Перевод: со словенского на английский

с английского на словенский

cannot

  • 1 bě̄dà

    bě̄dà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `need, poverty, misery'
    Page in Trubačev: II 54-56
    Old Church Slavic:
    běda `distress, need, necessity' [f ā]
    Russian:
    bedá `misfortune, trouble' [f ā]
    Czech:
    bída `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    běda `woe!' [interj]
    Slovak:
    bieda `poverty, calamity' [f ā]
    Polish:
    bieda `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    biada `woe!' [interj]
    Old Polish:
    biada `distress, necessity' [f ā] \{1\}
    Upper Sorbian:
    běda `grief, woe, misery' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    běda `grief, pain' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bijèda `grief, misfortune' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    bẹ́da `misery' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    bedá `misfortune, misery' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰoidʰ-eh₂ \{2\}
    IE meaning: force
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 117
    Comments: According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds.
    Other cognates:
    Alb. be `oath' [f] \{2\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} The vocalism of Modern Polish bieda `id.' is of Mazowian origin, cf. biada `woe!'. \{2\} According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds. \{3\} Demiraj prefers *bʰeidʰ-i-s to an ā-stem (1997: 94).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bě̄dà

  • 2 borzdà

    borzdà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `furrow'
    Page in Trubačev: II 220
    Old Church Slavic:
    brazda `furrow' [f ā]
    Russian:
    borozdá `furrow, (dial.) harrow, canal' [f ā]
    Czech:
    brázda `furrow' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    brázda `furrow' [f ā]
    Polish:
    bruzda `furrow' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    bḁ́řḍă `furrow' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    brózda `furrow' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    brozda `furrow' [f ā];
    brůzda (dial.) `furrow' [f ā];
    brou̯zda (dial.) `furrow' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    brázda `furrow, (dial.) canal' [f ā];
    Čak. bråzdȁ (Vrgada) `furrow' [f ā];
    Čak. brāzdȁ (Orbanići) `furrow, row (of potatoes etc., planted in one furrow)' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovene:
    brázda `furrow, wrinkle' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    brazdá `furrow' [f ā];
    brezdá `furrow' [f ā]
    Macedonian:
    brazdá `furrow, irrigation canal, wrinkle' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    bir̃žė `sign (out of straws or twigs) that marks the boundary of the sowed land, furrow' [f ē] 2 \{2\}
    Latvian:
    bìrze `furrow' [f ē]
    Comments: The reconstruction * bʰrs-d(ʰ)-, which would enable a connection with Skt. bhr̥ṣṭí- f. (RV) `point, top, spike, tooth', cannot account for the Baltic forms.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. bhr̥ṣṭí-
    Notes:
    \{1\} More common is the i-stem brȃs, Gsg. brāzdȉ. \{2\} The original accentuation of this word cannot be established. In Lithuanian, we find biržė 1/2/4 and biržis 1/2/3/4. In Latvian, bìrze, bir̃ze and biȓze are attested.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > borzdà

