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  • 21 ȅsenь

    ȅsenь Grammatical information: f. i Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `autumn'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 28-29
    Church Slavic:
    esenь (Const.) `autumn' [Accf i]
    Russian:
    ósen' `autumn' [f i];
    jésen' (Rjaz.) `autumn' [f i]
    Ukrainian:
    ósin' `autumn' [f i]
    Slovak:
    jeseň `autumn' [f i]
    Polish:
    jesień `autumn' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȅsēn `autumn' [f i];
    Čak. jȅsēn (Vrgada) `autumn' [f i];
    Čak. jȅsēn (Novi) `autumn' [f i];
    Čak. jȅsen (Orbanići) `autumn' [nd]
    Slovene:
    jesę́n `autumn' [f i]
    Bulgarian:
    jésen `autumn' [f i]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: es-eni-
    Old Prussian:
    assanis `autumn'
    IE meaning: summer, autumn
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 340
    Comments: If the root is indeed PIE *h₁s `to be', which would lead to a reconstruction *h₁os-en-, the e- of the Slavic forms as opposed to the *o- elsewhere (Old Prussian being inconclusive) may be an instance of ablaut or a result of "Rozwadowski's change".
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ὀπώρα, ὀπάρα (Lak.) `late summer, early autumn' [f];
    Go. asans `harvest time, summer' [f];
    OHG ar(a)n `harvest'
    ;
    Fi. kesä `summer'
    Notes:
    The e- of the Slavic forms as opposed to the *o- elsewhere (Old Prussian being unclear) may be an instance of ablaut or a result of "Rozwadowski's change", but it must be said that the etymology is unclear. The Greek forms may reflect *οσαρᾱ, which would point to an r/n-stem.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȅsenь

  • 22 kazati

    kazati Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `show'
    Page in Trubačev: IX 168-171
    Old Church Slavic:
    kazati `show' [verb], kažǫ [1sg]
    Russian:
    kazát' `show' [verb], kažú [1sg], kážet [3sg]
    Czech:
    kázati `teach, judge' [verb]
    Slovak:
    kázat' `rule, order, teach' [verb]
    Polish:
    kazać `bid, order, let' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    kázati `say, tell, show' [verb], kȃžēm [1sg];
    Čak. kå̑zȁti (Vrgada) `say, tell, show' [verb], kå̃žeš [2sg];
    Čak. kāzȁt (Orbanići) `show, point' [verb], kãžen [1sg]
    Slovene:
    kázati `show' [verb], kážem [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    káža `say, show' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: kʷoǵ-??

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > kazati

  • 23 matorъ

    matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 244-249
    Church Slavic:
    matorъ `old' [adj o]
    Russian:
    matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];
    materój `full-grown' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    matǫ́r `old' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-
    IE meaning: mother
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. mātūrus `ripe, mature, premature' [adj];
    Lat. mānus `good' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > matorъ

  • 24 materъ

    matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 244-249
    Church Slavic:
    matorъ `old' [adj o]
    Russian:
    matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];
    materój `full-grown' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    matǫ́r `old' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-
    IE meaning: mother
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. mātūrus `ripe, mature, premature' [adj];
    Lat. mānus `good' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > materъ

  • 25 mělь

    mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168
    Old Church Slavic:
    měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]
    Russian:
    mel' `sand-bank, shoal' [f i];
    mel `chalk' [m o]
    Czech:
    měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];
    měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];
    měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]
    Old Czech:
    měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]
    Polish:
    miaɫ, mieɫ (dial.) `dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    miel `sand-bank' [f i];
    miaɫ `finely ground substance' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];
    mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-
    Lithuanian:
    smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    smēlis `fine sand' [m io] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 717
    Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. melr (dial.) `sand-bank'
    ;
    Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank'
    ;
    Sw. smula `chunk'
    ;
    Nw. smola (dial.) `smash' [verb];
    Nw. smol (dial.) `dust'
    \{3\} \{4\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mělь

