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1 pokojni
-
2 pozen
-
3 pozno
-
4 pozdъ
pozdъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `late'Old Church Slavic:pozdě `late' [adv]Russian:pózdyj (dial.) `late' [adj o]Old Russian:Czech:pozdě `late' [adv]Slovak:Slovene:pózdi `late' [adv];pozdȋ `late' [adv];Lithuanian:Other cognates:Skt. paścā́ (RV+) `behind, after' [adv]; -
5 pozdьnъ
pozdьnъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `slow, late'Old Church Slavic:Russian:pózdnij `late' [adj jo]Czech:pozdní `late' [adj jo]Polish:późny `late' [adj o]Serbo-Croatian:pȍzan `late' [adj o], pȍzna [Nomsf], pòzna [Nomsf];Čak. poznȋ (Vrgada) `late' [adj o], poznå̑ [Nomsf], poznȏ [Nomsn]Slovene:pózǝn `late' [adj o], pózna `late' [Nomsf]Bulgarian:pózden `late' [adj o]Lithuanian:Other cognates:Skt. paścā́ (RV+) `behind, after' [adv]; -
6 kъsьnъ
kъsьnъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `slow'Page in Trubačev: XIII 246-247Church Slavic:Russian:kósnyj `inert, sluggish' [adj o]Serbo-Croatian:kȁsan `late, tardy' [adj o];kȁsno (dial.) `late, tardy' [adv];Čak. kȁsan (Vrgada) `late, tardy' [adj o];Čak. kȃsan (Orbanići) `late, tardy' [adj o]Slovene:kǝsȃn `sluggish, slow, late' [adj o];kásǝn `sluggish, slow, late' [adj o]Bulgarian:kắsen `late' [adj o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: kuś-no-; kuś-lo-Lithuanian:kùšlas (dial.) `blind, weak (plants), small' [adj o]Latvian: -
7 bàviti
bàviti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `be, linger'Page in Trubačev: I 168-170Russian:bávit' (dial.) `linger' [verb]Ukrainian:Czech:Polish:bawić `amuse, be, abide' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:bȁvit (dial.) `be late, linger' [verb];bȁviti se (dial.) `be late, linger' [verb]Slovene:báviti se `occupy oneself with, linger' [verb], bȃvim se [1sg] \{1\}Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: boʔu-iʔ-tei; bʔu-inʔ-teiLithuanian:bùvintis `sojourn' [verb]Indo-European reconstruction: bʰoHu-eie-Page in Pokorny: 146Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} Pleteršnik (I: s.v.) does not indicate the change of tone in the present (o.c. II: I). -
8 nebogъ
nebogъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `poor, unfortunate'Page in Trubačev: XXIV 104-105Old Church Slavic:Czech:nebohý `poor, late (deceased)' [adj o]Slovak:nebohý (dial.) `poor, dead, late (deceased)' [adj o]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:nèbōg `poor, unfortunate' [adj o]Slovene:nebọ̑g `poor, miserable' [adj o] -
9 dòl̨a
dòl̨a Grammatical information: f. jā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `share, fate'Page in Trubačev: V 62-63Church Slavic:Russian:dólja `part, share, fate, (bot., anat.) lobe' [f jā]Old Russian:Belorussian:dólja `share, fate' [f jā]Ukrainian:dólja `fate, destiny' [f jā] \{1\}Old Czech:Polish:Lithuanian:dalià `fate, destiny' [f jā] 4Latvian:dal̨a `part, share' [f jā]Comments: According to Bańkowski (2000: 282), this etymon spread from Belorussian, where it originated from a Lithuanian substratum, to Ukrainian, Russian and Polish. The secondary meaning `fate' is assumed to have arisen in Belorussian. Though this is not an implausible scenario, it should be noticed that Trubačëv mentions late 14th century attestations of dolja in Old Russian / Russian Church Slavic, in the meaning `fate' as well as in the meaning `part'. Furthermore, there is an Old Czech attestation from around 1400.Notes:\{1\} The earliest attestations date from the 17th century (Bańkowski 2000: 282). -
10 ȅsenь
ȅsenь Grammatical information: f. i Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `autumn'Page in Trubačev: VI 28-29Church Slavic:Russian:ósen' `autumn' [f i];jésen' (Rjaz.) `autumn' [f i]Ukrainian:ósin' `autumn' [f i]Slovak:jeseň `autumn' [f i]Polish:jesień `autumn' [f i]Serbo-Croatian:jȅsēn `autumn' [f i];Čak. jȅsēn (Vrgada) `autumn' [f i];Čak. jȅsēn (Novi) `autumn' [f i];Čak. jȅsen (Orbanići) `autumn' [nd]Slovene:jesę́n `autumn' [f i]Bulgarian:jésen `autumn' [f i]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: es-eni-Old Prussian:assanis `autumn'IE meaning: summer, autumnCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 340Comments: If the root is indeed PIE *h₁s `to be', which would lead to a reconstruction *h₁os-en-, the e- of the Slavic forms as opposed to the *o- elsewhere (Old Prussian being inconclusive) may be an instance of ablaut or a result of "Rozwadowski's change".Other cognates:Notes:The e- of the Slavic forms as opposed to the *o- elsewhere (Old Prussian being unclear) may be an instance of ablaut or a result of "Rozwadowski's change", but it must be said that the etymology is unclear. The Greek forms may reflect *οσαρᾱ, which would point to an r/n-stem. -
11 ěrina
ěrina Grammatical information: f. āPage in Trubačev: VIII 173-174Church Slavic:Old Russian:Ukrainian:jaryná `spring corn, spring sowings, spring field' [f ā];jaryná (dial.) `vegetables' [f ā]Czech:jařina `spring corn' [f ā]Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:jȁrina `lamb's wool' [f ā];jarìna `spring crop' [f ā];Čak. jȁrina (Vrgada) `lamb's (first) wool' [f ā];Čak. jarĩna (Orbanići) `late crop (grapes, wheat etc.)' [f ā]Slovene:jarína `spring seed, summer fruit' [f ā]Bulgarian:járina `lamb's wool' [f ā] -