  • 3 mьglà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьglà

  • 4 mьgà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьgà

  • 5 miglъ

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > miglъ

  • 6 bel(e)nъ

    bel(e)nъ; belená; bolnъ \{1\} \{2\} Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `henbane'
    Page in Trubačev: I 185-187; II 177
    Church Slavic:
    belenъ (RuCS) `henbane' [m o]
    Russian:
    belen (dial.) `henbane' [m o];
    belená `henbane' [f ā]
    Czech:
    blín `henbane' [m o];
    blim (dial.) `henbane' [m o]
    Old Czech:
    blén `henbane' [m o]
    Slovak:
    blen `henbane, bitterness' [m o] \{2\}
    Polish:
    blen `henbane' [m o] \{3\}
    Old Polish:
    bleń `henbane' [m jo] \{4\}
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blȇn (rare) `henbane' [m o];
    blȇm (rare) `henbane' [m o];
    belèna `fool, idiot' [f ā];
    blan (17th c.) `furibundus' [m o] \{5\}
    Slovene:
    blẹ̀n `henbane' [m o], blẹ́na [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    bljan `day-dream' [m o];
    blen `day-dream' [m o]
    Macedonian:
    blen (poet.) `(day-)dream' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰel-(e)n-o-
    IE meaning: henbane
    Page in Pokorny: 120
    Other cognates:
    OE beolone, beolene, belene `henbane' [f];
    OS bilene `henbane' [f];
    Dan. (early) bylne, buln-urt `henbane';
    Gaul. βελενουντίαν [Accs] `henbane';
    Gaul. BELENO [dsg] `name of a divinity' \{6\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Ru. belen- cannot reflect *beln-, which would regularly yield bolon-. \{2\} Alongside bielian. \{3\} Alongside bielun. \{4\} In Old Polish we find bleń, bielun, bieluń, bielon. According to Sɫawski (SP I: Q), blen is a borrowing from Czech. \{5\} Both blȇn and blȇm are rarely attested. The form with m can be traced to Stulli's dictionary. \{6\} Besides the n-stem *bʰel(e)no-, there was an s-stem *bʰel-es-, e.g. OHG bilisa, bilesa, bilsa [f], MDu. bilse, Spanish belesa, velesa, and probably W bela, bele, all meaning `henbane' (see Schrijver 1999).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bel(e)nъ

  • 7 belena

    bel(e)nъ; belená; bolnъ \{1\} \{2\} Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `henbane'
    Page in Trubačev: I 185-187; II 177
    Church Slavic:
    belenъ (RuCS) `henbane' [m o]
    Russian:
    belen (dial.) `henbane' [m o];
    belená `henbane' [f ā]
    Czech:
    blín `henbane' [m o];
    blim (dial.) `henbane' [m o]
    Old Czech:
    blén `henbane' [m o]
    Slovak:
    blen `henbane, bitterness' [m o] \{2\}
    Polish:
    blen `henbane' [m o] \{3\}
    Old Polish:
    bleń `henbane' [m jo] \{4\}
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blȇn (rare) `henbane' [m o];
    blȇm (rare) `henbane' [m o];
    belèna `fool, idiot' [f ā];
    blan (17th c.) `furibundus' [m o] \{5\}
    Slovene:
    blẹ̀n `henbane' [m o], blẹ́na [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    bljan `day-dream' [m o];
    blen `day-dream' [m o]
    Macedonian:
    blen (poet.) `(day-)dream' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰel-(e)n-o-
    IE meaning: henbane
    Page in Pokorny: 120
    Other cognates:
    OE beolone, beolene, belene `henbane' [f];
    OS bilene `henbane' [f];
    Dan. (early) bylne, buln-urt `henbane';
    Gaul. βελενουντίαν [Accs] `henbane';
    Gaul. BELENO [dsg] `name of a divinity' \{6\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Ru. belen- cannot reflect *beln-, which would regularly yield bolon-. \{2\} Alongside bielian. \{3\} Alongside bielun. \{4\} In Old Polish we find bleń, bielun, bieluń, bielon. According to Sɫawski (SP I: Q), blen is a borrowing from Czech. \{5\} Both blȇn and blȇm are rarely attested. The form with m can be traced to Stulli's dictionary. \{6\} Besides the n-stem *bʰel(e)no-, there was an s-stem *bʰel-es-, e.g. OHG bilisa, bilesa, bilsa [f], MDu. bilse, Spanish belesa, velesa, and probably W bela, bele, all meaning `henbane' (see Schrijver 1999).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > belena

