-
1 element
элемент, стихияоснова -
2 prvina
-
3 bě̑sъ
bě̑sъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `demon'Page in Trubačev: II 88-91Old Church Slavic:běsъ `demon' [m o]Russian:Czech:běs `demon' [m o]Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:bȉjes `demon' [m o];Čak. bȋs `demon' [m o], bȋsa [Gens]Slovene:bẹ̑s `demon' [m o]Bulgarian:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: boiʔsósLithuanian:baisùs `terrible' [adj u]Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: bʰoiHdʰ-so-Page in Pokorny: 161Comments: Since both Slavic and Baltic point to BSl. *s instead of *ṣ, it has been suggested that the root of this etymon was * bʰoiHdʰ-, cf. Lat. foedus `repulsive, terrible, disgraceful' (cf. Pedersen 1895). An extension of the root is also found in Lith. baidýti, Latv. baĩdît `scare', but it is uncertain if this *d, which may be identified with * dʰh₁- `put' and is part of a productive suffix (cf. OPr. pobaiint `punish'), is the same element.Other cognates: -
4 blě̑dъ
blě̑dъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `pale'Page in Trubačev: II 111-112Old Church Slavic:blědъ `pale' [adj o]Russian:bledój (dial.) `pale' [adj o];blëdyj (dial.) `pale' [adj o]Ukrainian:blidýj `pale' [adj o]Czech:bledý `pale' [adj o]Slovak:bledý `pale' [adj o]Polish:Slovincian:bladḯ `pale' [adj o]Upper Sorbian:blědy `pale, bright' [adj o]Lower Sorbian:blědy `pale' [adj o]Serbo-Croatian:blȉjed `pale' [adj o], blijèda [Nomsf];Čak. blȋd (Vrgada) `pale' [adj o], blīdȁ [Nomsf], blȋdo [Nomsn];Čak. bliȇt (Orbanići) `pale' [adj o], bliedȁ [Nomsf]Slovene:blẹ̑d `pale' [adj o]Bulgarian:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bloiʔd-(u̯)ó-Lithuanian:blaĩvas `whitish, blue, sober' [adj o] 4Indo-European reconstruction: bʰloid-(u̯)o-Page in Pokorny: 160Comments: In view of Winter's law, we would expect to find traces of a glottalic element in Balto-Slavic. The accentuation of Lith. blaivas - the Proto-Slavic form is mobile and therefore inconclusive - offers no evidence for an original acute, however. Pokorny's reconstruction *bhlǝido-s is impossible for Slavic and *bhleh₂ido-s is incompatible with the mobile accentuation of the adjective in Balto-Slavic.Other cognates: -
5 dàti
dàti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `give'Page in Trubačev: IV 194-195Old Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:dáti `give' [verb]Old Czech:dáti `give' [verb], dám [1sg], dáš [2sg], dádie [3pl]Slovak:dáti (OSlk.) `give' [verb];Polish:Serbo-Croatian:dȁti `give' [verb], dȃm [1sg], dámo [1pl];Čak. dȁti (Vrgada) `give' [verb], då̃š [2sg], då̑dȅš [2sg];Čak. dȁt (Orbanići) `give' [verb], dãn [1sg], dāmȍ [1pl]Slovene:dáti `give' [verb], dám [1sg]Bulgarian:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: doʔtei; doʔd-mi [1sg]Lithuanian:dúoti `give' [verb]Latvian:Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: deh₃-; didh₃-IE meaning: givePage in Pokorny: 223Comments: In the reduplicated present the first element became acute as a result of Winter's law.Other cognates:Skt. dádāti `give' [verb]; -
6 děl̨a
děl̨a; děl̨ьma; děl̨a; dьl̨a Grammatical information: prep. Proto-Slavic meaning: `because of'Page in Trubačev: IV 234-235Old Church Slavic:děl̨a `because of' [postp];děl̨ьma `because of' [postp]Russian:Ukrainian:diljá (dial.) `for, because of, therefore' [prep]Old Czech:Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:Slovene:dẹ̀lj `because of' [prep]Lithuanian:dė̃l `because of' [prep]Latvian:dēl̨ `because of' [prep]Page in Pokorny: 235Other cognates:This etymon cannot be separated from -> *dě̀lo, cf. Lat. causā `because of'. The form *děl̨a seems to be a petrified Isg., whilel *dělьma is an Idu. The presence of an element *-j- is unexpected. -
7 děl̨ьma
