Перевод: со словенского на английский

с английского на словенский

could

  • 1 bě̄dà

    bě̄dà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `need, poverty, misery'
    Page in Trubačev: II 54-56
    Old Church Slavic:
    běda `distress, need, necessity' [f ā]
    Russian:
    bedá `misfortune, trouble' [f ā]
    Czech:
    bída `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    běda `woe!' [interj]
    Slovak:
    bieda `poverty, calamity' [f ā]
    Polish:
    bieda `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    biada `woe!' [interj]
    Old Polish:
    biada `distress, necessity' [f ā] \{1\}
    Upper Sorbian:
    běda `grief, woe, misery' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    běda `grief, pain' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bijèda `grief, misfortune' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    bẹ́da `misery' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    bedá `misfortune, misery' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰoidʰ-eh₂ \{2\}
    IE meaning: force
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 117
    Comments: According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds.
    Other cognates:
    Alb. be `oath' [f] \{2\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} The vocalism of Modern Polish bieda `id.' is of Mazowian origin, cf. biada `woe!'. \{2\} According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds. \{3\} Demiraj prefers *bʰeidʰ-i-s to an ā-stem (1997: 94).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bě̄dà

  • 2 ȁsenь

    ȁsenь; ȁsenъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `ash-tree'
    Page in Trubačev: I 79-80
    Russian:
    jásen' `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Czech:
    jasan `ash-tree' [m o];
    jasaň (dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jesen (obs.) `ash-tree' [m o];
    jeseň (dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Slovak:
    jaseň `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Polish:
    jesion `ash-tree' [m o];
    jasień (arch., S. dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jesień (arch.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jasion (arch., S. dial.) `ash-tree' [m o] \{1\}
    Old Polish:
    jasień `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃sȯu̯n `ash-tree' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jaseń `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȁsēn `ash-tree' [m o], jȁsena [Gens];
    Čak. jȁsen (Vrgada) `ash-tree' [m o], jȁsena [Gens];
    Čak. jȅsēn (Novi) `ash-tree' [m o];
    Čak. jȅsen (Orbanići) `(European) ash (tree)' [m o], jȅsena [Gens]
    Slovene:
    jásen `ash-tree' [m o], jasẹ́na [Gens];
    jésen `ash-tree' [m o], jesẹ́na [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    jásen `ash-tree' [m o];
    ósen (N.) `ash-tree' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: oʔs-en-; oʔs-i-o-
    Lithuanian:
    úosis `ash-tree' [m io] 1
    Latvian:
    uôsis `ash-tree' [m io]
    Old Prussian:
    woasis (EV) `ash-tree'
    Indo-European reconstruction: Heh₃-s-
    IE meaning: ash-tree
    Comments: In view of the Baltic forms as well as Ru. ja- ( je- > ja- is common in West Slavic and western South Slavic but not in East Slavic), we must reconstruct *oʔs- < *Heh₃-s- for Balto-Slavic. Unless the West and South Slavic forms with je-/o- continue ja- (cf. Sɫawski SP I: 159), Slavic also offers evidence for the elsewhere in Indo-European widely attested stem shape *Hh₃es. The e-vocalism could be considered an example of Rozwadowski's change (see Andersen 1996).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. ornus `mountain-ash' [f];
    OIr. uinnius `ash-tree'
    ;
    OIc. askr `ash-tree'
    ;
    OHG asc `ash-tree'
    ;
    Arm. hac'i `ash-tree';
    Alb. ah `beech'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Standard Polish form jesion originates from the Mazowian dialect area (Bańkowski 2000: 588).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȁsenь

