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which+is

  • 1 kateri

    Slovenian-english dictionary > kateri

  • 2 koterъ

    koterъ; kotorъ Grammatical information: prn. Proto-Slavic meaning: `who, which'
    Page in Trubačev: XI 201-203
    Old Church Slavic:
    kotorъi `who, someone' [prn];
    koterъi (Mar., Hil.) `who, someone' [prn]
    Russian:
    kotóryj `which, (rel.) who, which' [prn]
    Slovak:
    koterý `which' [prn];
    kotorý `which' [prn];
    kotrý `which' [prn]
    Upper Sorbian:
    kotry `which, what' [prn]
    Lower Sorbian:
    kótary `which' [prn]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    koteri (dial., obs.) `which' [prn]
    Slovene:
    kotę́ri `which' [prn];
    katę́ri `which' [prn]
    Bulgarian:
    kótryj (Gerov) `which' [prn];
    kotrí (dial.) `which' [prn]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: kot(e)ros
    Lithuanian:
    katràs `which (of the two)' [prn]
    Indo-European reconstruction: kʷo-ter-o-
    Other cognates:
    Skt. katará- `which (of the two)';
    Gk. πότερος `which' [prn];
    Go. hʷaʮar `which' [prn]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > koterъ

  • 3 kotorъ

    koterъ; kotorъ Grammatical information: prn. Proto-Slavic meaning: `who, which'
    Page in Trubačev: XI 201-203
    Old Church Slavic:
    kotorъi `who, someone' [prn];
    koterъi (Mar., Hil.) `who, someone' [prn]
    Russian:
    kotóryj `which, (rel.) who, which' [prn]
    Slovak:
    koterý `which' [prn];
    kotorý `which' [prn];
    kotrý `which' [prn]
    Upper Sorbian:
    kotry `which, what' [prn]
    Lower Sorbian:
    kótary `which' [prn]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    koteri (dial., obs.) `which' [prn]
    Slovene:
    kotę́ri `which' [prn];
    katę́ri `which' [prn]
    Bulgarian:
    kótryj (Gerov) `which' [prn];
    kotrí (dial.) `which' [prn]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: kot(e)ros
    Lithuanian:
    katràs `which (of the two)' [prn]
    Indo-European reconstruction: kʷo-ter-o-
    Other cognates:
    Skt. katará- `which (of the two)';
    Gk. πότερος `which' [prn];
    Go. hʷaʮar `which' [prn]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > kotorъ

  • 4 kъjь

    kъjь Grammatical information: prn. Proto-Slavic meaning: `who, what, which'
    Page in Trubačev: XIII 116-117
    Old Church Slavic:
    kъi `who, what, which' [prn], kaja [Nomsf], koje [Nomsn]
    Russian:
    koj `what, which' [prn]
    Slovak:
    ký `what, which' [prn], ká [Nomsf], ké [Nomsn]
    Polish:
    ki (arch., dial.) `what, which' [prn], ka [Nomsf], kie [Nomsn]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    kòjī `what, which' [prn], kòjā [Nomsf], kòjē [Nomsn]
    Bulgarian:
    koj `who, which' [prn], kojá [Nomsf], koé [Nomsn]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: kos
    Lithuanian:
    kàs `who, which' [prn]
    Indo-European reconstruction: kʷo-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 644

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > kъjь

  • 5 akъ(jь)

    akъ(jь) Grammatical information: prn. Proto-Slavic meaning: `such as'
    Page in Trubačev: VIII 171
    Old Church Slavic:
    jakъ (Mar., Zogr., Supr.) `such as' [pron]
    Czech:
    jaký `what (kind of), which' [pron]
    Slovak:
    jaký `what (kind of), which' [pron]
    Polish:
    jaki `what (kind of), which' [pron]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jakny `outstanding, strong' [pron]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȃk `strong, healthy' [adj o], jáka [Nomsf], jáko [Nomsf];
    Čak. jå̑k `strong, healthy' [adj o], jå̄kȁ [Nomsf], jå̑ko [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    jȃk `strong, prominent, superb, brave' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    jakyj `strong, healthy' [adj o]
    Comments: I endorse the hypothesis that the meaning `strong', attested in South Slavic and Upper Sorbian, is secondary, cf. Rum. tare `strong' from * talis `such' (Meyer-Lübke 1935: 705).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > akъ(jь)

