bolon-. \{2\} Alongside bielian. \{3\} Alongside bielun. \{4\} In Old Polish we find bleń, bielun, bieluń, bielon. According to Sɫawski (SP I: Q), blen is a borrowing from Czech. \{5\} Both blȇn and blȇm are rarely attested. The form with m can be traced to Stulli's dictionary. \{6\} Besides the n-stem *bʰel(e)no-, there was an s-stem *bʰel-es-, e.g. OHG bilisa, bilesa, bilsa [f], MDu. bilse, Spanish belesa, velesa, and probably W bela, bele, all meaning `henbane' (see Schrijver 1999).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > belena

  • 6 bolnъ

    bel(e)nъ; belená; bolnъ \{1\} \{2\} Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `henbane'
    Page in Trubačev: I 185-187; II 177
    Church Slavic:
    belenъ (RuCS) `henbane' [m o]
    Russian:
    belen (dial.) `henbane' [m o];
    belená `henbane' [f ā]
    Czech:
    blín `henbane' [m o];
    blim (dial.) `henbane' [m o]
    Old Czech:
    blén `henbane' [m o]
    Slovak:
    blen `henbane, bitterness' [m o] \{2\}
    Polish:
    blen `henbane' [m o] \{3\}
    Old Polish:
    bleń `henbane' [m jo] \{4\}
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blȇn (rare) `henbane' [m o];
    blȇm (rare) `henbane' [m o];
    belèna `fool, idiot' [f ā];
    blan (17th c.) `furibundus' [m o] \{5\}
    Slovene:
    blẹ̀n `henbane' [m o], blẹ́na [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    bljan `day-dream' [m o];
    blen `day-dream' [m o]
    Macedonian:
    blen (poet.) `(day-)dream' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰel-(e)n-o-
    IE meaning: henbane
    Page in Pokorny: 120
    Other cognates:
    OE beolone, beolene, belene `henbane' [f];
    OS bilene `henbane' [f];
    Dan. (early) bylne, buln-urt `henbane';
    Gaul. βελενουντίαν [Accs] `henbane';
    Gaul. BELENO [dsg] `name of a divinity' \{6\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Ru. belen- cannot reflect *beln-, which would regularly yield bolon-. \{2\} Alongside bielian. \{3\} Alongside bielun. \{4\} In Old Polish we find bleń, bielun, bieluń, bielon. According to Sɫawski (SP I: Q), blen is a borrowing from Czech. \{5\} Both blȇn and blȇm are rarely attested. The form with m can be traced to Stulli's dictionary. \{6\} Besides the n-stem *bʰel(e)no-, there was an s-stem *bʰel-es-, e.g. OHG bilisa, bilesa, bilsa [f], MDu. bilse, Spanish belesa, velesa, and probably W bela, bele, all meaning `henbane' (see Schrijver 1999).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bolnъ

