ψαίειν

Grammatical information: v.

Meaning: `scrape, scratch', only with prefix, δια-, ἀπο-, ἐκ-, κατα-κναίω (Hp., Trag. in lyr., Att.);

Other forms: also as simplex, Att. inf. κνῆ-ν, κνῆ-σθαι, 1. a. 3. sg. pres. κνῶ, κνῃ̃, ipf. ἐπὶ... κνῆ (Λ 639), also κνᾶ-ν (Hdt.), κνᾶ-σθαι, κνᾳ̃ (hell.); further κνήθω, also with κατα-, ἐν-, ἐπι- a. o. (Arist., hell.). Non-pres. forms: 1. - κναῖσαι, - κναισθῆναι, - κναίσω, - κεκναισμένος (Ar., E. in lyr., Pl.,Theoc.); more usual (as simpl. a. comp.) 2. κνῆσαι, Dor. opt. midd. (Theoc.) κνάσαιο, κνησθῆναι, κνήσω, κέκνησμαι (IA.).

Derivatives: Action nouns: 1. κνῆσις `scratching, tickling' (Pl.) with κνησιάω `desire to tickle' (Ar., Pl.), also κνηστιάω `id.' (Gal., Jul.; after the verbs in - τιάω) and κνηθιάω `id.' (Hdn., EM; after κνήθω, cf. Schwyzer 732). 2. κνῆσμα (rarely κνῆμα) `id.' (Hp., X.); 3. κνησμονή `id.' (medic.; πῆμα: πημονή etc.); 4. κνησμός `id.' (Hp., Arist.) with κνησμώδης `affected with itching' (Hp., Arist., Str.). 5. κνηθμός `itching' (Nic.). - Agent nouns and instruments: 6. κνῆστις f. (from *κνήστης m.) `knife for scratching, cheese-grater' (Λ 640, Nic., Opp.), also `spine' (κ 161; cf. ἄκνηστις s.v.); diff. on κνῆστις z. B. Fraenkel Glotta 4, 41ff., Benveniste Noms d'agent 77; 7. κνηστήρ `scratching knife' (Nic.). 8. κνηστίς -ίδος f. `hollow hair-pin' (Plu.). 9. κνῆστρον `stinging plant, Daphne oleoides, θυμελαία' (Hp., Dsc.); κνηστρίον `scraper', ( Edict. Diocl.). - Adj. 10. κνηστικός `scratching, itching' (Sch.).

Origin: PG [a word of Pre-Greek origin]X [probably]

Etymology: Of the presents κναίειν, κνῆν, κνήθειν the last can be an innovation to κνῆ-σαι etc. after πλῆ-σαι: πλή-θ-ω, λῆ-σαι: λήθ-ω a. o. The pair κνῆν: κναίειν agrees with the semantically close ψῆν: ψαίειν. - One compares several words with initial IE. * k(e)n- but with different forms, which is not surprising in view of the emotional value of expressions for `scratch, grate'. With κνῆ-ν (prob. orig. athematic; Schwyzer 675f., Chantraine Gramm. hom. 1, 297 a. 307) from IE. * knē- agree best in Baltic and Germanic Lith. kn(i)ó-tis `peek (oneself) off, get loose', OHG nuoen `make smooth by scratching, fit exactly' (with OHG hnuo `joint, groove' etc.) from IE. * knō-? (cf. κνώ-δ-αλον?), perh. * knā- as in Alb. krromë `scab, mange' form IE. *knā-mn̥ (Gr. κνῆμα is independent). Lat. cnāsonas however, acc. pl. `scratching nails' (Paul. Fest. 52) from hell. *κνά̄σων `scratcher' ( κνᾶσαι ὀλέσαι, λυπῆσαι H.); cf. Leumann Sprache 1, 207. - The - αι- in κναίω however has no direct counterpart (Lith. knaisýti is secondary to knìsti `scratch', s. κνίζω). Connecting κνῆ-ν and κναί-ειν to an old paradigma (* knē[i]-mi: knǝi-mé (Schwyzer 676; cf. Specht Ursprung 325; the last form is impossible since the laryngeal theory) is quite hypothetical. - Cf. κνίζω, κνύω, κνάπτω; κνώδαλον, κνήφη, κνέωρος and κόνις; s. Pok. 559ff., Fraenkel Lit. et. Wb. s. knablỹs. - Strangely enough it has not been proposed that the words could well be Pre-Greek; the meaning makes this quite possible; the connections in Pok. 599 are far from convincing. Cf. also κναδάλλεται κνήθεται H., with which compare γνάφαλλον, γνόφαλον, which are clearly Pre-Greek (s.s.v. κνάπτω); is κναδ- a variant of κνηθ-? For κναδ- no PIE prefrom can be reconstructed (cf. on γνάθος). Note that Kuiper assumed that words with kn- in Germanic were prob. substrate, NOWELE 25 (1995) 68 a.70. The formation of κνήσων (and the Latin loan cnāsōn- cited above) seems non-IE; cf. DELG s.v. Also the formation of a verb in - αίω is unknown.

See also: - S. noch κνέωρος, κνήφη.

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