  • 3 ȁsenъ

    ȁsenь; ȁsenъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `ash-tree'
    Page in Trubačev: I 79-80
    Russian:
    jásen' `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Czech:
    jasan `ash-tree' [m o];
    jasaň (dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jesen (obs.) `ash-tree' [m o];
    jeseň (dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Slovak:
    jaseň `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Polish:
    jesion `ash-tree' [m o];
    jasień (arch., S. dial.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jesień (arch.) `ash-tree' [m jo];
    jasion (arch., S. dial.) `ash-tree' [m o] \{1\}
    Old Polish:
    jasień `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃sȯu̯n `ash-tree' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jaseń `ash-tree' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȁsēn `ash-tree' [m o], jȁsena [Gens];
    Čak. jȁsen (Vrgada) `ash-tree' [m o], jȁsena [Gens];
    Čak. jȅsēn (Novi) `ash-tree' [m o];
    Čak. jȅsen (Orbanići) `(European) ash (tree)' [m o], jȅsena [Gens]
    Slovene:
    jásen `ash-tree' [m o], jasẹ́na [Gens];
    jésen `ash-tree' [m o], jesẹ́na [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    jásen `ash-tree' [m o];
    ósen (N.) `ash-tree' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: oʔs-en-; oʔs-i-o-
    Lithuanian:
    úosis `ash-tree' [m io] 1
    Latvian:
    uôsis `ash-tree' [m io]
    Old Prussian:
    woasis (EV) `ash-tree'
    Indo-European reconstruction: Heh₃-s-
    IE meaning: ash-tree
    Comments: In view of the Baltic forms as well as Ru. ja- ( je- > ja- is common in West Slavic and western South Slavic but not in East Slavic), we must reconstruct *oʔs- < *Heh₃-s- for Balto-Slavic. Unless the West and South Slavic forms with je-/o- continue ja- (cf. Sɫawski SP I: 159), Slavic also offers evidence for the elsewhere in Indo-European widely attested stem shape *Hh₃es. The e-vocalism could be considered an example of Rozwadowski's change (see Andersen 1996).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. ornus `mountain-ash' [f];
    OIr. uinnius `ash-tree'
    ;
    OIc. askr `ash-tree'
    ;
    OHG asc `ash-tree'
    ;
    Arm. hac'i `ash-tree';
    Alb. ah `beech'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Standard Polish form jesion originates from the Mazowian dialect area (Bańkowski 2000: 588).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȁsenъ

  • 4 badli

    badli Grammatical information: m. ī Proto-Slavic meaning: `enchanter, healer, physician'
    Page in Trubačev: I 150
    Old Church Slavic:
    balii `physician' [m iā];
    bali (Cloz.) `physician' [m iā] \{1\}
    Church Slavic:
    bali (OSln.: FrD) `healer, Saviour' [m iā]
    Old Russian:
    balii `physician, enchanter' [m iā];
    balija `physician, enchanter' [m iā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰeh₂-dʰl-
    IE meaning: enchanter
    Page in Pokorny: 105
    Comments: There is no direct evidence for a suffix *dʰl-ьji-, but the form bali from the Freising Fragments could be regarded as counter-evidence, as dl is regularly retained in this dialect, cf. modliti. It is not impossible, however, that bali is of Church Slavic origin. Trubačëv bases his reconstructions *badlьji and *badlovati chiefly on derivatives of the type of OCz. předlí `spinster', švadlí `needlewoman'. According to the ESSJa (I 137-138), further evidence for a suffix *-dʰl- is provided by SCr. bȁjalo m. `sorcerer', Ru. dial. bájala m.f. `talker, chatterer, story-teller', which may be transformations of *badlьji. Meillet's idea (1902-1905: I 417) that * bali is based on a derivative in -l- deserves consideration.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Cf. balovanije `treatment', balьstvo `cure, medicine'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > badli

  • 5 blekъ

    blekъ Grammatical information: m. o
    Page in Trubačev: II 109
    Czech:
    blek `bleating' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    blek `henbane' [m o];
    blik `henbane' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blȇk `bleating' [m o]
    Slovene:
    blę́k `flock (of sheep)' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    blek (dial.) `henbane' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰlek-o-
    Page in Pokorny: 157
    Comments: The semantic connection between *blek(ot)ъ as the name of various poisonous plants and *blekotъ `chatter, chatterer' is the fact that particularly henbane may cause a delirium, cf. Ru. (dial.) belenít'sja `become infuriated', SCr. belèna `fool' from *belena `henbane', or the Polish expression brodzi, jakby się blekotu (`fool's parsley') objadɫ, which equals Cz. jako by se blínu napil. I am inclined to consider the verbs *blekati `chatter, mutter, bleat' and *blekotati derivatives of *blekъ and *blekotъ rather than vice versa (pace Trubačëv). The development of a meaning `bleat' may have been favoured by the onomatopoeic qualities of the root. Alternatively, we could distinguish a separate onomatopoeic root *blek- `bleat' or even separate *blek- `henbane' from *blek- `chatter, mutter'. Pokorny erroneously classifies Ru. blëkotъ `fool's parsley' under *bʰleiq- `shine'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > blekъ