  • 6 màlъ

    màlъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `small, little'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 173-178
    Old Church Slavic:
    malъ `small, little' [adj o]
    Russian:
    mályj `small, little' [adj o]
    Czech:
    malý `small, little' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    malý `small, little' [adj o]
    Polish:
    maɫy `small, little' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁo `small, little' [adj o];
    Čak. må̃lī (Vrgada) `small, little' [adj o];
    Čak. mȃli (Orbanići) `small, little' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    mȃli `small, little' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    mal (BTR) `small, little' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: moh₁-lo-
    Page in Pokorny: 724
    Comments: The question is whether *màlъ can be linked to PIE *melH-, as has been advocated by Varbot, for instance (1972: 63). In view of the acute root vowel, I consider this unlikely: we would have to posit a lengthened grade root of which the acute intonation is analogical after forms with full or zero grade. Thus, I prefer to reconstruct a root *mH₁-, which in the etymon under discussion is followed by an l-suffix (cf. Vaillant IV, 545, where the root is assumed to be identical with the root of Ru. majat', which I reconstruct as *meH₂-). The Germanic forms would have s mobile and zero grade of the root. Notice that Pokorny classifies CS mělъkъ under 1. mel-, melǝ- `zermalmen, schlagen, mahlen etc.', while OCS malъ can be found under mēlo-, smēlo- `kleines Tier'.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. μη̃λον `small cattle, goat, sheep' [n] \{1\};
    OIr. míl `(small) `animal';
    Go. smals `small, insignificant'
    ;
    OIc. smali `small (live) `stock, sheep'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Doric form also has η.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > màlъ

  • 7 mьglà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьglà

  • 8 mьgà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьgà

  • 9 miglъ

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > miglъ

  • 10 ȍlovo

    ȍlovo Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `lead'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 76-77
    Old Church Slavic:
    ólovo (Supr.) `lead' [n o]
    Russian:
    ólovo `tin' [n o]
    Old Russian:
    olovь `tin' [f i]
    Czech:
    olovo `lead' [n o]
    Slovak:
    olovo `lead' [n o]
    Polish:
    oɫów `lead' [m jo];
    oɫów (obs.) `lead' [m o];
    oɫowo (dial.) `lead' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    ȍlovo lead' [n o];
    Čak. ȍlovo (Vrgada) lead' [n o]
    Slovene:
    olǫ́v `lead' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    élavo (dial.) `lead' [n o] \{1\}
    Lithuanian:
    álvas (DK, Bretk.) `tin' [m o] \{2\}
    Latvian:
    al̂va `tin' [f ā];
    al̂vas `tin' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    alwis (EV) `lead'
    IE meaning: tin, lead
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: -
    Comments: Pokorny derives the Balto-Slavic word for `tin, lead' from *al(ǝ)- `white'. This more or less presupposes that the original meaning was `tin' (plumbum album) rather than `lead' (plumbum nigrum). In view of both the formal problems and the sphere to which this word belong it seems preferable to regard it as a borrowing from an unknown language.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Forms with *(j)e- are limited to Bulgarian, e.g. MBulg. jelovo, Bulg. (dial.) élavo. In Russian dialects, we find a form lov' (Voronež), which may reflect *olvь. The fact that we do not have *lavь < *olHvi-, as we might have expected on the basis of the Baltic forms, can be explained by assuming that the laryngeal was eliminated according to Meillet's law before the metathesis of liquids. \{2\} It's unclear to me on what grounds the LKŽ assigns AP 1 to this word. To my knowledge, the only accented form is áɫwu Isg. (DK), which points to AP 1 or 3. The Modern Lithuanian form ãlavas is a borrowing from Slavic.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȍlovo

  • 11 àgnę

    àgnę Grammatical information: n. nt Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `lamb'
    Page in Trubačev: I 54-55
    Old Church Slavic:
    agnę (Zogr., Supr.) `lamb' [n nt]
    Old Russian:
    jagnja `lamb' [n nt]
    Czech:
    jehně `lamb' [n nt]
    Slovak:
    jahňa `lamb' [n nt]
    Polish:
    jagnię `lamb' [n nt]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȁgne `lamb' [n nt];
    Čak. jȁńe (Vrgada) `lamb' [n nt], jå̃ńci [Nom p]
    Slovene:
    jágnje `lamb' [n nt];
    ágnje `lamb' [n nt]
    Bulgarian:
    ágne `lamb' [n nt];
    jágne `lamb' [n nt]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂egʷ-n-
    IE meaning: lamb
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 9
    Comments: PSl. * agn- < * h₂egʷ-n- (N.B. Winter's law) with the diminutive suffix *-ę < *- ent-, which is common in designations of young animals. Slavic forms without a secondary suffix do not exist.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ἀμνός `lamb' [f/m];
    Lat. agnus `lamb'
    \{1\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Slavic *agnędъ `black poplar', which Trubačev derives from the word for `lamb', may be related to Greek ἄμνος `chaste-tree'. I tentatively posit a root *h₂eǵ-.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > àgnę

  • 12 aviti

    aviti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `show'
    Page in Trubačev: I 94-95
    Old Church Slavic:
    javiti `show, reveal' [verb];
    aviti `show, reveal' [verb]
    Russian:
    javít' `show, display' [verb], javljú [1sg], jávit [3sg]
    Czech:
    jeviti `show' [verb]
    Polish:
    jawić (obs.) `show' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jáviti `inform' [verb], jȃvīm [1sg];
    Čak. jå̑vȉti (Vrgada) `inform?' [verb], jå̃viš [2sg];
    Čak. jāvȉt (Vrgada) `(se) greet, answer' [verb], jãve [3sg]
    Slovene:
    jáviti `announce' [verb], jávim [1sg]
    Lithuanian:
    ovytis `appear' [verb], ovijasi [3sg] \{1\}
    Page in Pokorny: 78
    Notes:
    \{1\} Lith. (arch.) ovytis `appear' derives from the i-stem which must underlie ovyje `in reality'. Fraenkel (I: 519) claims that ovytis `appear; rage' and Latv. âvîtiês `talk nonsense, get up to mischief' are inherited words cognate with óvaidas (< *avi-vaidas) `rowdy, braggart', while Lith. jė́vaidas (< *jeva-vaidas) `ghost' and Latv. jàvîtiês or jâvîtiês `to behave like an idiot' are borrowings from Slavic (see also Anikin: 22). I am not convinced that this solution, which seems to rely exclusively on the presence or absence of j-, is correct. Moreover, it is not obvious that ovytis `appear' and ovytis (also jõvytis) `rage' are cognates. It seems quite possible that Lith. óvaidas must be connected with Ukr. (dial.) jávida `devil', Ru. (dial.) jávidь `snake'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > aviti

  • 13 bàjati

    bàjati Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `tell'
    Page in Trubačev: I 138-139, 161-162
    Church Slavic:
    bajati (RuCS) `tell fables' [verb]
    Russian:
    bajati (dial.) `speak' [verb]
    Ukrainian:
    bájati `tell, narrate, practise sorcery' [verb]
    Czech:
    bajeti `chat, tell fables' [verb]
    Old Czech:
    báti `speak, invent' [verb]
    Polish:
    bajać `narrate (fables, fairy-tales)' [verb]
    Upper Sorbian:
    bać `narrate (fables, fairy-tales)' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bȁjati `practise sorcery, exorcize' [verb]
    Slovene:
    bájati `talk idly, prophesy, practise sorcery' [verb], bájam [1sg], bájem [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    bája `talk about, say magic chants' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰeh₂-
    IE meaning: speak
    Page in Pokorny: 105
    Other cognates:
    Gk. φημί `say' [verb];
    Dor. φα̑μί `say' [verb];
    Lat. fārī `say' [verb];
    OE bōian `brag' [verb] \{1\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Lith. bóti `draw attention to', which has an older variant dbóti, is a borrowing from Slavic, cf. Pl. dbać `(take) care' (Fraenkel I: 53). According to LIV (181), OE bō(ia)n might continue *ǵʰu̯eH- `call', which seems dubious.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bàjati