  • 26 mělъ

    mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168
    Old Church Slavic:
    měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]
    Russian:
    mel' `sand-bank, shoal' [f i];
    mel `chalk' [m o]
    Czech:
    měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];
    měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];
    měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]
    Old Czech:
    měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]
    Polish:
    miaɫ, mieɫ (dial.) `dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    miel `sand-bank' [f i];
    miaɫ `finely ground substance' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];
    mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-
    Lithuanian:
    smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    smēlis `fine sand' [m io] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 717
    Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. melr (dial.) `sand-bank'
    ;
    Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank'
    ;
    Sw. smula `chunk'
    ;
    Nw. smola (dial.) `smash' [verb];
    Nw. smol (dial.) `dust'
    \{3\} \{4\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mělъ

  • 27 mьglà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьglà

  • 28 mьgà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьgà

  • 29 miglъ

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > miglъ

  • 30 ȍlkъtь

    ȍlkъtь; ȍlkъtъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `elbow, ell'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 65-67
    Old Church Slavic:
    lakъtь `elbow, ell' [m i], lakъte [Gens] \{2\}
    Russian:
    lókot' `elbow, ell' [m jo], lóktja [Gens]
    Czech:
    loket `elbow, ell' [m (j)o]
    Slovak:
    lakot' `elbow, ell' [m (j)o]
    Polish:
    ɫokieć `elbow, ell' [m jo]
    Upper Sorbian:
    ɫochć `elbow' [m jo];
    ɫóchć (dial.) `elbow' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȃkat `elbow, ell' [m o], lākta [Gens];
    Čak. lȁkat (Vrgada) `elbow, ell' [m o], lȁhta [Gens];
    Čak. lȁkat (Novi) `elbow, ell' [m o], lȁhta [Gens];
    Čak. lȃkat (Orbanići) `elbow, armlength, yard (measure)' [m o], lȃhta [Gens]
    Slovene:
    lakȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], laktà [Gens], laktȗ [Gens], lahtà [Gens], lahtȗ [Gens];
    lakȃt `elbow, ell' [f i], laktȋ [Gens], lahtȋ [Gens];
    lahȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], lahtȗ [Gens];
    lakǝ̀t `elbow, ell' [m o], laktà [Gens];
    lákǝt `elbow, ell' [m o];
    lǝkȃt `elbow, ell' [f i], lǝhtȋ [Gens];
    lǝkȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], lǝhtȗ [Gens];
    lèhǝt `elbow' [m o], lǝ̀hta [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    lákăt `elbow, ell' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: Hol-k-
    Lithuanian:
    alkū́nė `elbow' [f ē] 1;
    elkū́nė (arch., dial.) `elbow' [f ē] 1 \{3\}
    Latvian:
    ę̀lks `elbow, bend' [m o];
    ę̀lkuons `elbow, bend' [m o] \{4\}
    Old Prussian:
    alkunis (EV) `elbow'
    Indo-European reconstruction: HHolkuti- \{1\}
    IE meaning: elbow
    Comments: The e- of the East Baltic forms may be another instance of "Rozwadowski's change". The somewhat awkward reconstruction *HHol- (*HH₃el-) is required by the acute intonation of Lith. úolektis, Latv. uôlekts `ell' < *HoHl- (*HeH₃l-), cf. OPr. woaltis `forearm', woaltis `ell', ὠλένη `elbow, forearm'. If one subscribes to the view that a lengthened grade vowel yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, *(H)ōl- is the obvious reconstruction.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ολέκρα̑νος `point of the elbow'
    ;
    Lat. ulna `elbow' [f];
    OIr. uilen `elbow' [f];
    OHG elina `ell' [f];
    Arm. oɫn `spine, shoulder'
    Notes:
    \{1\} *HH₃elkuti seems also possible. \{2\} In some case forms OCS lakъtь is inflected as a consonant stem. In the modern languages *ȍlkъtь has adopted the pattern of the jo- or o-stems. \{3\} The LKŽ has elkū̃nė instead of elkū́nė, even though one of the sources mentioned - F. Kurschat's dictionary - actually has an acute. \{4\} Also ę̀lkuonis, ę̀lkuone, ę̀lkūne2.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȍlkъtь

  • 31 ȍlkъtъ

    ȍlkъtь; ȍlkъtъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `elbow, ell'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 65-67
    Old Church Slavic:
    lakъtь `elbow, ell' [m i], lakъte [Gens] \{2\}
    Russian:
    lókot' `elbow, ell' [m jo], lóktja [Gens]
    Czech:
    loket `elbow, ell' [m (j)o]
    Slovak:
    lakot' `elbow, ell' [m (j)o]
    Polish:
    ɫokieć `elbow, ell' [m jo]
    Upper Sorbian:
    ɫochć `elbow' [m jo];
    ɫóchć (dial.) `elbow' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȃkat `elbow, ell' [m o], lākta [Gens];
    Čak. lȁkat (Vrgada) `elbow, ell' [m o], lȁhta [Gens];
    Čak. lȁkat (Novi) `elbow, ell' [m o], lȁhta [Gens];
    Čak. lȃkat (Orbanići) `elbow, armlength, yard (measure)' [m o], lȃhta [Gens]
    Slovene:
    lakȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], laktà [Gens], laktȗ [Gens], lahtà [Gens], lahtȗ [Gens];
    lakȃt `elbow, ell' [f i], laktȋ [Gens], lahtȋ [Gens];
    lahȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], lahtȗ [Gens];
    lakǝ̀t `elbow, ell' [m o], laktà [Gens];
    lákǝt `elbow, ell' [m o];
    lǝkȃt `elbow, ell' [f i], lǝhtȋ [Gens];
    lǝkȃt `elbow, ell' [m o/u], lǝhtȗ [Gens];
    lèhǝt `elbow' [m o], lǝ̀hta [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    lákăt `elbow, ell' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: Hol-k-
    Lithuanian:
    alkū́nė `elbow' [f ē] 1;
    elkū́nė (arch., dial.) `elbow' [f ē] 1 \{3\}
    Latvian:
    ę̀lks `elbow, bend' [m o];
    ę̀lkuons `elbow, bend' [m o] \{4\}
    Old Prussian:
    alkunis (EV) `elbow'
    Indo-European reconstruction: HHolkuti- \{1\}
    IE meaning: elbow
    Comments: The e- of the East Baltic forms may be another instance of "Rozwadowski's change". The somewhat awkward reconstruction *HHol- (*HH₃el-) is required by the acute intonation of Lith. úolektis, Latv. uôlekts `ell' < *HoHl- (*HeH₃l-), cf. OPr. woaltis `forearm', woaltis `ell', ὠλένη `elbow, forearm'. If one subscribes to the view that a lengthened grade vowel yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, *(H)ōl- is the obvious reconstruction.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ολέκρα̑νος `point of the elbow'
    ;
    Lat. ulna `elbow' [f];
    OIr. uilen `elbow' [f];
    OHG elina `ell' [f];
    Arm. oɫn `spine, shoulder'
    Notes:
    \{1\} *HH₃elkuti seems also possible. \{2\} In some case forms OCS lakъtь is inflected as a consonant stem. In the modern languages *ȍlkъtь has adopted the pattern of the jo- or o-stems. \{3\} The LKŽ has elkū̃nė instead of elkū́nė, even though one of the sources mentioned - F. Kurschat's dictionary - actually has an acute. \{4\} Also ę̀lkuonis, ę̀lkuone, ę̀lkūne2.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȍlkъtъ

  • 32 rębika

    rębika; rębina Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `rowan tree'
    Russian:
    rjabíka (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā];
    rjabína `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    rjabýna (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    rebika (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    rebíka `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ri(m)ʔb-;; ru(m)ʔb-
    Lithuanian:
    ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;
    irbẽnis `snowball-tree' [m io]
    Latvian:
    ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];
    irbęnājs `snowball-tree' [m o];
    rubenis `black grouse' [m io]
    Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 334
    Comments: Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. ráibas, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (= Ukr. ribyj?) probably belongs here as well. The i: u alternation in the root and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis must have been secondarily shortened because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > rębika

  • 33 rębina

    rębika; rębina Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `rowan tree'
    Russian:
    rjabíka (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā];
    rjabína `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    rjabýna (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    rebika (dial.) `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    rebíka `rowan tree' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ri(m)ʔb-;; ru(m)ʔb-
    Lithuanian:
    ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;
    irbẽnis `snowball-tree' [m io]
    Latvian:
    ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];
    irbęnājs `snowball-tree' [m o];
    rubenis `black grouse' [m io]
    Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 334
    Comments: Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. ráibas, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (= Ukr. ribyj?) probably belongs here as well. The i: u alternation in the root and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis must have been secondarily shortened because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > rębina