  • 6 bỳstrъ

    bỳstrъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `quick'
    Page in Trubačev: III 153-154
    Old Church Slavic:
    bystrъ `quick' [adj o]
    Russian:
    býstryj `quick' [adj o]
    Czech:
    bystrý `quick, sharp-witted' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    bystrý `quick, sharp-witted' [adj o]
    Polish:
    bystry `quick, sharp-witted' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bȉstar `clear, transparent, quick' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    bístǝr `quick, vivacious, transparent' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    bístăr `clear, transparent' [adj o]
    Page in Pokorny: 146
    Comments: Attempts have been made to connect *bỳstrъ with -> bъ̀drъ `cheerful, lively', which derives from PIE * bʰudʰ-. This etymology fails to provide an explanation for the acute *y, however. We could assume that the root is simply * by- `be', but in that case the origin of the the suffix would be unclear. In my opinion, it is not unattractive to assume a connection with Skt. bhū́ṣati `support, be active for assume, strengthen', the root of which is probably an s-enlargement of * bʰu- `be'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bỳstrъ

  • 7 dъnò

    dъnò Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bottom'
    Page in Trubačev: V 174-175
    Old Church Slavic:
    dъno `bottom' [n o]
    Russian:
    dno `bottom' [n o]
    Czech:
    dno `bottom' [n o]
    Polish:
    dno `bottom' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dnȍ `bottom' [n o];
    Čak. dnȍ (Vrgada, Orbanići) `bottom' [n o]
    Slovene:
    dnọ̀ `bottom' [n o]
    Bulgarian:
    dắno `bottom, floor' [n o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: dubno
    Lithuanian:
    dùgnas `bottom' [m o] 4
    Indo-European reconstruction: dʰubʰ-no-
    Certainty: -
    Comments: The Slavic vacillation between root-final *b and *p does not have a Baltic counterpart. In East Baltic, however, the full grade * daub- occurs both with acute and circumflex tone, e.g. Latv. duôbjš `deep'. The acute variant could be attributed to Winter's law, which would be in accordance with PGm. * deupa- `deep'< * dʰeub-, but this would leave us without an explanation for the other forms. The many formal problems connected with this root have made it a prime example of a borrowing from a substratum language (cf. Kuiper 1995).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dъnò

  • 8 gnǫšati

    gnǫšati Grammatical information: v.
    Page in Trubačev: VI 182
    Old Church Slavic:
    gnǫšati sę (Supr.) `be filled with aversion, abhor' [verb], gnǫšǫ [1sg] \{1\}
    Certainty: -
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form gnǫšaaše sę `were filled with aversion' [3sgimpf] could also belong to a verb gnǫsiti sę.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > gnǫšati

  • 9 gnusiti

    gnusiti Grammatical information: v.
    Page in Trubačev: VI 182
    Russian:
    gnusít' (dial.) `abhor' [verb]
    Czech:
    hnusiti `oppress, fill with disgust' [verb]
    Slovak:
    hnusit' `make dirty, repulsive' [verb]
    Polish:
    gnusić się (dial.) `dawdle, loiter' [verb]
    Old Polish:
    gnusić `be slow' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    gnúsiti `make dirty, repulsive' [verb]
    Slovene:
    gnúsiti `make repulsive, defile, loathe' [verb], gnúsim [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    gnusjá se `loathe' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} This form could also belong to gnǫšati sę.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > gnusiti

  • 10 klěščiti

    klěščiti Grammatical information: v.
    Page in Trubačev: X 22-23
    Czech:
    kleštiti `castrate' [verb];
    klestiti `prune, clear, castrate' [verb]
    Old Czech:
    klestiti `castrate' [verb], klešču [1sg]
    Slovak:
    klieštit' `castrate' [verb]
    Polish:
    kleścić (dial.) `castrate' [verb], kleszczę [1sg], kleścisz [2sg];
    kleszczyc (1902) `castrate' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    klijèštiti `squeeze' [verb]
    Comments: Apparently a derivative of -> *klěšča. The ESSJa suggests that forms reflecting * klestiti are analogical after * pustiti, 1sg. *puščǫ. This may very well be correct, but it should be noted that the West Slavic forms with *- šč-, which could be analogical after the present stem or the noun *klěšča, are comparatively recent.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > klěščiti