  • 7 děti

    I. děti I Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `do, say'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 229-230
    Old Church Slavic:
    dějati `do, say' [verb], dějǫ [1sg];
    děti sę `get to, disappear' [verb], deždǫ sę [1sg] \{1\};
    -děti `do, say' [verb], -dějǫ [1sg], -deždǫ [1sg], -děnǫ [1sg]
    Russian:
    det' `put, place' [verb], dénu [1sg];
    déjat' (dial.) `do, make' [verb], déju [1sg]
    Czech:
    díti (obs.) `speak' [verb]
    Old Czech:
    dieti `do' [verb], děju [1sg], dějěš [2sg];
    dieti `speak, say' [verb], diem [1sg], dieš [2sg] \{1\}
    Polish:
    dziać `weave, knit (arch.), do' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    djȅti `do, say' [verb], djȅdēm [1sg], djȅnēm [1sg];
    djȅsti (Vuk) `do, say' [verb], djȅdēm [1sg], djȅnēm [1sg]
    Slovene:
    dẹjáti `do, say' [verb], dẹ̑jem [1sg];
    dẹjáti `place, put, do, say' [verb], dẹ̑m [1sg];
    dẹjáti `place, put' [verb], dẹ́nem [1sg], dę́nem [1sg];
    dẹ́ti `place, put, do, say' [verb], dẹ̑m [1sg]
    Lithuanian:
    dė́ti `lay, put' [verb], dẽda [3ps];
    dė́ti (OLith.) `lay, put' [verb], desti [3ps]
    Latvian:
    dêt `lay (eggs)' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dʰeh₁-
    Page in Pokorny: 235
    Other cognates:
    Skt. dádhāti `put, place, make' [verb];
    Gk. τίθημι `to put down, to ground, to create' [verb];
    Lat. fē-cī `to make' [1sgpfa];
    OHG tuon `to do' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} The SJS gives děti sę, 1sg. deždǫ sę, 2sg. deždeši sę (Hilf., Venc.). The latter text does not belong to the Old Church Slavic canon. The quoted passages do not show that the present stem dežd- occurs in Hilf. \{2\} In his Old Czech dictionary, Gebauer has děti, děju `do' and děti, děju `speak, say'. In his Czech historical grammar (III.2: 228), however, he says that deju `I speak' is not attested and claims that the attested 1sg. diem is an innovation.
    II. děti II Grammatical information: Nompf. Proto-Slavic meaning: `children'
    Page in Trubačev: V 14
    Old Church Slavic:
    děti `children' [Nompf]
    Russian:
    déti `children' [Nom p]
    Czech:
    děti `children' [Nom p]
    Slovak:
    deti `children' [Nom p]
    Polish:
    dzieci `children' [Nom p]
    Slovincian:
    ʒìe̯cä `children' [Nom p]
    Bulgarian:
    déti (dial.) `children' [Nom p]
    Page in Pokorny: 241
    Comments: A derivative of the root * dʰeh₁-, cf. Latv. dę̂ls `son', dêt `suck'. The singular *dětь is hardly attested. The common singular of the word for `child' is -> *dětę, wehere the suffix *-t- was enlarged with the suffix *-ę < *- ent-, which is frequent in designations of young living creatures.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. fētus `birth, foetus, offspring'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > děti

  • 8 dyxati

    dyxati Proto-Slavic meaning: `breathe'
    Page in Trubačev: V 199
    Old Church Slavic:
    dyxati `breathe, blow' [verb]
    Russian:
    dýchat' (dial.) `rest, breathe' [verb]
    Czech:
    dýchati `breathe' [verb]
    Slovak:
    dýchat' `breathe' [verb]
    Polish:
    dychać (arch., coll.) `breathe' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    díhati `breathe, blow' [verb], dȋšēm [1sg], dȋhām [1sg];
    Čak. dȉhati (Vrgada) `breathe, blow' [verb], dȉšeš [2sg] \{1\};
    Čak. dȉhat (Orbanići) `breathe' [verb], dȋšen [1sg]
    Slovene:
    díhati `breathe, blow' [verb], dȋham [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    díšam `breathe' [verb]
    Lithuanian:
    dūsúoti `breathe, heavily' [verb]
    Page in Pokorny: 268
    Notes:
    \{1\} According to Jurišić's dictionary, the form in the Vrgada dialect is a "riječ nova".

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dyxati

  • 9 dъxъ

    dъxъ Grammatical information: m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `breathing, breath'
    Page in Trubačev: V 178
    Old Church Slavic:
    dъxъ `breathing, breath, smell' [m o]
    Russian:
    dox (dial.) `rest' [m o]
    Czech:
    dech `breathing, breath' [m o]
    Slovak:
    dech (dial.) `breath' [m o]
    Polish:
    dech `breath' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dȃh `breathing, breath' [m o];
    Čak. då̑h (Vrgada) `breathing, breath' [m o], då̑ha [Gens];
    Čak. dȃh (Orbanići) `breath' [m o], dȃha [Gens]
    Slovene:
    dàh `breathing, breath' [m o];
    dáh `breathing, breath' [m o] \{1\}
    Bulgarian:
    dăx `breathing, breath' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: duṣos
    Lithuanian:
    dùsas `short breath, asthma' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dʰus-o-
    Page in Pokorny: 268
    Other cognates:
    Go. dius `wild animal' [n]
    Notes:
    \{1\} Both forms are absent from Pleteršnik's dictionary.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dъxъ

