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  • 1 màzati

    màzati Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `smear, anoint'
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 23-25
    Old Church Slavic:
    mazati `anoint' [verb], mažǫ [1sg]
    Russian:
    mázat' `smear, oil, grease' [verb], mážu [1sg], mážet [3sg]
    Czech:
    mazati `smear, oil, defile' [verb]
    Slovak:
    mazat' `smear' [verb]
    Polish:
    mazać `smear' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁzati `smear, grease, paint' [verb], mȁžēm [1sg];
    Čak. mȁzati (Vrgada) `soil, besmirch' [verb], mȁžeš [2sg];
    mȁzati `smear, grease, paint' [verb];
    Čak. mȁzat (Orbanići) `smear, grease' [verb], mȃžen [1sg]
    Slovene:
    mázati `smear, grease, paint' [verb], mȃžem [1sg]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: moʔź-
    Lithuanian:
    mė́žti `manure, muck out'
    Latvian:
    mêzt `muck out, sweep' [verb];
    muõzêt `gobble, pound, fool, harass, beat' [verb]
    Page in Pokorny: 696
    Comments: For the time being I have grouped together Slavic *màzati and Lith. mė́žti `manure, muck out', Latv. mêzt `muck out, sweep' and muõzêt `gobble, pound etc.' (cf. Oštir 1912: 214, Fraenkel I: 444). It seems to me that the Baltic words can be linked semantically to *màzati `smear' if we start from a meaning `smear, wipe, sweep' (for the semantic development attested in muõzêt, cf. Ru. smázat' `strike a blow', MoDu. (dial.) afsmeren `give s.o. a beating'). Another possibility would be to connect *màzati with Gk. μάσσω (aor. pass. μαγη̃ναι) `knead' (provided that the root is not μακ- instead of μαγ-, which, according to Chantraine (670), cannot be determined), Arm. macanim `thicken, stick together' and OHG mahhōn, OS makōn etc. `make'. This would entail a reconstruction *meh₂ǵ- (*maǵ- in Pokorny), which would preclude a connection with mė́žti, Latv. mêzt.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > màzati

  • 2 bèrdjь

    bèrdjь Grammatical information: adj. jo Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `with young, pregnant'
    Page in Trubačev: I 188-189
    Church Slavic:
    brěžda `pregnant' [Nomsgf];
    brěž(d)a (RuCS) `pregnant' [Nomsgf]
    Russian:
    beréžaja (dial.) `in foal' [Nomsgf];
    berëžaja (dial.) `mare in foal' [Nomsgf]
    Ukrainian:
    beréža `with young' [Nomsgf]
    Czech:
    březí `with young, pregnant' [Nomsgf]
    Old Czech:
    břězí `with young, pregnant' [Nomsgf]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    brȅđ (W. dial.) `pregnant, (Cr.) in calf' [adj jo];
    Čak. brȅja (Orbanići) `pregnant (of a cow), with young' [Nomsgf]
    Slovene:
    brẹ́ja `with young' [Nomsgf]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: berʔdios
    Lithuanian:
    ber̃(g)ždžias `barren (of a cow)' [adj] 4;
    ber(g)ždė̃ `barren cow' [f ē]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰerdieh₂
    IE meaning: pregnant
    Comments: Both *bʰerdʰieh₂ and *bʰerHdʰieh₂ would have yielded forba in Latin (see Nussbaum 1999 for the development of *rdʰ originating from syncope). A proto-form *bʰerHdieh₂ would therefore theoretically be possible. Nussbaum, who considers the connection with OCS brěžda possible, suggests that an original noun *bʰori- > *fori `birther' was expanded to *fori-d- and then hypercharacterized as a feminine (1999: 406).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. forda `in calf' [Nomsgf]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bèrdjь