děl̨a; děl̨ьma; děl̨a; dьl̨a Grammatical information: prep. Proto-Slavic meaning: `because of'Page in Trubačev: IV 234-235Old Church Slavic:děl̨a `because of' [postp];děl̨ьma `because of' [postp]Russian:Ukrainian:diljá (dial.) `for, because of, therefore' [prep]Old Czech:Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:Slovene:dẹ̀lj `because of' [prep]Lithuanian:dė̃l `because of' [prep]Latvian:dēl̨ `because of' [prep]Page in Pokorny: 235Other cognates:This etymon cannot be separated from -> *dě̀lo, cf. Lat. causā `because of'. The form *děl̨a seems to be a petrified Isg., whilel *dělьma is an Idu. The presence of an element *-j- is unexpected. -
8 děl̨a
děl̨a; děl̨ьma; děl̨a; dьl̨a Grammatical information: prep. Proto-Slavic meaning: `because of'Page in Trubačev: IV 234-235Old Church Slavic:děl̨a `because of' [postp];děl̨ьma `because of' [postp]Russian:Ukrainian:diljá (dial.) `for, because of, therefore' [prep]Old Czech:Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:Slovene:dẹ̀lj `because of' [prep]Lithuanian:dė̃l `because of' [prep]Latvian:dēl̨ `because of' [prep]Page in Pokorny: 235Other cognates:This etymon cannot be separated from -> *dě̀lo, cf. Lat. causā `because of'. The form *děl̨a seems to be a petrified Isg., whilel *dělьma is an Idu. The presence of an element *-j- is unexpected. -
9 dьl̨a
děl̨a; děl̨ьma; děl̨a; dьl̨a Grammatical information: prep. Proto-Slavic meaning: `because of'Page in Trubačev: IV 234-235Old Church Slavic:děl̨a `because of' [postp];děl̨ьma `because of' [postp]Russian:Ukrainian:diljá (dial.) `for, because of, therefore' [prep]Old Czech:Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:Slovene:dẹ̀lj `because of' [prep]Lithuanian:dė̃l `because of' [prep]Latvian:dēl̨ `because of' [prep]Page in Pokorny: 235Other cognates:This etymon cannot be separated from -> *dě̀lo, cf. Lat. causā `because of'. The form *děl̨a seems to be a petrified Isg., whilel *dělьma is an Idu. The presence of an element *-j- is unexpected. -
10 dъždžь
dъždžь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `rainstorm, rain'Page in Trubačev: V 195-197Old Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:déšt' `rain' [m jo];Old Czech:Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:deżdż `rain' [m jo], dżdżu [Gens]Slovincian:dẽi̯šč `rain' [m jo]Upper Sorbian:dešć `rain' [m jo]Serbo-Croatian:dȃžd (Vuk: SW dial.) `rain' [m o], dà̀žda [Gens];dȁžd (Dubr.) `rain' [m o], dàžda;dȁžd (Prčanj) `rain' [m o], daždȁ [Gens];Čak. dȁž (Vrgada) `rain' [m jo], dažȁ;Čak. dãš (Orbanići) `rain' [m jo], dajžȁ `rain' [Gens], dažljȁ [Gens]Slovene:dǝ̀ž `rain' [m jo], dǝžjà `rain' [Gens]Bulgarian:dăžd `rain' [m o]Indo-European reconstruction: dus-diu-(s)Page in Pokorny: 227+184Comments: Watkins (1991: 175-176) argues that the basic meaning `rainstorm', attested in OCS, is in agreement with Skt. durdina- < * dus-di-n- explains why the compound contains the element * dus- `bad'. In this way he challenges the view that Trubetzkoy's and Vaillant's etymology cannot be correct because to the farmer rain is beneficial.Other cognates: -
11 edìnъ
edìnъ; edьnъ Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `one'Page in Trubačev: VI 11-13Old Church Slavic:Russian:odín `one' [num o], odnogó [Gens], odná [Nomsf]Czech:Polish:Old Polish:Slovincian:jȧ̃dĕn `one' [num o]Serbo-Croatian:jèdan `one' [num o], jȅdna [Nomsf];Čak. jedå̃n (Vrgada) `one' [num o], jednȁ [Nomsf], jednȍ [Nomsn];Čak. jedãn (Orbanići) `one, some, a certain, a' [num o], jenȁ [Nomsf], jenȍ [Nomsn]Slovene:edín `only, lonesome' [num o];jedín `only, lonesome' [num o];édǝn `one' [num o];jédǝn `one' [num o];èn `one' [num o]Bulgarian:edín `one' [num. o]Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-HiH-no-IE meaning: oneCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 284, 286Comments: In view of Ru. odín, Gsg. odnogó etc., the form *jedьnь must be due to analogy. The vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called "tense jer": in strong postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour might be linked to the j of *jьnъ. Though the j, which before words beginning with a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *jedinъ/jedьnъ, it is conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jьnъ. The problem with this hypothesis is that forms with *jn- < *jьn appear to be lacking. Andersen's reconstruction *edeino- next to *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *jed- < *(h₁)edʰ- is unclear. Pokorny's reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter's law.Notes: -