  • 11 màkъ

    màkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `poppy'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 149-151
    Church Slavic:
    makъ `poppy' [m o]
    Russian:
    mak `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]
    Czech:
    mák `poppy' [m o]
    Slovak:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Polish:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁk `poppy' [m o], mȁka [Gens], màka [Gens];
    Čak. mȁk (Vrgada) `poppy' [m o], makȁ [Gens]
    Slovene:
    màk `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    mak `poppy' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ?
    Lithuanian:
    aguonà `poppy' [f ā] 2;
    mãguonė (dial.) `poppy' [f ē] 1 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    maguône `poppy' [f ē] \{2\} \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    moke (EV) `poppy' [f]
    IE meaning: poppy
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 698
    Comments: The Germanic forms show grammatischer Wechsel as well as an alternation *ā: a. The vocalism, which could reflect PIE *eh₁: h₁, does not match the ā of the Greek and the Slavic forms, which leads us to assume that the vowel alternation arose when at a comparatively late stage the root māk- was borrowed into Germanic (cf. Kluge 1989, 484). The Lithuanian and Latvian forms are usually considered borrowings from Germanic, whereas OPr. moke may have been borrowed from Polish. The Estonian and Livonian forms must be borrowings from Baltic, probably Latvian. It is generally agreed upon that ultimately we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European (Mediterranean?) origin.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. μήκων `poppy' [f];
    Dor. μά̑κων `poppy' [f];
    OHG māho `poppy'
    ;
    OHG mago `poppy'
    ;
    OS magosāmo `poppyseed'
    ;
    OS mēcopin (Königsberg) `poppy'
    ;
    OSw. valmoghe `poppy'
    \{4\};
    Est. magun `poppy;
    Liv. maggon `poppy'
    Notes:
    \{1\} Besides, we find the variants maguona and magūna. The forms with m are restricted to the area around Klaipėda. \{2\} I have found the variants magùona2, magana, magane and magūne. \{3\} The initial m of the word for `poppy' was apparently lost in Lithuanian but not in Latvian. The Lithuanian dialect forms with m- may be due to the influence of the (Latvian) language of the fishermen of the Couronian Isthmus (cf. Būga RR III: 320). Sabaliauskas suggests dissimilatory loss of m, parallel to the loss of r in arotai: rarotai, akrūtas: rakrūtas, Latv. ruodere: uodere, ūk̨eris (1960, 71-72). \{4\} The first element means `sleep', cf. Nw. dial. vale `deep sleep', Sw. dial. valbjörn `Schlafdorn'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > màkъ

  • 12 mělь

    mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168
    Old Church Slavic:
    měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]
    Russian:
    mel' `sand-bank, shoal' [f i];
    mel `chalk' [m o]
    Czech:
    měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];
    měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];
    měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]
    Old Czech:
    měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]
    Polish:
    miaɫ, mieɫ (dial.) `dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    miel `sand-bank' [f i];
    miaɫ `finely ground substance' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];
    mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-
    Lithuanian:
    smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    smēlis `fine sand' [m io] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 717
    Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. melr (dial.) `sand-bank'
    ;
    Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank'
    ;
    Sw. smula `chunk'
    ;
    Nw. smola (dial.) `smash' [verb];
    Nw. smol (dial.) `dust'
    \{3\} \{4\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mělь

  • 13 mělъ

    mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168
    Old Church Slavic:
    měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]
    Russian:
    mel' `sand-bank, shoal' [f i];
    mel `chalk' [m o]
    Czech:
    měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];
    měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];
    měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]
    Old Czech:
    měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]
    Polish:
    miaɫ, mieɫ (dial.) `dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    miel `sand-bank' [f i];
    miaɫ `finely ground substance' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];
    mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-
    Lithuanian:
    smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    smēlis `fine sand' [m io] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 717
    Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. melr (dial.) `sand-bank'
    ;
    Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank'
    ;
    Sw. smula `chunk'
    ;
    Nw. smola (dial.) `smash' [verb];
    Nw. smol (dial.) `dust'
    \{3\} \{4\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mělъ