  • 14 berstъ

    berstъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: b/c Proto-Slavic meaning: `elm'
    Page in Trubačev: I 199-200
    Russian:
    bérest `elm' [m o], béresta [Gens] \{1\}
    Belorussian:
    bérast `elm' [m o], bérasta [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    bérest `elm' [m o], béresta [Gens]
    Czech:
    břest `elm' [m o]
    Slovak:
    brest `elm' [m o]
    Polish:
    brzost `elm' [m o];
    brzóst (dial.) `elm' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    brȉjest `elm' [m o], brijèsta [Gens];
    Čak. brĩst (Vrgada) `a herb similar to rosemary' [m o], brīstȁ [Gens];
    brést (Novi) `elm' [m o], brēstȁ [Gens];
    Čak. briȇs (Orbanići) `elm' [m o], brȅsta [Gens]
    Slovene:
    brẹ́st `elm' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    brjast `elm' [m o];
    brest `elm' [m o]
    Comments: If we assume that * berstъ is cognate with -> *bèrza, which has an acute root, we must explain the variant belonging AP (b). In my view, a form bʰerHǵ-tó- (admittedly with slightly unexpected end-stress) would remain oxytone in Balto-Slavic, in which case the root would be affected by the Proto-Slavic loss of pretonic laryngeals. As I consider it possible that the generalization of accentual mobility in masculine o-stems with a non-acute root vowel did not apply to the marginal class of Balto-Slavic oxytona, Illič-Svityč's reconstruction of a substantivized neuter adjective is not necessarily correct.
    Other cognates:
    Go. bairhts `bright, clear' [adj]
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč (1963: 52), mentions a Gsg. berestá (dial.).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > berstъ

  • 15 bě̄dà

    bě̄dà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `need, poverty, misery'
    Page in Trubačev: II 54-56
    Old Church Slavic:
    běda `distress, need, necessity' [f ā]
    Russian:
    bedá `misfortune, trouble' [f ā]
    Czech:
    bída `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    běda `woe!' [interj]
    Slovak:
    bieda `poverty, calamity' [f ā]
    Polish:
    bieda `poverty, misery' [f ā];
    biada `woe!' [interj]
    Old Polish:
    biada `distress, necessity' [f ā] \{1\}
    Upper Sorbian:
    běda `grief, woe, misery' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    běda `grief, pain' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bijèda `grief, misfortune' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    bẹ́da `misery' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    bedá `misfortune, misery' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰoidʰ-eh₂ \{2\}
    IE meaning: force
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 117
    Comments: According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds.
    Other cognates:
    Alb. be `oath' [f] \{2\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} The vocalism of Modern Polish bieda `id.' is of Mazowian origin, cf. biada `woe!'. \{2\} According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds. \{3\} Demiraj prefers *bʰeidʰ-i-s to an ā-stem (1997: 94).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bě̄dà

  • 16 blǫ̑dъ

    blǫ̑dъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `delusion'
    Page in Trubačev: II 126-127
    Old Church Slavic:
    blǫdъ `debauchery, depravity, adultery' [m o]
    Russian:
    blud `lechery, fornication, (dial.) evil spirit that leads the drunk astray' [m o]
    Czech:
    blud `mistake, delusion, insanity' [m o];
    bloud `fool' [m o] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    blud `mistake, delusion, insanity' [m o]
    Polish:
    bɫąd `mistake, delusion' [m o], bɫędu [Gens]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blȗd `mistake, delusion, lechery, adultery' [m o]
    Slovene:
    blǫ̑d `mistake, delusion, voluptuousness' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    blud `fornication, adultery, time of unrest' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: blondos
    Lithuanian:
    blañdas `cloudiness, obscuration of mind or eyesight, drowsiness' [m o];
    blandà `fog' [f ā] 4;
    blandùs `dim, cloudy, thick (soup)' [adj u]
    Latvian:
    bluods `evil spirit that leads one astray, wood-goblin' [m o]
    Page in Pokorny: 157
    Comments: Deverbative o-stem with o-grade in the root of *bʰlend-. Skt. bradhná- (RV+) `pale ruddy, yellowish, bay' [adj], which has been assumed to be cogtyy o- rather belongs together with * bronъ.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. blundr `slumber' [m o]
    Notes:
    \{1\} According to Verweij (1994: 52), the originally long root vowel of Cz. bloud may be a vestige of the accent paradigm to which *blǫdъ belonged prior to the operation of Illič-Svityč's law.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > blǫ̑dъ