12 edьnъ
edìnъ; edьnъ Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `one'Page in Trubačev: VI 11-13Old Church Slavic:Russian:odín `one' [num o], odnogó [Gens], odná [Nomsf]Czech:Polish:Old Polish:Slovincian:jȧ̃dĕn `one' [num o]Serbo-Croatian:jèdan `one' [num o], jȅdna [Nomsf];Čak. jedå̃n (Vrgada) `one' [num o], jednȁ [Nomsf], jednȍ [Nomsn];Čak. jedãn (Orbanići) `one, some, a certain, a' [num o], jenȁ [Nomsf], jenȍ [Nomsn]Slovene:edín `only, lonesome' [num o];jedín `only, lonesome' [num o];édǝn `one' [num o];jédǝn `one' [num o];èn `one' [num o]Bulgarian:edín `one' [num. o]Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-HiH-no-IE meaning: oneCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 284, 286Comments: In view of Ru. odín, Gsg. odnogó etc., the form *jedьnь must be due to analogy. The vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called "tense jer": in strong postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour might be linked to the j of *jьnъ. Though the j, which before words beginning with a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *jedinъ/jedьnъ, it is conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jьnъ. The problem with this hypothesis is that forms with *jn- < *jьn appear to be lacking. Andersen's reconstruction *edeino- next to *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *jed- < *(h₁)edʰ- is unclear. Pokorny's reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter's law.Notes: -
13 elьcь
elьcь Grammatical information: m. jo Proto-Slavic meaning: `dace'Page in Trubačev: VI 22-23Russian:eléc `dace' [m jo], el'cá [Gens]Ukrainian:jaléc' `bleak' [m jo]Czech:Slovak:Polish:Kashubian:i̯el `a fish' [m jo??]Lower Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:jálac `dace' [m jo];Indo-European reconstruction: eliko-Certainty: -Page in Pokorny: 302-304Comments: As Trubačëv observes (VI: 305), the semantics of Pokorny's root *el- are capacious and complex. In my opinion, there is little evidence for a root *el- `light-coloured'. It is tempting to seek a connection between *jelьcь and OHG alunt `ide'. Pokorny identifies what is presumedly the root of the latter word with the first element of *albʰo- `white' and links it to *el-. Since the fish-names under discussion refer to shining, whitish species, this is semantically unproblematic. Nevertheless, it seems quite possible that the root *al/el (Slavic *el as a result of Rozwadowski's change?) originates from a substratum language. -
14 ešče
ešče Grammatical information: adv. Proto-Slavic meaning: `still, yet'Page in Trubačev: VI 32-33Old Church Slavic:Russian:eščë `still, yet' [adv];Czech:ještě `still, yet' [adv]Old Czech:Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:jȍšt(e) `still, yet' [adv];Čak. jošćȅ (Vrgada) `still, yet' [adv];Čak. jȍš (Orbanići) `still, yet' [adv]Slovene:šè `still, yet' [adv];ščè `still, yet' [adv];íšče `still, yet' [adv]Bulgarian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₁eske(h₁)Other cognates:Skt. áchā `to' [prep., pvb.];Arm. c` `to, till' [prep.] \{2\}Notes:\{1\} In Russian dialects forms with e- occur alongside forms with o-. This variation is already found in Old Russian. \{2\} Forms such as SCr. jȍšte, Bulg. (dial.) jóšte and Sln. (dial.) išče result from the accretion of *i `and'. The *o-variants in this word are attested in a remarkably large area. The alternative etymologies contain a deictic element *edʰ- or *et- (see ESSJa s.v.). -
15 màkъ
màkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `poppy'Page in Trubačev: XVII 149-151Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:mák `poppy' [m o]Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:mȁk `poppy' [m o], mȁka [Gens], màka [Gens];Čak. mȁk (Vrgada) `poppy' [m o], makȁ [Gens]Slovene:màk `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]Bulgarian:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ?Lithuanian:aguonà `poppy' [f ā] 2;mãguonė (dial.) `poppy' [f ē] 1 \{1\}Latvian:Old Prussian:IE meaning: poppyCertainty: -Page in Pokorny: 698Comments: The Germanic forms show grammatischer Wechsel as well as an alternation *ā: a. The vocalism, which could reflect PIE *eh₁: h₁, does not match the ā of the Greek and the Slavic forms, which leads us to assume that the vowel alternation arose when at a comparatively late stage the root māk- was borrowed into Germanic (cf. Kluge 1989, 484). The Lithuanian and Latvian forms are usually considered borrowings from Germanic, whereas OPr. moke may have been borrowed from Polish. The Estonian and Livonian forms must be borrowings from Baltic, probably Latvian. It is generally agreed upon that ultimately we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European (Mediterranean?) origin.Other cognates:Dor. μά̑κων `poppy' [f];Notes:\{1\} Besides, we find the variants maguona and magūna. The forms with m are restricted to the area around Klaipėda. \{2\} I have found the variants magùona2, magana, magane and magūne. \{3\} The initial m of the word for `poppy' was apparently lost in Lithuanian but not in Latvian. The Lithuanian dialect forms with m- may be due to the influence of the (Latvian) language of the fishermen of the Couronian Isthmus (cf. Būga RR III: 320). Sabaliauskas suggests dissimilatory loss of m, parallel to the loss of r in arotai: rarotai, akrūtas: rakrūtas, Latv. ruodere: uodere, ūk̨eris (1960, 71-72). \{4\} The first element means `sleep', cf. Nw. dial. vale `deep sleep', Sw. dial. valbjörn `Schlafdorn'. -
16 netopyr'ь
netopyr'ь Grammatical information: m. jo Proto-Slavic meaning: `bat'Page in Trubačev: XXIV 143-145Church Slavic:Russian:netopýr' `bat' [m jo], netopyrjá [Gens];nétopyr' (dial.) `bat' [m jo]Ukrainian:netopýr `bat' [m o]Czech:netopýr `bat' [m o]Old Czech:netopýř `bat' [m o]Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:Upper Sorbian:njetopyŕ `bat' [m o]Slovene:netopír `bat' [m jo], netopírja [Gens] \{1\}Comments: What makes this etymon interesting, is the fact that it may contain * neto- < *nekwto- `night', with e-grade as in Hitt. nekuz `at night'. Vaillant (Gr. I: 83, IV: 655) reconstructs original o-grade, however. The second element is often interpreted as * pyrь `flier', with a lengthened zero grade (-> * pariti, * pьrati). A reanalysis * ne-topyrь seems only possible for East Slavic (Ru. ne `not', topýrit' `bristle'). According to Vaillant (l.c.), * pyrь has replaced original * pirь under the influence of the suffix *- yrь, which originated in borrowings from Greek (cf. Ru. psaltýr').Notes:\{1\} Pleteršnik mentions a large number of variants: natopír, nadopę́r, matopír, matofír, letopír, latopír, dopír, dupír, nadopir (Meg. 1744). -
17 rębika
rębika; rębina Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `rowan tree'Russian:rjabíka (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā];rjabína `rowan tree' [f ā]Ukrainian:rjabýna (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:Slovene:rebíka `rowan tree' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ri(m)ʔb-;; ru(m)ʔb-Lithuanian:ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;irbẽnis `snowball-tree' [m io]Latvian:ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];irbęnājs `snowball-tree' [m o];Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-Certainty: -Page in Pokorny: 334Comments: Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. ráibas, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (= Ukr. ribyj?) probably belongs here as well. The i: u alternation in the root and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis must have been secondarily shortened because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'.Other cognates:OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{1\} -