  • 8 bolnъ

    bel(e)nъ; belená; bolnъ \{1\} \{2\} Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `henbane'
    Page in Trubačev: I 185-187; II 177
    Church Slavic:
    belenъ (RuCS) `henbane' [m o]
    Russian:
    belen (dial.) `henbane' [m o];
    belená `henbane' [f ā]
    Czech:
    blín `henbane' [m o];
    blim (dial.) `henbane' [m o]
    Old Czech:
    blén `henbane' [m o]
    Slovak:
    blen `henbane, bitterness' [m o] \{2\}
    Polish:
    blen `henbane' [m o] \{3\}
    Old Polish:
    bleń `henbane' [m jo] \{4\}
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blȇn (rare) `henbane' [m o];
    blȇm (rare) `henbane' [m o];
    belèna `fool, idiot' [f ā];
    blan (17th c.) `furibundus' [m o] \{5\}
    Slovene:
    blẹ̀n `henbane' [m o], blẹ́na [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    bljan `day-dream' [m o];
    blen `day-dream' [m o]
    Macedonian:
    blen (poet.) `(day-)dream' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰel-(e)n-o-
    IE meaning: henbane
    Page in Pokorny: 120
    Other cognates:
    OE beolone, beolene, belene `henbane' [f];
    OS bilene `henbane' [f];
    Dan. (early) bylne, buln-urt `henbane';
    Gaul. βελενουντίαν [Accs] `henbane';
    Gaul. BELENO [dsg] `name of a divinity' \{6\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Ru. belen- cannot reflect *beln-, which would regularly yield bolon-. \{2\} Alongside bielian. \{3\} Alongside bielun. \{4\} In Old Polish we find bleń, bielun, bieluń, bielon. According to Sɫawski (SP I: Q), blen is a borrowing from Czech. \{5\} Both blȇn and blȇm are rarely attested. The form with m can be traced to Stulli's dictionary. \{6\} Besides the n-stem *bʰel(e)no-, there was an s-stem *bʰel-es-, e.g. OHG bilisa, bilesa, bilsa [f], MDu. bilse, Spanish belesa, velesa, and probably W bela, bele, all meaning `henbane' (see Schrijver 1999).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bolnъ

  • 9 brьdnǫti

    brьdnǫti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `wade'
    Page in Trubačev: III 67
    Czech:
    břednouti `melt, (obs.) wade' [verb]
    Slovak:
    bŕdnut' `wade, roam' [verb]
    Polish:
    brnąć `wade' [verb]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bird-
    Lithuanian:
    brìsti `wade' [verb], breñda [3sg], brìdo [3sgprt]
    Latvian:
    brist `wade' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰrdʰ-
    IE meaning: wade
    Page in Pokorny: 164
    Comments: One would have suspected *bьrdnǫti, but Cz. břednouti points to *brьd. Apparently the zero grade of the root was influenced by the full grade of other forms. Likewise, Proto-East Baltic *bristi must have ousted *birsti < *bʰrdʰ-ti on the analogy of forms with full grade. How old the metathesis actually is, cannot be determined.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > brьdnǫti

  • 10 čadъ

    čadъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a? c? Proto-Slavic meaning: `smoke, fumes'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 9-10
    Russian:
    čad `fumes, intoxication' [m o], čáda [Gens]
    Czech:
    čad `fumes' [m o]
    Polish:
    czad `fumes, soot' [m o]
    Slovincian:
    čåu̯d `smoke, fumes' [m o], čãdu̇ [Gens]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    čȁd (RJA: 17th-18th c.) `fumes, soot' [m o]
    Slovene:
    čȃd `smoke, fumes' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: k(ʷ)ēd-o-
    Comments: The accent paradigm of * čadъ cannot be determined with certainty. Bogatyrev (1995: 29) slightly prefers (a) to (c). Since the etymology is also unclear, there are a number of possible reconstructions, e.g. * k(ʷ)ed-o-, k(ʷ)eh₁d(ʰ)-o- or - if AP (a) is secondary - k(ʷ)ēd(ʰ)-o-. See also -> *kādìti.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čadъ