  • 3 berstъ

    berstъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: b/c Proto-Slavic meaning: `elm'
    Page in Trubačev: I 199-200
    Russian:
    bérest `elm' [m o], béresta [Gens] \{1\}
    Belorussian:
    bérast `elm' [m o], bérasta [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    bérest `elm' [m o], béresta [Gens]
    Czech:
    břest `elm' [m o]
    Slovak:
    brest `elm' [m o]
    Polish:
    brzost `elm' [m o];
    brzóst (dial.) `elm' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    brȉjest `elm' [m o], brijèsta [Gens];
    Čak. brĩst (Vrgada) `a herb similar to rosemary' [m o], brīstȁ [Gens];
    brést (Novi) `elm' [m o], brēstȁ [Gens];
    Čak. briȇs (Orbanići) `elm' [m o], brȅsta [Gens]
    Slovene:
    brẹ́st `elm' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    brjast `elm' [m o];
    brest `elm' [m o]
    Comments: If we assume that * berstъ is cognate with -> *bèrza, which has an acute root, we must explain the variant belonging AP (b). In my view, a form bʰerHǵ-tó- (admittedly with slightly unexpected end-stress) would remain oxytone in Balto-Slavic, in which case the root would be affected by the Proto-Slavic loss of pretonic laryngeals. As I consider it possible that the generalization of accentual mobility in masculine o-stems with a non-acute root vowel did not apply to the marginal class of Balto-Slavic oxytona, Illič-Svityč's reconstruction of a substantivized neuter adjective is not necessarily correct.
    Other cognates:
    Go. bairhts `bright, clear' [adj]
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč (1963: 52), mentions a Gsg. berestá (dial.).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > berstъ

  • 4 bě̄dà

    bě̄dà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `need, poverty, misery'
    Page in Trubačev: II 54-56
    Old Church Slavic:
    běda `distress, need, necessity' [f ā]
    Russian:
    bedá `misfortune, trouble' [f ā]
    Czech:
    bída `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    běda `woe!' [interj]
    Slovak:
    bieda `poverty, calamity' [f ā]
    Polish:
    bieda `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    biada `woe!' [interj]
    Old Polish:
    biada `distress, necessity' [f ā] \{1\}
    Upper Sorbian:
    běda `grief, woe, misery' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    běda `grief, pain' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bijèda `grief, misfortune' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    bẹ́da `misery' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    bedá `misfortune, misery' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰoidʰ-eh₂ \{2\}
    IE meaning: force
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 117
    Comments: According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds.
    Other cognates:
    Alb. be `oath' [f] \{2\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} The vocalism of Modern Polish bieda `id.' is of Mazowian origin, cf. biada `woe!'. \{2\} According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds. \{3\} Demiraj prefers *bʰeidʰ-i-s to an ā-stem (1997: 94).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bě̄dà

  • 5 dȍma

    dȍma Grammatical information: adv. Proto-Slavic meaning: `at home'
    Page in Trubačev: V 66
    Old Church Slavic:
    doma `at home' [adv]
    Russian:
    dóma `at home' [adv]
    Czech:
    doma `at home' [adv]
    Slovak:
    doma `at home' [adv]
    Polish:
    doma (dial.) `at home' [adv]
    Old Polish:
    doma `at home' [adv]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dȍma `at home, home' [adv];
    Čak. dȍma (Vrgada, Orbanići) `at home, home' [adv]
    Slovene:
    domȃ `at home' [adv]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dom-ōu
    Page in Pokorny: 198
    Comments: The petrified case-form * doma cannot reflect a Lsg. * dom-ōu, which would have yielded * domu. A possible reconstruction is an Isg. * dom-oh₁ (cf. -> * vьčera), but we would not expect to find the old Isg. ending of the o-stems in an u-stem.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dȍma