12 jь̑go
jь̑go Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `yoke'Page in Trubačev: VIII 206-207Old Church Slavic:Russian:ígo `yoke (fig.)' [n o]Ukrainian:ího `yoke' [n o]Czech:Slovak:Polish:Slovincian:vjĩgo `yoke' [n o]Polabian:Serbo-Croatian:jìgo (Krk) `stabilizing cross-beam on primitive boats' [n o]Slovene:igọ̑ `yoke' [n s], ižę̑sa [Gens];jígọ (Carinthia) `yoke' [n s], jižę̑sa [Gens]Bulgarian:ígo `yoke' [n o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: júʔgoLithuanian:jùngas `yoke' [m o] 1Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: iug-ó-mIE meaning: yokeCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 508Comments: The s-stem that occurs in Slovene and in late Church Slavic texts must be analogical after forms such as kolesa `wheels', ojesa `thills' (cf. Vaillant Gr. II: 237).Other cognates:Skt. yugá- `yoke, pair' [n];Notes:\{1\} The RSA gives the accentuations ȋgo and ígo. Skok has ȉgo with a question mark. The word igo seems to have been introduced into the literary language at a relatively recent stage. -
13 màkъ
màkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `poppy'Page in Trubačev: XVII 149-151Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:mák `poppy' [m o]Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:mȁk `poppy' [m o], mȁka [Gens], màka [Gens];Čak. mȁk (Vrgada) `poppy' [m o], makȁ [Gens]Slovene:màk `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]Bulgarian:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ?Lithuanian:aguonà `poppy' [f ā] 2;mãguonė (dial.) `poppy' [f ē] 1 \{1\}Latvian:Old Prussian:IE meaning: poppyCertainty: -Page in Pokorny: 698Comments: The Germanic forms show grammatischer Wechsel as well as an alternation *ā: a. The vocalism, which could reflect PIE *eh₁: h₁, does not match the ā of the Greek and the Slavic forms, which leads us to assume that the vowel alternation arose when at a comparatively late stage the root māk- was borrowed into Germanic (cf. Kluge 1989, 484). The Lithuanian and Latvian forms are usually considered borrowings from Germanic, whereas OPr. moke may have been borrowed from Polish. The Estonian and Livonian forms must be borrowings from Baltic, probably Latvian. It is generally agreed upon that ultimately we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European (Mediterranean?) origin.Other cognates:Dor. μά̑κων `poppy' [f];Notes:\{1\} Besides, we find the variants maguona and magūna. The forms with m are restricted to the area around Klaipėda. \{2\} I have found the variants magùona2, magana, magane and magūne. \{3\} The initial m of the word for `poppy' was apparently lost in Lithuanian but not in Latvian. The Lithuanian dialect forms with m- may be due to the influence of the (Latvian) language of the fishermen of the Couronian Isthmus (cf. Būga RR III: 320). Sabaliauskas suggests dissimilatory loss of m, parallel to the loss of r in arotai: rarotai, akrūtas: rakrūtas, Latv. ruodere: uodere, ūk̨eris (1960, 71-72). \{4\} The first element means `sleep', cf. Nw. dial. vale `deep sleep', Sw. dial. valbjörn `Schlafdorn'. -
14 matorъ
matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. oPage in Trubačev: XVII 244-249Church Slavic:Russian:matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];materój `full-grown' [adj o]Serbo-Croatian:mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]Slovene:matǫ́r `old' [adj o]Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-IE meaning: motherPage in Pokorny: 693Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.Other cognates: -
15 materъ
matorъ; materъ Grammatical information: adj. oPage in Trubačev: XVII 244-249Church Slavic:Russian:matëryj `experienced, full-grown' [adj o];materój `full-grown' [adj o]Serbo-Croatian:mȁtor `old, elderly' [adj o]Slovene:matǫ́r `old' [adj o]Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂tor-IE meaning: motherPage in Pokorny: 693Comments: While the ESSJ (Trubačëv) states that *matorъ(jь) is older than *materъ(jь), the same dictionary considers the o-grade of the suffix in *matorьnъ(jь) as well as the meaning of this formation (in comparison with materьnъ(jь) `motherly') to be late. The point is, however, that *matorьnъ(jь) and *matorьnъ(jь) may not be cognate with *mȁti at all. Lat. mātūrus has been connected with mānus `good', OIr. maith `id.' (Pokorny 693, Ernout - Meillet s.v., Schrijver 1991: 143). In Trubačëv's dictionary, the connection with the latter form is dismissed. Instead, *matorъ(jь) is considered cognate with both *mȁti and mātūrus (with references to Trubačëv 19??: 32 and - incorrectly - Meillet 1902-1905 II: 407, where merely the connection with māne and mātūrus is considered). Yet another etymology was proposed by Vaillant, who tried to link the Slavic etymon to words meaning `big', such as OPr. muis `bigger' (1961: 189). In my opinion, Lat. mātūrus has the best chance of being cognate with *matorъ(jь) etc. (pace Vasmer s.v. matëryj). The connection with *mȁti cannot be disproved on formal grounds but there are sufficient semantic reasons for keeping this word apart. Athough ultimately we may be dealing with the same root, it is unlikely that *matorъ(jь) is a recent derivative of *mȁti.Other cognates:
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