  • 34 rębь

    rębь; rębъkъ Grammatical information: m. jo??; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `hazel-grouse, partridge'
    Russian:
    rjab' ( Dal': eccl., N. dial.) `sand-grouse, hazel-grouse' [m jo];
    rjabók (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [m o] \{1\}
    Slovene:
    rę̑b `partridge' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: re/imbo-
    Lithuanian:
    ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;
    jerubė̃, jerumbė̃ (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [f ē] 3b
    Latvian:
    ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];
    rubenis `black grouse' [m io]
    Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-o-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 334
    Other cognates:
    OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{2\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Cf. rjábčik (the Standard Russian form), rjábuška and rjábec or rjabéc `hazel-grouse', rjábka `partridge' (Dal' s.v. rjabyj). The form rjabéc also means `trout'. \{2\} Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- and contain u but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. raibas 3/4, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (Ukr. ribyj?) may belong here as well. The e: eu alternation and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ etc.) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis poses a problem because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > rębь

  • 35 rębъkъ

    rębь; rębъkъ Grammatical information: m. jo??; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `hazel-grouse, partridge'
    Russian:
    rjab' ( Dal': eccl., N. dial.) `sand-grouse, hazel-grouse' [m jo];
    rjabók (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [m o] \{1\}
    Slovene:
    rę̑b `partridge' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: re/imbo-
    Lithuanian:
    ìrbė `partridge' [f ē] 1;
    jerubė̃, jerumbė̃ (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [f ē] 3b
    Latvian:
    ir̃be `partridge' [f ē];
    rubenis `black grouse' [m io]
    Indo-European reconstruction: r(e)mb-o-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 334
    Other cognates:
    OIc. rjúpa `ptarmigan' [f] \{2\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Cf. rjábčik (the Standard Russian form), rjábuška and rjábec or rjabéc `hazel-grouse', rjábka `partridge' (Dal' s.v. rjabyj). The form rjabéc also means `trout'. \{2\} Latv. rubenis < *rub- and OIc. rjúpa < *reub- lack the nasal element of *ręb- and contain u but nevertheless seem to be cognate. Lith. raibas 3/4, Latv. ràibs `speckled, variegated' (Ukr. ribyj?) may belong here as well. The e: eu alternation and the traces of prenasalization (not to mention the *e- of jerębъ etc.) definitely point to a non-Indo-European origin. The u of Latv. rubenis poses a problem because in view of Winter's law we would have expected *rūbenis, cf. Lith. ìrbė, Latv. ir̃be `hazel-grouse'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > rębъkъ

  • 36 vь̀rxъ

    vь̀rxъ Grammatical information: m. u Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `top, upper part'
    Old Church Slavic:
    vrьxъ `top' [m u]
    Russian:
    verx `top, upper part' [m o], vérxa [Gens], verxú [Locs] \{1\}
    Belorussian:
    verx `top, upper part' [m o], vérxu [Gens];
    verx (dial.) `top, upper part' [m o], verxú [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    verx `top, upper part' [m o], verxú [Gens]
    Czech:
    vrch `top, upper part' [m o];
    vŕch (dial.) `top, upper part' [m o]
    Slovak:
    vrch `top, upper part' [m o]
    Polish:
    wierzch `top, upper part' [m o]
    Slovincian:
    vjė́řẋ `top, upper part' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    vȓh `top, upper part' [m o], vr̀ha [Gens];
    Čak. vȑh (Vrgada, Novi) `top, upper part' [m o], vrhȁ [Gens];
    Čak. vȑh (Orbanići) `top, tip, point (of a plant, a needle etc.), mountain' [m o], vrhȁ [Gens]
    Slovene:
    vȓh `top, upper part' [m o], vȓha [Gens], vrhȃ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    vrăx `top, tip' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: u̯irṣu(s)
    Lithuanian:
    viršùs `top, addition, victory, cover' [m u] 4;
    vir̃šus `top, addition, victory, cover' [m u] 2
    Latvian:
    vìrsus `upper part, top' [m u]
    Indo-European reconstruction: ur-s-u-
    Notes:
    \{1\} AP (b) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 134).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > vь̀rxъ