18 rębina
rębika; rębina Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `rowan tree'Russian:rjabíka (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā];rjabína `rowan tree' [f ā]Ukrainian:rjabýna (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:Slovene:rebíka `rowan tree' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ri(m)ʔb-;; ru(m)ʔb-Lithuanian:ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;irbẽnis `snowball-tree' [m io]Latvian:ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];irbęnājs `snowball-tree' [m o];Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-Certainty: -Page in Pokorny: 334Comments: Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. ráibas, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (= Ukr. ribyj?) probably belongs here as well. The i: u alternation in the root and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis must have been secondarily shortened because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'.Other cognates:OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{1\} -
19 rębь
rębь; rębъkъ Grammatical information: m. jo??; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `hazel-grouse, partridge'Russian:rjabók (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [m o] \{1\}Slovene:rę̑b `partridge' [m o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: re/imbo-Lithuanian:ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;jerubė̃, jerumbė̃ (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [f ē] 3bLatvian:ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-o-Certainty: -Page in Pokorny: 334Other cognates:OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{2\}Notes:\{1\} Cf. rjábčik (the Standard Russian form), rjábuška and rjábec or rjabéc `hazel-grouse', rjábka `partridge' (Dal' s.v. rjabyj). The form rjabéc also means `trout'. \{2\} Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- and contain u but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. raibas 3/4, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (Ukr. ribyj?) may belong here as well. The e: eu alternation and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ etc.) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis poses a problem because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'. -
20 rębъkъ
rębь; rębъkъ Grammatical information: m. jo??; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `hazel-grouse, partridge'Russian:rjabók (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [m o] \{1\}Slovene:rę̑b `partridge' [m o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: re/imbo-Lithuanian:ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;jerubė̃, jerumbė̃ (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [f ē] 3bLatvian:ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-o-Certainty: -Page in Pokorny: 334Other cognates:OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{2\}Notes:\{1\} Cf. rjábčik (the Standard Russian form), rjábuška and rjábec or rjabéc `hazel-grouse', rjábka `partridge' (Dal' s.v. rjabyj). The form rjabéc also means `trout'. \{2\} Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- and contain u but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. raibas 3/4, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (Ukr. ribyj?) may belong here as well. The e: eu alternation and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ etc.) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis poses a problem because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'.
См. также в других словарях:
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Element maximal — Élément maximal Sommaire 1 Définition 2 Exemples 3 Notions connexes 4 Voir aussi // … Wikipédia en Français
Élément minimal — Élément maximal Sommaire 1 Définition 2 Exemples 3 Notions connexes 4 Voir aussi // … Wikipédia en Français