  • 10 mě̑xъ

    mě̑xъ; měšъkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `bag (made from skin)'
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 156-159, 220-221
    Old Church Slavic:
    měxъ `wine-skin' [m o]
    Russian:
    mex `fur, (dial.) bag' [m o], méxa [Gens], mexá [Nom p] \{1\};
    mešók `bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]
    Czech:
    měch `bag, net' [m o];
    míšek `purse, small bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]
    Slovak:
    mech `bag' [m o]
    Polish:
    miech `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Slovincian:
    mjìex `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    měch `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȉjeh `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȉjeha [Gens];
    Čak. mȋh (Vrgada) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȋha [Gens];
    Čak. mȋh (Novi) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o];
    Čak. miȇh (Vrgada) `bellows, bag-pipes' [m o], miȇhe [Locs]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑h `fur, wine-skin, bellows, leather bag' [m o/u], mẹ̑ha [Gens], mẹhȗ [Gens];
    mẹ̑šǝk `small bellows' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    mjax `bellows, bag made from skin' [m o];
    mex `bellows, bag made from skin' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: moiṣós
    Lithuanian:
    maĩšas `bag, sack' [m o] 4 \{2\}
    Latvian:
    màiss `bag' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    moasis (EV) `bellows'
    Indo-European reconstruction: moiso-
    IE meaning: ram
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 747
    Comments: I feel that we should not attach too much importance to De Vries's observation that with respect to Germanic it is unwarranted to start from an original meaning `Tragkorb aus Fell' (1962: 382). In fact, the same would apply to the Baltic forms. I consider the semantic similarity between, for instance, Lith. maĩšas `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz' (note that the meaning `net' is also attested in Slavic), OIc. heymeiss `hay-sack' and Eng. (dial.) maiz `large, light hay-basket' sufficient evidence for the etymological identity of the Germanic and the Balto-Slavic forms. MoIr. moais `bag, hamper', moaiseog `wicker basket' is doubtless a borrowing from Germanic.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meṣá- `ram'
    ;
    OIc. meiss `basket'
    ;
    OHG meisa `pannier'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The plural noun mexí means `fur bag, wine-skin'. \{2\} Friedrich Kurschat's dictionary (1883) mentions the more specific meaning `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mě̑xъ

  • 11 měšъkъ

    mě̑xъ; měšъkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `bag (made from skin)'
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 156-159, 220-221
    Old Church Slavic:
    měxъ `wine-skin' [m o]
    Russian:
    mex `fur, (dial.) bag' [m o], méxa [Gens], mexá [Nom p] \{1\};
    mešók `bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]
    Czech:
    měch `bag, net' [m o];
    míšek `purse, small bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]
    Slovak:
    mech `bag' [m o]
    Polish:
    miech `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Slovincian:
    mjìex `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    měch `bag, bellows' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȉjeh `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȉjeha [Gens];
    Čak. mȋh (Vrgada) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȋha [Gens];
    Čak. mȋh (Novi) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o];
    Čak. miȇh (Vrgada) `bellows, bag-pipes' [m o], miȇhe [Locs]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑h `fur, wine-skin, bellows, leather bag' [m o/u], mẹ̑ha [Gens], mẹhȗ [Gens];
    mẹ̑šǝk `small bellows' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    mjax `bellows, bag made from skin' [m o];
    mex `bellows, bag made from skin' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: moiṣós
    Lithuanian:
    maĩšas `bag, sack' [m o] 4 \{2\}
    Latvian:
    màiss `bag' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    moasis (EV) `bellows'
    Indo-European reconstruction: moiso-
    IE meaning: ram
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 747
    Comments: I feel that we should not attach too much importance to De Vries's observation that with respect to Germanic it is unwarranted to start from an original meaning `Tragkorb aus Fell' (1962: 382). In fact, the same would apply to the Baltic forms. I consider the semantic similarity between, for instance, Lith. maĩšas `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz' (note that the meaning `net' is also attested in Slavic), OIc. heymeiss `hay-sack' and Eng. (dial.) maiz `large, light hay-basket' sufficient evidence for the etymological identity of the Germanic and the Balto-Slavic forms. MoIr. moais `bag, hamper', moaiseog `wicker basket' is doubtless a borrowing from Germanic.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meṣá- `ram'
    ;
    OIc. meiss `basket'
    ;
    OHG meisa `pannier'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The plural noun mexí means `fur bag, wine-skin'. \{2\} Friedrich Kurschat's dictionary (1883) mentions the more specific meaning `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > měšъkъ