  • 37 zъly

    zъly Grammatical information: f. ū Proto-Slavic meaning: `sister-in-law (husband's sister)'
    Church Slavic:
    zlъva (Mikl.) `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f ā]
    Russian:
    zolóvka `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f ā];
    zólva (dial.) `sister-in-law (husband's sister), daughter-in-law' [f ā];
    zolóva (dial.) `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f ā];
    zolóv' (dial.) `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f i];
    zólovica (dial.) `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f jā];
    zolóvica (dial.) `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f jā]
    Old Czech:
    zelva `sister-in-law (husband's sister), daughter-in-law' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    zolvica `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f jā]
    Old Polish:
    zɫew `sister-in-law (husband's sister), daughter-in-law' [f i];
    zeɫw `sister-in-law (husband's sister), daughter-in-law' [f i] \{1\}
    Serbo-Croatian:
    zȁova `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f ā];
    zȃva (Vojv.) `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    zȃɫva `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f ā];
    zȃva `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f ā];
    zȏɫva `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    zắlva `sister-in-law (husband's sister)' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: ǵlh₂-u-
    Other cognates:
    Skt. giri- (Gr̥Sū) `sister-in-law(?)' [f];
    Gk. γάλως `husband's sister [f];
    Lat. glōs `sister-in-law' [f]
    Notes:
    \{1\} The material presented in the Sɫownik staropolski seems to point to a paradigm zɫew, Gsg. zeɫwi < * zъlъvь, Gsg. zъlъvi. In that case the vocalism of zeɫw must be analogical.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > zъly

  • 38 žezlъ

    žezlъ; žьzlъ; žezlò Grammatical information: m. o; m. o; n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `stick, staff'
    Old Church Slavic:
    žьzlъ `stick, staff, sceptre' [m o];
    žezlъ `stick, staff, sceptre' [m o]
    Russian:
    žezl `stick, staff, crozier' [m o], žezlá [Gens] \{1\};
    žezél' (dial.) `short stick to which draught dogs are tied' [f i]
    Czech:
    žezlo `sceptre' [n o]
    Old Czech:
    žezl `sceptre' [m o];
    žezlo `sceptre' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    žèzlo `sceptre' [n o];
    žéželj (Vuk) `ein Anbindstock fur die Schafhünde' [m jo]
    Slovene:
    žę́zlọ `sceptre' [n o]
    Bulgarian:
    žézăl `staff, sceptre' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: geǵʰ-l-
    Comments: The connection with OHG kegil `nail, peg' etc., which would point to *geǵʰ-l- is uncertain.
    Other cognates:
    OHG kegil `nail, peg'
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Old Russian, both (a) and (b) are attested (Zaliznjak 1985: 134, 137).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > žezlъ

  • 39 žьzlъ

    žezlъ; žьzlъ; žezlò Grammatical information: m. o; m. o; n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `stick, staff'
    Old Church Slavic:
    žьzlъ `stick, staff, sceptre' [m o];
    žezlъ `stick, staff, sceptre' [m o]
    Russian:
    žezl `stick, staff, crozier' [m o], žezlá [Gens] \{1\};
    žezél' (dial.) `short stick to which draught dogs are tied' [f i]
    Czech:
    žezlo `sceptre' [n o]
    Old Czech:
    žezl `sceptre' [m o];
    žezlo `sceptre' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    žèzlo `sceptre' [n o];
    žéželj (Vuk) `ein Anbindstock fur die Schafhünde' [m jo]
    Slovene:
    žę́zlọ `sceptre' [n o]
    Bulgarian:
    žézăl `staff, sceptre' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: geǵʰ-l-
    Comments: The connection with OHG kegil `nail, peg' etc., which would point to *geǵʰ-l- is uncertain.
    Other cognates:
    OHG kegil `nail, peg'
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Old Russian, both (a) and (b) are attested (Zaliznjak 1985: 134, 137).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > žьzlъ

  • 40 žezlò

    žezlъ; žьzlъ; žezlò Grammatical information: m. o; m. o; n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `stick, staff'
    Old Church Slavic:
    žьzlъ `stick, staff, sceptre' [m o];
    žezlъ `stick, staff, sceptre' [m o]
    Russian:
    žezl `stick, staff, crozier' [m o], žezlá [Gens] \{1\};
    žezél' (dial.) `short stick to which draught dogs are tied' [f i]
    Czech:
    žezlo `sceptre' [n o]
    Old Czech:
    žezl `sceptre' [m o];
    žezlo `sceptre' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    žèzlo `sceptre' [n o];
    žéželj (Vuk) `ein Anbindstock fur die Schafhünde' [m jo]
    Slovene:
    žę́zlọ `sceptre' [n o]
    Bulgarian:
    žézăl `staff, sceptre' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: geǵʰ-l-
    Comments: The connection with OHG kegil `nail, peg' etc., which would point to *geǵʰ-l- is uncertain.
    Other cognates:
    OHG kegil `nail, peg'
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Old Russian, both (a) and (b) are attested (Zaliznjak 1985: 134, 137).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > žezlò