  • 6 dojìti

    dojìti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `give milk, milk'
    Page in Trubačev: V 53-54
    Old Church Slavic:
    doiti `breast-feed, nurse' [verb], dojǫ [1sg]
    Russian:
    doít' `milk' [verb], dojú [1sg], doít [3sg];
    doít' (dial.) `give milk (cow), suckle (calf)' [verb]
    Czech:
    dojiti `milk' [verb]
    Slovak:
    dojit' `milk, give milk' [verb]
    Polish:
    doić `milk, (arch., dial. ) give milk' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dòjiti `breast-feed, suckle, give milk' [verb], dòjīm [1sg];
    Čak. dojȉti (Vrgada) `breast-feed, suckle, give milk' [verb], dojĩš [2sg];
    Čak. dojȉt (Orbanići) `suckle, breast-feed' [verb], dojĩ [3sg]
    Slovene:
    dojíti `breast-feed, give milk, milk' [verb], dojím [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    dojá `breast-feed, give milk, milk' [verb]
    Page in Pokorny: 241
    Comments: The straightfoward analysis * dʰoiH₁-eie meets with several difficulties. In the first place, one would rather expect * dʰoH₁i-eie in view of forms such as Latv. dêt `suck', where we are dealing with an unextended root. This reconstruction would yield * dajati, however. Skt. dáyati `suckle', has been analyzed as * dʰh₁-eie (see LIV: 142), where the same analysis is applied to OSw. dīa), but this reconstruction cannot account the Slavic form. Klingenschmitt (1982: 148) has suggested for both Slavic *dojìti and Go. daddjan that the formation is built on the present stem, i.e. *dʰ(h₁)éie gave rise to *dʰoi̯éi̯e.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. dháyati `suck' [verb];
    Go. daddjan `breast-feed' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dojìti

  • 7 dъnò

    dъnò Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bottom'
    Page in Trubačev: V 174-175
    Old Church Slavic:
    dъno `bottom' [n o]
    Russian:
    dno `bottom' [n o]
    Czech:
    dno `bottom' [n o]
    Polish:
    dno `bottom' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dnȍ `bottom' [n o];
    Čak. dnȍ (Vrgada, Orbanići) `bottom' [n o]
    Slovene:
    dnọ̀ `bottom' [n o]
    Bulgarian:
    dắno `bottom, floor' [n o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: dubno
    Lithuanian:
    dùgnas `bottom' [m o] 4
    Indo-European reconstruction: dʰubʰ-no-
    Certainty: -
    Comments: The Slavic vacillation between root-final *b and *p does not have a Baltic counterpart. In East Baltic, however, the full grade * daub- occurs both with acute and circumflex tone, e.g. Latv. duôbjš `deep'. The acute variant could be attributed to Winter's law, which would be in accordance with PGm. * deupa- `deep'< * dʰeub-, but this would leave us without an explanation for the other forms. The many formal problems connected with this root have made it a prime example of a borrowing from a substratum language (cf. Kuiper 1995).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dъnò

  • 8 ȅsenь

    ȅsenь Grammatical information: f. i Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `autumn'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 28-29
    Church Slavic:
    esenь (Const.) `autumn' [Accf i]
    Russian:
    ósen' `autumn' [f i];
    jésen' (Rjaz.) `autumn' [f i]
    Ukrainian:
    ósin' `autumn' [f i]
    Slovak:
    jeseň `autumn' [f i]
    Polish:
    jesień `autumn' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȅsēn `autumn' [f i];
    Čak. jȅsēn (Vrgada) `autumn' [f i];
    Čak. jȅsēn (Novi) `autumn' [f i];
    Čak. jȅsen (Orbanići) `autumn' [nd]
    Slovene:
    jesę́n `autumn' [f i]
    Bulgarian:
    jésen `autumn' [f i]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: es-eni-
    Old Prussian:
    assanis `autumn'
    IE meaning: summer, autumn
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 340
    Comments: If the root is indeed PIE *h₁s `to be', which would lead to a reconstruction *h₁os-en-, the e- of the Slavic forms as opposed to the *o- elsewhere (Old Prussian being inconclusive) may be an instance of ablaut or a result of "Rozwadowski's change".
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ὀπώρα, ὀπάρα (Lak.) `late summer, early autumn' [f];
    Go. asans `harvest time, summer' [f];
    OHG ar(a)n `harvest'
    ;
    Fi. kesä `summer'
    Notes:
    The e- of the Slavic forms as opposed to the *o- elsewhere (Old Prussian being unclear) may be an instance of ablaut or a result of "Rozwadowski's change", but it must be said that the etymology is unclear. The Greek forms may reflect *οσαρᾱ, which would point to an r/n-stem.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȅsenь

  • 9 ěždžь

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ěždžь

  • 10 ěždžikъ

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ěždžikъ

  • 11 ězgarъ

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ězgarъ

  • 12 ězgarь

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ězgarь

  • 13 ěskarъ

    ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 60
    Belorussian:
    jadžgár `ruff' [m o]
    Ukrainian:
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o] \{1\}
    Czech:
    ježdík `ruff' [m o]
    Polish:
    jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];
    jaszcz (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo] \{2\};
    jazgar (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgier (dial.) `ruff' [m o];
    jazgarz `ruff' [m jo];
    jazgierz (arch.) `ruff' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]
    Kashubian:
    i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-
    Lithuanian:
    ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;
    egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;
    ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}
    Old Prussian:
    assegis (EV) `perch'
    Page in Pokorny: 292
    Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Other dialect forms are jaškar and jazgar. \{2\} In this case the term "northern dialects" probably refers to Kashubian. \{3\} The Standard Lithuanian word is pūgžlỹs.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ěskarъ

  • 14 màlъ

    màlъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `small, little'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 173-178
    Old Church Slavic:
    malъ `small, little' [adj o]
    Russian:
    mályj `small, little' [adj o]
    Czech:
    malý `small, little' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    malý `small, little' [adj o]
    Polish:
    maɫy `small, little' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁo `small, little' [adj o];
    Čak. må̃lī (Vrgada) `small, little' [adj o];
    Čak. mȃli (Orbanići) `small, little' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    mȃli `small, little' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    mal (BTR) `small, little' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: moh₁-lo-
    Page in Pokorny: 724
    Comments: The question is whether *màlъ can be linked to PIE *melH-, as has been advocated by Varbot, for instance (1972: 63). In view of the acute root vowel, I consider this unlikely: we would have to posit a lengthened grade root of which the acute intonation is analogical after forms with full or zero grade. Thus, I prefer to reconstruct a root *mH₁-, which in the etymon under discussion is followed by an l-suffix (cf. Vaillant IV, 545, where the root is assumed to be identical with the root of Ru. majat', which I reconstruct as *meH₂-). The Germanic forms would have s mobile and zero grade of the root. Notice that Pokorny classifies CS mělъkъ under 1. mel-, melǝ- `zermalmen, schlagen, mahlen etc.', while OCS malъ can be found under mēlo-, smēlo- `kleines Tier'.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. μη̃λον `small cattle, goat, sheep' [n] \{1\};
    OIr. míl `(small) `animal';
    Go. smals `small, insignificant'
    ;
    OIc. smali `small (live) `stock, sheep'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Doric form also has η.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > màlъ

  • 15 mara

    mara Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `ghost, apparition'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 204-207 \{1\}
    Church Slavic:
    mara (RuCS) `ecstasy' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mára, mará `apparition, mirage;
    (dial.) house-sprite, evil spirit' [f ā]
    Belorussian:
    mará, mára `dream, apparition, nightmare;
    (dial.) `witch, demon' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    mará `apparition, ghost, witch' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    mara `ghost, apparition' [f ā]
    Polish:
    Slovincian:
    mara `dream, apparition, ghost' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mara `goddess of illness and death' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    Mára `name of a fairy-tale monster' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂-reh₂
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: There are basically two views on the origin of *mara. According to a hypothesis put forward by Franck (1904: 129) and advocated by a.o. Schuster-Šewc (885ff), *mara continues PIE *mōrā and differs from *mora only in having lengthened grade. The alternative etymology, which can at least be traced to Zubatý 1894, connects *mara with the root ma- < *meh₂- of majati, mamъ etc. Though it seems at a first glance unsatisfactory to separate *mara from *mora - in Polish, for instance, mara and mora are synonymous -, it is awkward that in most Slavic languages both apophonic variants would occur side by side. Perhaps we have to start from *mara `illusion, apparition' beside *mora `female demon that tortures people with nightmares', which later became confused. This scenario may also offer an explanation for the fact that the accentual paradigm of both words is so hard to determine. We would expect *màra (a) - in view of Hirt's law - beside *morà (b) or (c). Nevertheless we find forms like Ru. móra and mará (beside mára). I think that in this respect, too, we have to reckon with analogy.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mara

  • 16 ūslò(?)