  • 17 bỳstrъ

    bỳstrъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `quick'
    Page in Trubačev: III 153-154
    Old Church Slavic:
    bystrъ `quick' [adj o]
    Russian:
    býstryj `quick' [adj o]
    Czech:
    bystrý `quick, sharp-witted' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    bystrý `quick, sharp-witted' [adj o]
    Polish:
    bystry `quick, sharp-witted' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    bȉstar `clear, transparent, quick' [adj o]
    Slovene:
    bístǝr `quick, vivacious, transparent' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    bístăr `clear, transparent' [adj o]
    Page in Pokorny: 146
    Comments: Attempts have been made to connect *bỳstrъ with -> bъ̀drъ `cheerful, lively', which derives from PIE * bʰudʰ-. This etymology fails to provide an explanation for the acute *y, however. We could assume that the root is simply * by- `be', but in that case the origin of the the suffix would be unclear. In my opinion, it is not unattractive to assume a connection with Skt. bhū́ṣati `support, be active for assume, strengthen', the root of which is probably an s-enlargement of * bʰu- `be'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bỳstrъ

  • 18 dòlnь

    dòlnь Grammatical information: f. i Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `palm of the hand'
    Page in Trubačev: V 63-64
    Old Church Slavic:
    dlanь `palm of the hand' [f i]
    Russian:
    ladón' `palm of the hand' [f i];
    dolón' (dial.) `palm of the hand' [f i]
    Czech:
    dlaň `palm of the hand' [f i]
    Slovak:
    dlaň `palm of the hand' [f i]
    Polish:
    dɫoń `palm of the hand' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dlȁn `palm of the hand' [m o];
    Čak. dlå̃n (Vrgada) `palm of the hand' [m o], dlȁna [Gens];
    Čak. dlán (Vrgada) `palm of the hand' [m o], dlȁna [Gens];
    Čak. dlȃn (Orbanići) `palm (of the hand)' [f i], dlȃni [Gens]
    Slovene:
    dlàn `palm of the hand' [f i], dlanȋ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    dlan `palm of the hand' [f i]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: dolʔn-; delʔn-
    Lithuanian:
    délna `palm of the hand' [f ā];
    délnas `palm of the hand' [m o]
    Latvian:
    dęl̃na `palm of the hand' [f ā]
    Comments: We are apparently dealing with a Balto-Slavic root * delʔ-, the origin of which is unclear. Pokorny suggests that there is a connection with Lith. dìlti `rub off, wear out' (`flatten' -> `flat of the hand'), which seems far-fetched.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dòlnь

  • 19 dьrba

    dьrba Grammatical information: f. ā
    Page in Trubačev: V 219
    Russian:
    derbá (dial.) `new ploughed field, of which the hardened top layer has been removed;
    virgin land, fallow land which has been ploughed up anew, overgrown fallow land' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    dérba `turf' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: drbʰ-eh₂
    Other cognates:
    OIc. torfa `turf' [f];
    OE turf `turf' [f];
    OHG zurba `turf' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dьrba

  • 20 ȅsenь

    ȅsenь Grammatical information: f. i Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `autumn'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 28-29
    Church Slavic:
    esenь (Const.) `autumn' [Accf i]
    Russian:
    ósen' `autumn' [f i];
    jésen' (Rjaz.) `autumn' [f i]
    Ukrainian:
    ósin' `autumn' [f i]
    Slovak:
    jeseň `autumn' [f i]
    Polish:
    jesień `autumn' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȅsēn `autumn' [f i];
    Čak. jȅsēn (Vrgada) `autumn' [f i];
    Čak. jȅsēn (Novi) `autumn' [f i];
    Čak. jȅsen (Orbanići) `autumn' [nd]
    Slovene:
    jesę́n `autumn' [f i]
    Bulgarian:
    jésen `autumn' [f i]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: es-eni-
    Old Prussian:
    assanis `autumn'
    IE meaning: summer, autumn
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 340
    Comments: If the root is indeed PIE *h₁s `to be', which would lead to a reconstruction *h₁os-en-, the e- of the Slavic forms as opposed to the *o- elsewhere (Old Prussian being inconclusive) may be an instance of ablaut or a result of "Rozwadowski's change".
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ὀπώρα, ὀπάρα (Lak.) `late summer, early autumn' [f];
    Go. asans `harvest time, summer' [f];
    OHG ar(a)n `harvest'
    ;
    Fi. kesä `summer'
    Notes:
    The e- of the Slavic forms as opposed to the *o- elsewhere (Old Prussian being unclear) may be an instance of ablaut or a result of "Rozwadowski's change", but it must be said that the etymology is unclear. The Greek forms may reflect *οσαρᾱ, which would point to an r/n-stem.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȅsenь

Страницы

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