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См. также в других словарях:

  • point — 1. (poin ; le t se lie : un poin t important ; au pluriel, l s se lie : des points z importants) s. m. 1°   Douleur qui point, qui pique. 2°   Piqûre que l on fait dans l étoffe avec une aiguille enfilée d un fil. 3°   Nom donné à certains… …   Dictionnaire de la Langue Française d'Émile Littré

  • Point — Point, n. [F. point, and probably also pointe, L. punctum, puncta, fr. pungere, punctum, to prick. See {Pungent}, and cf. {Puncto}, {Puncture}.] 1. That which pricks or pierces; the sharp end of anything, esp. the sharp end of a piercing… …   The Collaborative International Dictionary of English

  • Point lace — Point Point, n. [F. point, and probably also pointe, L. punctum, puncta, fr. pungere, punctum, to prick. See {Pungent}, and cf. {Puncto}, {Puncture}.] 1. That which pricks or pierces; the sharp end of anything, esp. the sharp end of a piercing… …   The Collaborative International Dictionary of English

  • Point net — Point Point, n. [F. point, and probably also pointe, L. punctum, puncta, fr. pungere, punctum, to prick. See {Pungent}, and cf. {Puncto}, {Puncture}.] 1. That which pricks or pierces; the sharp end of anything, esp. the sharp end of a piercing… …   The Collaborative International Dictionary of English

  • Point of concurrence — Point Point, n. [F. point, and probably also pointe, L. punctum, puncta, fr. pungere, punctum, to prick. See {Pungent}, and cf. {Puncto}, {Puncture}.] 1. That which pricks or pierces; the sharp end of anything, esp. the sharp end of a piercing… …   The Collaborative International Dictionary of English

  • Point of contrary flexure — Point Point, n. [F. point, and probably also pointe, L. punctum, puncta, fr. pungere, punctum, to prick. See {Pungent}, and cf. {Puncto}, {Puncture}.] 1. That which pricks or pierces; the sharp end of anything, esp. the sharp end of a piercing… …   The Collaborative International Dictionary of English

  • Point of order — Point Point, n. [F. point, and probably also pointe, L. punctum, puncta, fr. pungere, punctum, to prick. See {Pungent}, and cf. {Puncto}, {Puncture}.] 1. That which pricks or pierces; the sharp end of anything, esp. the sharp end of a piercing… …   The Collaborative International Dictionary of English

  • Point of sight — Point Point, n. [F. point, and probably also pointe, L. punctum, puncta, fr. pungere, punctum, to prick. See {Pungent}, and cf. {Puncto}, {Puncture}.] 1. That which pricks or pierces; the sharp end of anything, esp. the sharp end of a piercing… …   The Collaborative International Dictionary of English

  • Point of view — Point Point, n. [F. point, and probably also pointe, L. punctum, puncta, fr. pungere, punctum, to prick. See {Pungent}, and cf. {Puncto}, {Puncture}.] 1. That which pricks or pierces; the sharp end of anything, esp. the sharp end of a piercing… …   The Collaborative International Dictionary of English

  • Point paper — Point Point, n. [F. point, and probably also pointe, L. punctum, puncta, fr. pungere, punctum, to prick. See {Pungent}, and cf. {Puncto}, {Puncture}.] 1. That which pricks or pierces; the sharp end of anything, esp. the sharp end of a piercing… …   The Collaborative International Dictionary of English

  • Point system of type — Point Point, n. [F. point, and probably also pointe, L. punctum, puncta, fr. pungere, punctum, to prick. See {Pungent}, and cf. {Puncto}, {Puncture}.] 1. That which pricks or pierces; the sharp end of anything, esp. the sharp end of a piercing… …   The Collaborative International Dictionary of English

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