  • 11 dȅvętь

    dȅvętь Grammatical information: num. i Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `nine'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 222-223
    Old Church Slavic:
    devętь `nine' [num i]
    Russian:
    dévjat' `nine' [num i], devjatí [Gens]
    Czech:
    devět `nine' [num]
    Slovak:
    devät' `nine' [num]
    Polish:
    dziewięć `nine' [num i]
    Slovincian:
    ʒìe̯vjinc `nine' [num]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dȅvēt `nine' [num];
    Čak. dȅvet (Vrgada, Orbanići) `nine' [num]
    Slovene:
    devę̑t `nine' [num]
    Bulgarian:
    dévet `nine' [num]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: deu̯in
    Lithuanian:
    devynì `nine' [num]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁neun
    IE meaning: nine
    Page in Pokorny: 318
    Comments: For Balto-Slavic one would expect *dou̯in, with *eu > *ou before a vowel. The e vocalism may have been reintroduced on the basis of the ordinal * deuno- prior to the development *eu > * iou before consonant (Hamp 1976, Kortlandt 1979: 57). The ordinal was later reshaped into *deu̯ino-. In view of OPr. newīnts `nine', it is possible that the numeral still had initial *n- at the end of the Balto-Slavic period, but German influence cannot be excluded.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. náva `nine' [num];
    Gk. ἐννέα `nine' [num];
    Lat. novem `nine' [num];
    Go. niun `nine' [num]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dȅvętь

  • 12 děl̨a

    děl̨a; děl̨ьma; děl̨a; dьl̨a Grammatical information: prep. Proto-Slavic meaning: `because of'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 234-235
    Old Church Slavic:
    děl̨a `because of' [postp];
    děl̨ьma `because of' [postp]
    Russian:
    dlja `for' [prep]
    Ukrainian:
    diljá (dial.) `for, because of, therefore' [prep]
    Old Czech:
    dle `because of' [prep]
    Polish:
    dla `for' [prep]
    Old Polish:
    dziela (Bogurodzica) `for' [prep]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dijel (arch.) `because of' [prep]
    Slovene:
    dẹ̀lj `because of' [prep]
    Lithuanian:
    dė̃l `because of' [prep]
    Latvian:
    dēl̨ `because of' [prep]
    Page in Pokorny: 235
    Other cognates:
    This etymon cannot be separated from -> *dě̀lo, cf. Lat. causā `because of'. The form *děl̨a seems to be a petrified Isg., whilel *dělьma is an Idu. The presence of an element *-j- is unexpected.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > děl̨a

  • 13 děl̨ьma

    děl̨a; děl̨ьma; děl̨a; dьl̨a Grammatical information: prep. Proto-Slavic meaning: `because of'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 234-235
    Old Church Slavic:
    děl̨a `because of' [postp];
    děl̨ьma `because of' [postp]
    Russian:
    dlja `for' [prep]
    Ukrainian:
    diljá (dial.) `for, because of, therefore' [prep]
    Old Czech:
    dle `because of' [prep]
    Polish:
    dla `for' [prep]
    Old Polish:
    dziela (Bogurodzica) `for' [prep]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dijel (arch.) `because of' [prep]
    Slovene:
    dẹ̀lj `because of' [prep]
    Lithuanian:
    dė̃l `because of' [prep]
    Latvian:
    dēl̨ `because of' [prep]
    Page in Pokorny: 235
    Other cognates:
    This etymon cannot be separated from -> *dě̀lo, cf. Lat. causā `because of'. The form *děl̨a seems to be a petrified Isg., whilel *dělьma is an Idu. The presence of an element *-j- is unexpected.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > děl̨ьma

  • 14 děl̨a

    děl̨a; děl̨ьma; děl̨a; dьl̨a Grammatical information: prep. Proto-Slavic meaning: `because of'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 234-235
    Old Church Slavic:
    děl̨a `because of' [postp];
    děl̨ьma `because of' [postp]
    Russian:
    dlja `for' [prep]
    Ukrainian:
    diljá (dial.) `for, because of, therefore' [prep]
    Old Czech:
    dle `because of' [prep]
    Polish:
    dla `for' [prep]
    Old Polish:
    dziela (Bogurodzica) `for' [prep]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dijel (arch.) `because of' [prep]
    Slovene:
    dẹ̀lj `because of' [prep]
    Lithuanian:
    dė̃l `because of' [prep]
    Latvian:
    dēl̨ `because of' [prep]
    Page in Pokorny: 235
    Other cognates:
    This etymon cannot be separated from -> *dě̀lo, cf. Lat. causā `because of'. The form *děl̨a seems to be a petrified Isg., whilel *dělьma is an Idu. The presence of an element *-j- is unexpected.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > děl̨a

