-
1 ton
-
2 zvočni signal
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3 às(ъ)trę̄bъ
às(ъ)trę̄bъ; às(ъ)trě̄bъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `hawk'Page in Trubačev: I 83-85Russian:jástreb `hawk' [m o]Old Russian:Ukrainian:jástrib `hawk' [m o];astrjáb (dial.) `hawk' [m o];jástrjab `hawk' [m o]Czech:jestřáb `hawk' [m o]Old Czech:jestřáb `hawk' [m o];jěstřáb `hawk' [m o]Slovak:Polish:jastrząb `hawk' [m jo], jastrzębia [Gens] \{1\}Slovincian:jȧ̃střïb `hawk' [m o]Upper Sorbian:jatřob `hawk' [m jo]Lower Sorbian:jastśeb `hawk' [m jo]Serbo-Croatian:jȁstrijeb `hawk' [m o];Čak. jȁstrēb (Vrgada) `hawk' [m o];Čak. jãstrop (Orlec) `hawk' [m o]Slovene:jȃstreb `hawk' [m o]Bulgarian:jástreb `hawk' [m o]Comments: As far as I can see, there are no serious objections to the daring etymology *h₁oh₁ḱu-ptr- `fast-flier' (Vey 1953). According to Vey, the Slovene falling tone points to the former presence of a weak jer in the medial syllable, but it seems to me that the neo-circumflex may also reflect original posttonic length. The compound has nice parallels in Homeric ἴρηξ ὠκύπτερος Ν 62 `a swift-winged hawk (or falcon)' and Lat. accipiter `hawk, falcon'.Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} The original Gsg. jastrzęba was replaced by jastrzębia on the analogy of goɫąb, Gsg. goɫębia `pigeon' (Bańkowski 2000: 577). -
4 às(ъ)trě̄bъ
às(ъ)trę̄bъ; às(ъ)trě̄bъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `hawk'Page in Trubačev: I 83-85Russian:jástreb `hawk' [m o]Old Russian:Ukrainian:jástrib `hawk' [m o];astrjáb (dial.) `hawk' [m o];jástrjab `hawk' [m o]Czech:jestřáb `hawk' [m o]Old Czech:jestřáb `hawk' [m o];jěstřáb `hawk' [m o]Slovak:Polish:jastrząb `hawk' [m jo], jastrzębia [Gens] \{1\}Slovincian:jȧ̃střïb `hawk' [m o]Upper Sorbian:jatřob `hawk' [m jo]Lower Sorbian:jastśeb `hawk' [m jo]Serbo-Croatian:jȁstrijeb `hawk' [m o];Čak. jȁstrēb (Vrgada) `hawk' [m o];Čak. jãstrop (Orlec) `hawk' [m o]Slovene:jȃstreb `hawk' [m o]Bulgarian:jástreb `hawk' [m o]Comments: As far as I can see, there are no serious objections to the daring etymology *h₁oh₁ḱu-ptr- `fast-flier' (Vey 1953). According to Vey, the Slovene falling tone points to the former presence of a weak jer in the medial syllable, but it seems to me that the neo-circumflex may also reflect original posttonic length. The compound has nice parallels in Homeric ἴρηξ ὠκύπτερος Ν 62 `a swift-winged hawk (or falcon)' and Lat. accipiter `hawk, falcon'.Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} The original Gsg. jastrzęba was replaced by jastrzębia on the analogy of goɫąb, Gsg. goɫębia `pigeon' (Bańkowski 2000: 577). -
5 bàviti
bàviti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `be, linger'Page in Trubačev: I 168-170Russian:bávit' (dial.) `linger' [verb]Ukrainian:Czech:Polish:bawić `amuse, be, abide' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:bȁvit (dial.) `be late, linger' [verb];bȁviti se (dial.) `be late, linger' [verb]Slovene:báviti se `occupy oneself with, linger' [verb], bȃvim se [1sg] \{1\}Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: boʔu-iʔ-tei; bʔu-inʔ-teiLithuanian:bùvintis `sojourn' [verb]Indo-European reconstruction: bʰoHu-eie-Page in Pokorny: 146Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} Pleteršnik (I: s.v.) does not indicate the change of tone in the present (o.c. II: I). -
6 čùti
čùti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `sense, feel, notice'Page in Trubačev: IV 134-136Old Church Slavic:Church Slavic:Russian:čújat' `scent, sense, feel' [verb], čúju [1sg], čúet [3sg];Old Russian:Czech:číti `sense, feel' [verb];Old Czech:čúti `sense, feel' [verb];Slovak:Polish:czuć `feel' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:čȕti `hear' [verb], čȕjēm [1sg];Čak. čȕti (Vrgada) `hear, feel, sense' [verb], čȕješ [2sg];Čak. čȕt (Orbanići) `hear, taste, smell' [verb], čȗjen [1sg]Slovene:čúti `hear, be awake' [verb], čújem [1sg] \{1\}Bulgarian:čúja `hear' [verb]Notes:\{1\} Pleteršnik (I: s.v.) incorrectly has a falling tone in the present (see o.c. II: III). -
7 dъnò