    ūslò(?) Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `woven fabric on a loom'
    Russian:
    usló (Kostrom.) `woven fabric on a loom' [n o] \{1\}
    Comments: The most plausible etymology for this obscure form involves a connection with Lith. áusti (1sg. áudžiu) `weave'. Vasmer (s.v.) reconstructs the suffix as *-slo, but I find *- tlo more attractive. In this case, the correspondence between AP (b) in Slavic and an acute root in Baltic would not pose a problem because the glottal stop originating from Winter's law would be lost in pretonic position (see Derksen 1996: 105-111).
    Notes:
    \{1\} As far as I know, this form has only been recorded by Dal', who adds a question mark. The word is illustrated by the sentence Сколъ велико усло? `Много ли наткала'?'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ūslò(?)

  • 17 xȗdъ

    xȗdъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: c
    Page in Trubačev: VIII 111-113
    Old Church Slavic:
    xudъ `small, insignificant, poor' [adj o];
    xuždii `worse' [comp]
    Russian:
    xudój `thin, lean, bad, full of holes' [adj o];
    xud `thin, lean, bad, full of holes' [adj o], xudá [Nomsf], xúdo [Nomsn];
    xúže `wor'se' [comp]
    Czech:
    chudý `poor, bad, lean' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    chudý `thin, lean' [adj o]
    Polish:
    chudy `thin, lean, insignificant, poor' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    hȗd (dial.) `bad, evil' [adj o];
    Čak. hȗt (Orbanići) `leaky, with a hole in it' [adj o], hudȁ [Nomsf], hȗdo [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    hȗd `bad, evil' [adj o], húda [Nomsf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: ksoud-ó-
    IE meaning: small
    Page in Pokorny: 625
    Comments: The fact that the root is not acute in Slavic, as one would expect in view of the *-d (Winters's law) is a consequence of Meillet's law.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. kṣudrá- `small' [adj]
    Notes:
    The fact that the root is not acute in Slavic, as one would expect in view of the *-d (Winters's law) is a consequence of Meillet's law.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > xȗdъ

  • 18 aščerъ

    aščerъ Grammatical information: m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `lizard'
    Page in Trubačev: I 87-89
    Old Church Slavic:
    aštera (Supr.) `lizard' [Gensm o]
    Russian:
    jáščer `inflammation of the tongue (cattle, horses)' [m o];
    jáščerica `lizard' [f jā]
    Czech:
    ještěr `saurian, dragon' [m o];
    ještěrka `lizard' [f ā];
    ještěřice (rare) `lizard' [m o]
    Polish:
    jaszczur `salamander, saurian' [m o];
    jaszczurka `lizard' [f ā];
    jaszczór (dial.) `lizard' [m o]
    Slovincian:
    vješčìe̯řäcă `lizard' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȁster (obs.) `lizard' [m o];
    jȁšterica `vesicle on the tongue' [f jā];
    Čak. jȁšćerica (Vrgada) `vesicle on the tongue' [f jā]
    Slovene:
    jȃščerica `green lizard' [f jā];
    jȃščarica `green lizard' [f jā]
    Lithuanian:
    skėrỹs `locust' [m io]
    Latvian:
    sk̨ìrgaîlis `lizard' [m io];
    sk̨ir̃gaila `lizard' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    estureito `lizard'
    Page in Pokorny: 933
    Comments: Though the details would remain unclear, there is definitely possibility that this is a substratum word showing prefixation of a non-Indo-European type (cf. Schrijver 1997: 307-312). Among the alternative solutions, the analysis *h₁oh₁ḱu-sker-, a compound of the word for `quick' and the verbal root that is found in Gk. σκαίρω `frisk' as well as probably Lith. skėrỹs `harvestman, daddy-long-legs' and Latv. šk̨ìrgaîlis2, seems the most attractive (Vey 1953, see also -> *astrębъ).
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ἀσκαρίς `worm in the intestines, larva of a mosquit o' [f];