  • 15 dьl̨a

    děl̨a; děl̨ьma; děl̨a; dьl̨a Grammatical information: prep. Proto-Slavic meaning: `because of'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 234-235
    Old Church Slavic:
    děl̨a `because of' [postp];
    děl̨ьma `because of' [postp]
    Russian:
    dlja `for' [prep]
    Ukrainian:
    diljá (dial.) `for, because of, therefore' [prep]
    Old Czech:
    dle `because of' [prep]
    Polish:
    dla `for' [prep]
    Old Polish:
    dziela (Bogurodzica) `for' [prep]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dijel (arch.) `because of' [prep]
    Slovene:
    dẹ̀lj `because of' [prep]
    Lithuanian:
    dė̃l `because of' [prep]
    Latvian:
    dēl̨ `because of' [prep]
    Page in Pokorny: 235
    Other cognates:
    This etymon cannot be separated from -> *dě̀lo, cf. Lat. causā `because of'. The form *děl̨a seems to be a petrified Isg., whilel *dělьma is an Idu. The presence of an element *-j- is unexpected.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dьl̨a

  • 16 dě̀va

    dě̀va Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `maiden, girl'
    Page in Trubačev: V 17-18
    Old Church Slavic:
    děva `virgin, maiden' [f ā]
    Russian:
    déva (obs.) `girl, maiden, (D.) The Virgin, Virgo' [f ā]
    Czech:
    děva `girl, maiden' [f ā];
    díva (dial.) `girl, maiden' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    deva `girl' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    djéva `girl, maiden' [f ā];
    Čak. Dȋva (Marȉja) (Vrgada) `The Virgin (Mary)' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovene:
    dẹ́va `maiden, virgin' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    déva `maiden, virgin' [f ā]
    Page in Pokorny: 241
    Other cognates:
    Gk. θη̃λυς `feminine' [adj];
    Lat. fēcundus `fertile' [adj]
    Notes:
    \{1\} The noun djéva seems to be a hypercoristic of djèvōjka (RJA II 449-450) and cannot be regarded as a direct continuation of *dě̀va. The RJA has also djȅv (18th c.) [f i] and djȅva `virgo', which do not belong to the living language. The status of the accentuation of these words is unclear to me.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dě̀va

  • 17 dȍma

    dȍma Grammatical information: adv. Proto-Slavic meaning: `at home'
    Page in Trubačev: V 66
    Old Church Slavic:
    doma `at home' [adv]
    Russian:
    dóma `at home' [adv]
    Czech:
    doma `at home' [adv]
    Slovak:
    doma `at home' [adv]
    Polish:
    doma (dial.) `at home' [adv]
    Old Polish:
    doma `at home' [adv]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dȍma `at home, home' [adv];
    Čak. dȍma (Vrgada, Orbanići) `at home, home' [adv]
    Slovene:
    domȃ `at home' [adv]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dom-ōu
    Page in Pokorny: 198
    Comments: The petrified case-form * doma cannot reflect a Lsg. * dom-ōu, which would have yielded * domu. A possible reconstruction is an Isg. * dom-oh₁ (cf. -> * vьčera), but we would not expect to find the old Isg. ending of the o-stems in an u-stem.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dȍma