dъnò Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bottom'Page in Trubačev: V 174-175Old Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:dnȍ `bottom' [n o];Čak. dnȍ (Vrgada, Orbanići) `bottom' [n o]Slovene:dnọ̀ `bottom' [n o]Bulgarian:dắno `bottom, floor' [n o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: dubnoLithuanian:dùgnas `bottom' [m o] 4Indo-European reconstruction: dʰubʰ-no-Certainty: -Comments: The Slavic vacillation between root-final *b and *p does not have a Baltic counterpart. In East Baltic, however, the full grade * daub- occurs both with acute and circumflex tone, e.g. Latv. duôbjš `deep'. The acute variant could be attributed to Winter's law, which would be in accordance with PGm. * deupa- `deep'< * dʰeub-, but this would leave us without an explanation for the other forms. The many formal problems connected with this root have made it a prime example of a borrowing from a substratum language (cf. Kuiper 1995). -
8 evьja
evьja; evьn̨a Grammatical information: f. iā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `granary, drying shed'Page in Trubačev: -Russian:évnja (W. dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];ëvnja (Psk.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];evnjá (dial.) `drying shed without a ceiling' [f jā]Belorussian:ëŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];éŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];jaŭja (dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{1\}Ukrainian:jévnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā]Polish:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: iouiaHLithuanian:jáuja `granary, drying shed, threshing shed' [f ā] 1 \{3\}Latvian:jaũja `threshing floor' [f ā]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: ieu-iH-eh₂IE meaning: granaryCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 512Comments: It is evident that *evьja is a borrowing from Baltic. The Baltic word is a derivative of the word for `grain', Lith. javaĩ, which lacks a Slavic counterpart. The resyllabification of *iau̯-iā to *iau-i̯ā may account for the metatonical acute tone of both the Lithuanian and the Latvian form, if we assume that the original form was *iau̯-ìā. The East Slavic word *ovinъ apparently underwent the e- > o- shift (I do not share Andersen's objections to Trubačëv's Proto-Slavic reconstruction *evinъ, theoretical though it is).Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} The form without -n- has been recorded from 1540 onwards in many different shapes, e.g. ev'ja, jav'ja, evga and javga. According to Anikin (2005: 143), only the form jaŭja is known in the living language. The other forms are limited to areas that were inhabited by Lithuanians.\{2\} Since 1554 many variants have been recorded, e.g. jawia, jawgia, jewia, jowia. \{3\} There are many variants, viz. jáujė, jáujis, jáujas, jáujus. \{4\} The oldest source (1604) has the spelling jawyge (Toporov II: 21). -
9 evьn̨a
evьja; evьn̨a Grammatical information: f. iā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `granary, drying shed'Page in Trubačev: -Russian:évnja (W. dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];ëvnja (Psk.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā];evnjá (dial.) `drying shed without a ceiling' [f jā]Belorussian:ëŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];éŭnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā];jaŭja (dial.) `granary, drying shed' [f jā] \{1\}Ukrainian:jévnja `granary, drying shed' [f jā]Polish:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: iouiaHLithuanian:jáuja `granary, drying shed, threshing shed' [f ā] 1 \{3\}Latvian:jaũja `threshing floor' [f ā]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: ieu-iH-eh₂IE meaning: granaryCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 512Comments: It is evident that *evьja is a borrowing from Baltic. The Baltic word is a derivative of the word for `grain', Lith. javaĩ, which lacks a Slavic counterpart. The resyllabification of *iau̯-iā to *iau-i̯ā may account for the metatonical acute tone of both the Lithuanian and the Latvian form, if we assume that the original form was *iau̯-ìā. The East Slavic word *ovinъ apparently underwent the e- > o- shift (I do not share Andersen's objections to Trubačëv's Proto-Slavic reconstruction *evinъ, theoretical though it is).Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} The form without -n- has been recorded from 1540 onwards in many different shapes, e.g. ev'ja, jav'ja, evga and javga. According to Anikin (2005: 143), only the form jaŭja is known in the living language. The other forms are limited to areas that were inhabited by Lithuanians.\{2\} Since 1554 many variants have been recorded, e.g. jawia, jawgia, jewia, jowia. \{3\} There are many variants, viz. jáujė, jáujis, jáujas, jáujus. \{4\} The oldest source (1604) has the spelling jawyge (Toporov II: 21). -