  • 12 morà

    morà Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `nightly spirit, nightmare'
    Page in Trubačev: XIX 211-214
    Church Slavic:
    mora ( SerbCS) `sorceress' [f ā]
    Russian:
    móra (dial.) `mythological female creature, ghost, darkness' [m/f ā] \{1\}
    Ukrainian:
    móra (dial.) `nightmare, house-spirit' [f ā]
    Czech:
    můra \{4\} `nightmare, mythological creature that suffocates people in their sleep, moth' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    mora, mura `demonical mythological creature that torments people in their sleep' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mora (dial.) `nightly spirit that attacks people and horses in their sleep, nightly apparition, nightmare' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    mùora (dial.) `nightmare, its female personification' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mòra `nightmare' [f ā] \{2\};
    Čak. Morȁ (Orbanići) `[personified] nightmare, female phantom (appears early in the morning, walks with the sound of a cat tripping;
    makes a habit of sitting on people's throats and nearly suffocating them' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    móra `nightmare, owl' [f ā] \{3\}
    Bulgarian:
    morá `nightmare' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: mor-eh₂
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 735-736
    Comments: The image of a (female) ghost who induces nightmares is apparently common to Slavic, Germanic and, possibly, Celtic. The root of this creature's name is unclear. Pokorny assumes a connection with *mer- `aufreiben, reiben; packen, rauben', which is not entirely convincing. For a discussion of the relationship between *mora and *mara, see s.v. *mara.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. mara `nightmare' [f];
    OE mare `nightmare' [f];
    OIr. mor-rígain `goddess of the battlefield, female demon' [f] \{5\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} The noun also occurs in Ru. kikímora m/f `house-sprite that spins at night'. \{2\} The folkloristic belief that the mora is an evil female creature (witch, sorceress) is mentioned in Karadžić's dictionary (cf. the form from Orbanići). \{3\} There is a variant mȏra `nightmare, house-spirit, creature that at night suffocates people in their sleep and harms animals' ( Slovar slovenskega jezika II: 238. \{4\} In dialects, we find a variant mora.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > morà

  • 13 ȍlkъtь

    ȍlkъtь; ȍlkъtъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `elbow, ell'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 65-67
    Old Church Slavic:
    lakъtь `elbow, ell' [m i], lakъte [Gens] \{2\}
    Russian:
    lókot' `elbow, ell' [m jo], lóktja [Gens]
    Czech:
    loket `elbow, ell' [m (j)o]
    Slovak:
    lakot' `elbow, ell' [m (j)o]
    Polish:
    ɫokieć `elbow, ell' [m jo]
    Upper Sorbian:
    ɫochć `elbow' [m jo];
    ɫóchć (dial.) `elbow' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȃkat `elbow, ell' [m o], lākta [Gens];
    Čak. lȁkat (Vrgada) `elbow, ell' [m o], lȁhta [Gens];
    Čak. lȁkat (Novi) `elbow, ell' [m o], lȁhta [Gens];
    Čak. lȃkat (Orbanići) `elbow, armlength, yard (measure)' [m o], lȃhta [Gens]
    Slovene:
    lakȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], laktà [Gens], laktȗ [Gens], lahtà [Gens], lahtȗ [Gens];
    lakȃt `elbow, ell' [f i], laktȋ [Gens], lahtȋ [Gens];
    lahȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], lahtȗ [Gens];
    lakǝ̀t `elbow, ell' [m o], laktà [Gens];
    lákǝt `elbow, ell' [m o];
    lǝkȃt `elbow, ell' [f i], lǝhtȋ [Gens];
    lǝkȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], lǝhtȗ [Gens];
    lèhǝt `elbow' [m o], lǝ̀hta [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    lákăt `elbow, ell' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: Hol-k-
    Lithuanian:
    alkū́nė `elbow' [f ē] 1;
    elkū́nė (arch., dial.) `elbow' [f ē] 1 \{3\}
    Latvian:
    ę̀lks `elbow, bend' [m o];
    ę̀lkuons `elbow, bend' [m o] \{4\}
    Old Prussian:
    alkunis (EV) `elbow'
    Indo-European reconstruction: HHolkuti- \{1\}
    IE meaning: elbow
    Comments: The e- of the East Baltic forms may be another instance of "Rozwadowski's change". The somewhat awkward reconstruction *HHol- (*HH₃el-) is required by the acute intonation of Lith. úolektis, Latv. uôlekts `ell' < *HoHl- (*HeH₃l-), cf. OPr. woaltis `forearm', woaltis `ell', ὠλένη `elbow, forearm'. If one subscribes to the view that a lengthened grade vowel yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, *(H)ōl- is the obvious reconstruction.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ολέκρα̑νος `point of the elbow'
    ;
    Lat. ulna `elbow' [f];
    OIr. uilen `elbow' [f];
    OHG elina `ell' [f];
    Arm. oɫn `spine, shoulder'
    Notes:
    \{1\} *HH₃elkuti seems also possible. \{2\} In some case forms OCS lakъtь is inflected as a consonant stem. In the modern languages *ȍlkъtь has adopted the pattern of the jo- or o-stems. \{3\} The LKŽ has elkū̃nė instead of elkū́nė, even though one of the sources mentioned - F. Kurschat's dictionary - actually has an acute. \{4\} Also ę̀lkuonis, ę̀lkuone, ę̀lkūne2.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȍlkъtь

  • 14 ȍlkъtъ

    ȍlkъtь; ȍlkъtъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `elbow, ell'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 65-67
    Old Church Slavic:
    lakъtь `elbow, ell' [m i], lakъte [Gens] \{2\}
    Russian:
    lókot' `elbow, ell' [m jo], lóktja [Gens]
    Czech:
    loket `elbow, ell' [m (j)o]
    Slovak:
    lakot' `elbow, ell' [m (j)o]
    Polish:
    ɫokieć `elbow, ell' [m jo]
    Upper Sorbian:
    ɫochć `elbow' [m jo];
    ɫóchć (dial.) `elbow' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȃkat `elbow, ell' [m o], lākta [Gens];
    Čak. lȁkat (Vrgada) `elbow, ell' [m o], lȁhta [Gens];
    Čak. lȁkat (Novi) `elbow, ell' [m o], lȁhta [Gens];
    Čak. lȃkat (Orbanići) `elbow, armlength, yard (measure)' [m o], lȃhta [Gens]
    Slovene:
    lakȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], laktà [Gens], laktȗ [Gens], lahtà [Gens], lahtȗ [Gens];
    lakȃt `elbow, ell' [f i], laktȋ [Gens], lahtȋ [Gens];
    lahȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], lahtȗ [Gens];
    lakǝ̀t `elbow, ell' [m o], laktà [Gens];
    lákǝt `elbow, ell' [m o];
    lǝkȃt `elbow, ell' [f i], lǝhtȋ [Gens];
    lǝkȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], lǝhtȗ [Gens];
    lèhǝt `elbow' [m o], lǝ̀hta [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    lákăt `elbow, ell' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: Hol-k-
    Lithuanian:
    alkū́nė `elbow' [f ē] 1;
    elkū́nė (arch., dial.) `elbow' [f ē] 1 \{3\}
    Latvian:
    ę̀lks `elbow, bend' [m o];
    ę̀lkuons `elbow, bend' [m o] \{4\}
    Old Prussian:
    alkunis (EV) `elbow'
    Indo-European reconstruction: HHolkuti- \{1\}
    IE meaning: elbow
    Comments: The e- of the East Baltic forms may be another instance of "Rozwadowski's change". The somewhat awkward reconstruction *HHol- (*HH₃el-) is required by the acute intonation of Lith. úolektis, Latv. uôlekts `ell' < *HoHl- (*HeH₃l-), cf. OPr. woaltis `forearm', woaltis `ell', ὠλένη `elbow, forearm'. If one subscribes to the view that a lengthened grade vowel yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, *(H)ōl- is the obvious reconstruction.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ολέκρα̑νος `point of the elbow'
    ;
    Lat. ulna `elbow' [f];
    OIr. uilen `elbow' [f];
    OHG elina `ell' [f];
    Arm. oɫn `spine, shoulder'
    Notes:
    \{1\} *HH₃elkuti seems also possible. \{2\} In some case forms OCS lakъtь is inflected as a consonant stem. In the modern languages *ȍlkъtь has adopted the pattern of the jo- or o-stems. \{3\} The LKŽ has elkū̃nė instead of elkū́nė, even though one of the sources mentioned - F. Kurschat's dictionary - actually has an acute. \{4\} Also ę̀lkuonis, ę̀lkuone, ę̀lkūne2.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȍlkъtъ

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