  • 18 dojìti

    dojìti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `give milk, milk'
    Page in Trubačev: V 53-54
    Old Church Slavic:
    doiti `breast-feed, nurse' [verb], dojǫ [1sg]
    Russian:
    doít' `milk' [verb], dojú [1sg], doít [3sg];
    doít' (dial.) `give milk (cow), suckle (calf)' [verb]
    Czech:
    dojiti `milk' [verb]
    Slovak:
    dojit' `milk, give milk' [verb]
    Polish:
    doić `milk, (arch., dial. ) give milk' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dòjiti `breast-feed, suckle, give milk' [verb], dòjīm [1sg];
    Čak. dojȉti (Vrgada) `breast-feed, suckle, give milk' [verb], dojĩš [2sg];
    Čak. dojȉt (Orbanići) `suckle, breast-feed' [verb], dojĩ [3sg]
    Slovene:
    dojíti `breast-feed, give milk, milk' [verb], dojím [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    dojá `breast-feed, give milk, milk' [verb]
    Page in Pokorny: 241
    Comments: The straightfoward analysis * dʰoiH₁-eie meets with several difficulties. In the first place, one would rather expect * dʰoH₁i-eie in view of forms such as Latv. dêt `suck', where we are dealing with an unextended root. This reconstruction would yield * dajati, however. Skt. dáyati `suckle', has been analyzed as * dʰh₁-eie (see LIV: 142), where the same analysis is applied to OSw. dīa), but this reconstruction cannot account the Slavic form. Klingenschmitt (1982: 148) has suggested for both Slavic *dojìti and Go. daddjan that the formation is built on the present stem, i.e. *dʰ(h₁)éie gave rise to *dʰoi̯éi̯e.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. dháyati `suck' [verb];
    Go. daddjan `breast-feed' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dojìti

  • 19 dъždžь

    dъždžь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `rainstorm, rain'
    Page in Trubačev: V 195-197
    Old Church Slavic:
    dъždь `rain, rainstorm' [m jo]
    Russian:
    dožd' `rain' [m jo], doždjá `rain' [Gens]
    Czech:
    déšt' `rain' [m jo];
    dešt' `rain' [m jo]
    Old Czech:
    déšč `rain' [m jo], dšče [Gens]
    Slovak:
    dážd' `rain' [m jo], dažd'a [Gens]
    Polish:
    deszcz `rain' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    deżdż `rain' [m jo], dżdżu [Gens]
    Slovincian:
    dẽi̯šč `rain' [m jo]
    Upper Sorbian:
    dešć `rain' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dȃžd (Vuk: SW dial.) `rain' [m o], dà̀žda [Gens];
    dȁžd (Dubr.) `rain' [m o], dàžda;
    dȁžd (Prčanj) `rain' [m o], daždȁ [Gens];
    Čak. dȁž (Vrgada) `rain' [m jo], dažȁ;
    Čak. dãš (Orbanići) `rain' [m jo], dajžȁ `rain' [Gens], dažljȁ [Gens]
    Slovene:
    dǝ̀ž `rain' [m jo], dǝžjà `rain' [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    dăžd `rain' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dus-diu-(s)
    Page in Pokorny: 227+184
    Comments: Watkins (1991: 175-176) argues that the basic meaning `rainstorm', attested in OCS, is in agreement with Skt. durdina- < * dus-di-n- explains why the compound contains the element * dus- `bad'. In this way he challenges the view that Trubetzkoy's and Vaillant's etymology cannot be correct because to the farmer rain is beneficial.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. durdina- `rain, shower, rainy weather' [n];
    Gk. εὐδία `fair weather' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dъždžь

  • 20 eterъ

    eterъ Grammatical information: prn.
    Page in Trubačev: VIII 187
    Old Church Slavic:
    eterъ `some, someone' [prn o]
    Church Slavic:
    (j)eterъ (RuCS) `some, someone' [prn o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    wot(e)ry `another' [prn o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    wótery, wótary, wótory `some' [prn o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: io-tero-
    IE meaning: someone
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 283
    Comments: It cannot be decided whether this pronoun continues PIE *io-tero- or *h₁e-etero-, cf. Skt. yatará- `which of the two' vs. Av. atāra- `this one of the two'. The Sorbian forms may have been influenced by *vъtorъ `second'.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. yatará- `which of the two'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > eterъ

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См. также в других словарях:

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  • cannot — contraction can not. Usage Both the one word form cannot and the two word form can not are acceptable, but cannot is far more common. Reserve the two word form for constructions in which not is part of a set phrase, such as ‘not only … but… …   English new terms dictionary

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