10 jùgъ
jùgъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `South, south wind'Page in Trubačev: VIII 192-193Old Church Slavic:Russian:Old Russian:Czech:Old Czech:Slovak:Serbo-Croatian:jȕg `south wind' [m o];jȕgo `south wind' [n o];Čak. jȕgo (Vrgada, Novi, Orbanići) `south wind' [n o]Slovene:jùg `southwest wind, South' [m o], júga [Gens]Bulgarian:Comments: If *jùgъ is cognate with Gk. αὐγή `light, beam' < *h₂eug-, the acute tone of the root can be explained by Winter's law. On the other hand, this etmology also implies that the *j- was originally a glide, which considering the distribution of forms with and without *j- seems less likely. The ESSJa argues that * jugъ contains * iouǝ `mix, knead'. The original meaning would have been `soft', cf. -> sěverъ, of the which the older meaning is assumed to have been `sharp, severe'. This all seems highly speculative. -
11 mělь
mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. oPage in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168Old Church Slavic:měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]Russian:Czech:měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]Old Czech:měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]Slovene:mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-Lithuanian:smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-Certainty: +Page in Pokorny: 717Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).Other cognates:Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank';Notes:\{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root. -
12 mělъ
mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. oPage in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168Old Church Slavic:měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]Russian:Czech:měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]Old Czech:měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]Polish:Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]Slovene:mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-Lithuanian:smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}Latvian:Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-Certainty: +Page in Pokorny: 717Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).Other cognates:Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank';Notes:\{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root. -
13 olbǭdь
olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51Russian:lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]Ukrainian:lébid' `swan' [m jo]Czech:Slovak:Polish:ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]Old Polish:ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć `swan' [f i]Serbo-Croatian:lȁbūd `swan' [m o];lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]Slovene:labǫ́d `swan' [m o];lebę́d `swan' [m o];lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]Bulgarian:lébed `swan' [m o]Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-iIE meaning: swanCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 30-31Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.Other cognates: -
14 olbǭtь
olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51Russian:lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]Ukrainian:lébid' `swan' [m jo]Czech:Slovak:Polish:ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]Old Polish:ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć `swan' [f i]Serbo-Croatian:lȁbūd `swan' [m o];lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]Slovene:labǫ́d `swan' [m o];lebę́d `swan' [m o];lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]Bulgarian:lébed `swan' [m o]Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-iIE meaning: swanCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 30-31Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.Other cognates: -
15 elbedь
olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51Russian:lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]Ukrainian:lébid' `swan' [m jo]Czech:Slovak:Polish:ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]Old Polish:ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć `swan' [f i]Serbo-Croatian:lȁbūd `swan' [m o];lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]Slovene:labǫ́d `swan' [m o];lebę́d `swan' [m o];lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]Bulgarian:lébed `swan' [m o]Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-iIE meaning: swanCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 30-31Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.Other cognates: -
16 elbǭtь
olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51Russian:lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]Ukrainian:lébid' `swan' [m jo]Czech:Slovak:Polish:ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]Old Polish:ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];ɫabęć `swan' [f i]Serbo-Croatian:lȁbūd `swan' [m o];lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]Slovene:labǫ́d `swan' [m o];lebę́d `swan' [m o];lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]Bulgarian:lébed `swan' [m o]Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-iIE meaning: swanCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 30-31Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.Other cognates: -
17 òlkati
òlkati Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `be hungry'Page in Trubačev: XXXII 57-58Old Church Slavic:Russian:alkát' `hunger (for), crave (for), (obs.) be hungry' [verb], álču [1sg], álčet [3sg]Old Russian:Old Czech:lákati `crave (for)' [verb], lákaju [1sg], láču [1sg]Slovene:lákati `be hungry, be greedy, starve' [verb], lákam [1sg]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: olʔkteiLithuanian:álkti `be hungry' [verb]Latvian:al̂kt `be hungry' [verb]Indo-European reconstruction: HolHk-teiPage in Pokorny: 307Comments: The reconstruction * ōlk- < *h₁eh₁olk- (Rasmussen Sel. Pap.: 116) cannot account for the acute tone of the root.Other cognates:\{1\} According to the Staroslavjanskij slovar', the ratio between alъk- (including al'k- and alk-) and lak- is 19: 9, respectively. Zogr. (1: 4), Mar. (3: 1) and Ass. (3: 1) have both variants. -
18 vysòkъ
vysòkъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `high'Old Church Slavic:Russian:vysókij `high, tall' [adj o];vysók `high, tall' [adj o], vysoká [Nomsf], vysokó [Nomsn]Czech:vysoký `high, tall' [adj o]Slovak:vysoký `high' [adj o]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:vìsok `high, tall' [adj o], visòka [Nomsf], visòko [Nomsn];Čak. visȍk (Vrgada) `high, tall' [adj o], visokȁ [Nomsf], visokȍ [Nomsn];Čak. visȍk (Orbanići) `high, tall' [adj o], visȍka [Nomsf], visȍko [Nomsn]Slovene:visòk `high' [adj o]Bulgarian:visók `high, tall' [adj o]Comments: For the suffix *- okъ, cf. -> *glǫbòkъ, *dalèkъ. The suffix is absent in the comparative, e.g. Ru. výše, SCr. vìšē, Sln. vȋše, where we also find the original acute tone. The root is usually reconstructed as * ūps-, cf. Gk. ὑψηλός `high'. Kortlandt (1977) has argued that in Balto-Slavic initial *u yielded acute "long" *u (Lith. ū́, PSl. *vy) under the stress and short *u in pretonic position. The acute variant is supposed to have originated from a Balto-Slavic prothetic laryngeal. Now that an number of examples can be explained by Winter's law, the evidence for Kortlandt's explanation has been weakened. Nevertheless, the Slavic situation regarding initial *u undeniably resembles the situation regarding initial *i, where I have claimed (2003) that stressed *i- yielded * (j)i under the stress, but *jь in unstressed position. In my opinion, it is likely that the reflex * vy- originated in stressed position, cf. vỳsь and the comparative vỳše.Other cognates:OIr. úasal `high, lofty' [adj]
См. также в других словарях:
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Tone syllable — Tone Tone (t[=o]n), n. [F. ton, L. tonus a sound, tone, fr. Gr. to nos a stretching, straining, raising of the voice, pitch, accent, measure or meter, in pl., modes or keys differing in pitch; akin to tei nein to stretch or strain. See {Thin},… … The Collaborative International Dictionary of English
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tone — [tōn] n. [ME < OFr & L: OFr ton < L tonus, a sound < Gr tonos, a stretching, tone < teinein, to stretch: see THIN] 1. a) a vocal or musical sound b) its quality 2. an intonation, pitch, modulation, etc. of the voice that expresses a… … English World dictionary