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > aščerъ

  • 19 avě

    avě Grammatical information: adv. Proto-Slavic meaning: `manifestly'
    Page in Trubačev: I 93-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    javě `manifestly, openly, clearly' [adv];
    avě `manifestly, openly, clearly' [adv]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    javi `manifestly, openly' [adv]
    Bulgarian:
    áve `in reality' [adv];
    jáve `in reality' [adv]
    Macedonian:
    jave `in reality' [adv]
    Lithuanian:
    ovyje (DP) `in reality' [adv]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂ēu-ēis
    IE meaning: apparently
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 78
    Comments: OLith. ovyje `in reality' is sometimes regarded as a borrowing from Slavic but there are no compelling arguments for this view. The absence of initial j- rather points in the direction of an etymological relationship, cf. jovnai `openly', which is a borrowing from Belorussian. In that case we would have to start from a PBSl. i-stem *āv-i- (cf. Anikin 1998: 21, see also s.v. javiti). On the other hand, it seems possible that the form ovyje, whose oldest attestations are two occurrences in Daukša, is based on Church Slavic (j)avě. The Slavic adverb in turn may have been borrowed from Iranian (Lubotsky p.c.).
    Other cognates:
    Skt. āvíṣ `apparently, noticeably' [adv];
    Av. auuiš `apparently, evidently' [adv]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > avě

  • 20 bel(e)nъ

    bel(e)nъ; belená; bolnъ \{1\} \{2\} Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `henbane'
    Page in Trubačev: I 185-187; II 177
    Church Slavic:
    belenъ (RuCS) `henbane' [m o]
    Russian:
    belen (dial.) `henbane' [m o];
    belená `henbane' [f ā]
    Czech:
    blín `henbane' [m o];
    blim (dial.) `henbane' [m o]
    Old Czech:
    blén `henbane' [m o]
    Slovak:
    blen `henbane, bitterness' [m o] \{2\}
    Polish:
    blen `henbane' [m o] \{3\}
    Old Polish:
    bleń `henbane' [m jo] \{4\}
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blȇn (rare) `henbane' [m o];
    blȇm (rare) `henbane' [m o];
    belèna `fool, idiot' [f ā];
    blan (17th c.) `furibundus' [m o] \{5\}
    Slovene:
    blẹ̀n `henbane' [m o], blẹ́na [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    bljan `day-dream' [m o];
    blen `day-dream' [m o]
    Macedonian:
    blen (poet.) `(day-)dream' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰel-(e)n-o-
    IE meaning: henbane
    Page in Pokorny: 120
    Other cognates:
    OE beolone, beolene, belene `henbane' [f];
    OS bilene `henbane' [f];
    Dan. (early) bylne, buln-urt `henbane';
    Gaul. βελενουντίαν [Accs] `henbane';
    Gaul. BELENO [dsg] `name of a divinity' \{6\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Ru. belen- cannot reflect *beln-, which would regularly yield bolon-. \{2\} Alongside bielian. \{3\} Alongside bielun. \{4\} In Old Polish we find bleń, bielun, bieluń, bielon. According to Sɫawski (SP I: Q), blen is a borrowing from Czech. \{5\} Both blȇn and blȇm are rarely attested. The form with m can be traced to Stulli's dictionary. \{6\} Besides the n-stem *bʰel(e)no-, there was an s-stem *bʰel-es-, e.g. OHG bilisa, bilesa, bilsa [f], MDu. bilse, Spanish belesa, velesa, and probably W bela, bele, all meaning `henbane' (see Schrijver 1999).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bel(e)nъ

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