  • 14 sъdòrvъ

    sъdòrvъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `healthy'
    Old Church Slavic:
    sъdravъ `healthy' [adj o]
    Russian:
    zdoróvyj `healthy' [adj o];
    zdoróv `healthy' [adj o], zdorová [Nomsf], zdorovó [Nomsn] \{1\}
    Old Russian:
    zdorovъ `healthy' [adj o];
    storovъ (Novg.) `healthy' [adj o]
    Czech:
    zdravý `healthy' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    zdravý `healthy' [adj o]
    Polish:
    zdrowy `healthy' [adj o]
    Old Polish:
    strowy (Gn.) `healthy' [adj o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    strowy `healthy' [adj o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    strowy `healthy' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    zdrȁv `healthy' [adj o];
    Čak. zdrå̃v `healthy' [adj o], zdrȁva [Nomsf], zdravȁ [Nomsf];
    Čak. zdrãf `healthy' [adj o], zdrȁva [Nomsf], zdrȁvo [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    zdràv `healthy' [adj o], zdráva [Nomsf]
    Bulgarian:
    zdrav `healthy' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁su-dʰor-uo-
    Comments: A reconstruction *h₁su-dor(H)uo- - with the root of * dervo - would leave us with the problem why Winter's law did not affect the first member of the compound, cf. Lith. sū́drus `thick, dense'. It seems to me that Meillet's etymology (1902-1905: 364), according to which * sъdravъ is cognate with Skt. dhruvá- `firm, solid' and Av. druua- `in good health' is preferable. To explain the prosodic characteristics of the noun one could posit a seṭ variant *dʰorH- (cf. Le Feuvre 2006: 240-241), but this is not necessary, as *sъdòrvъ may originate from *sъ̀dorvъ as a result of Dybo's law, cf. Ru. ogoród `kitchen-garden'.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. dhruvá- `fixed, firm' [adj];
    Av. druua- `healthy' [adj]
    Notes:
    \{1\} AP (a) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 133).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > sъdòrvъ

См. также в других словарях:

  • could — [ weak kəd, strong kud ] modal verb *** Could is usually followed by an infinitive without to : I m glad you could come. Sometimes it is used without a following infinitive: I came as quickly as I could. Could does not change its form, so the… …   Usage of the words and phrases in modern English

  • could — W1S1 [kəd strong kud] modal v negative short form couldn t ▬▬▬▬▬▬▬ 1¦(past ability)¦ 2¦(possibility)¦ 3¦(emphasizing your feelings)¦ 4¦(requesting)¦ 5¦(suggesting)¦ 6¦(annoyance)¦ 7 couldn t be better/worse/more pleased etc 8 I couldn t …   Dictionary of contemporary English

  • could — [kood] v.aux. [altered (infl. by WOULD, SHOULD) < ME coud < OE cuthe (akin to Goth kuntha, OHG konda, ON kunna), pt. of cunnan, to be able: see CAN1] 1. pt. of CAN1 [he gave what he could give] 2 …   English World dictionary

  • could — modal auxiliary. 1. See can. It functions as (1) the past tense of can, as in We could see for miles, (2) as a conditional equivalent to would be able to, as in I could take you in the car if you like, and (3) as a more tentative form of can in… …   Modern English usage

  • Could — (k??d), imp. of {Can}. [OF. coude. The l was inserted by mistake, under the influence of should and would.] Was, should be, or would be, able, capable, or susceptible. Used as an auxiliary, in the past tense or in the conditional present. [1913… …   The Collaborative International Dictionary of English

  • could've — [kood′əv] contraction could have * * * …   Universalium

  • could've — (could have) v. used to express the possibility that one may have been able to do something …   English contemporary dictionary

  • could — could; could·est; …   English syllables

  • could've — [kood′əv] contraction could have …   English World dictionary

  • could|n't — «KUD uhnt», could not …   Useful english dictionary

  • could — O.E. cuðe, pt. of cunnan to be able (see CAN (Cf. can) (v.)); ending changed 14c. to standard English d(e). The excrescent l was added 15c. 16c. on model of would, should, where it is historical …   Etymology dictionary

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