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1 ěždžь
ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'Page in Trubačev: VI 60Belorussian:jadžgár `ruff' [m o]Ukrainian:Czech:ježdík `ruff' [m o]Polish:jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];Old Polish:jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]Kashubian:i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-Lithuanian:ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}Old Prussian:assegis (EV) `perch'Page in Pokorny: 292Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.Notes: -
2 ěždžikъ
ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'Page in Trubačev: VI 60Belorussian:jadžgár `ruff' [m o]Ukrainian:Czech:ježdík `ruff' [m o]Polish:jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];Old Polish:jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]Kashubian:i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-Lithuanian:ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}Old Prussian:assegis (EV) `perch'Page in Pokorny: 292Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.Notes: -
3 ězgarъ
ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'Page in Trubačev: VI 60Belorussian:jadžgár `ruff' [m o]Ukrainian:Czech:ježdík `ruff' [m o]Polish:jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];Old Polish:jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]Kashubian:i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-Lithuanian:ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}Old Prussian:assegis (EV) `perch'Page in Pokorny: 292Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.Notes: -
4 ězgarь
ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'Page in Trubačev: VI 60Belorussian:jadžgár `ruff' [m o]Ukrainian:Czech:ježdík `ruff' [m o]Polish:jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];Old Polish:jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]Kashubian:i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-Lithuanian:ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}Old Prussian:assegis (EV) `perch'Page in Pokorny: 292Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.Notes: -
5 ěskarъ
ěždžь; ěždžikъ; ězgarъ; ězgarь; ěskarъ Grammatical information: m. jo; m. o; m. o; m. jo; m. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `ruff'Page in Trubačev: VI 60Belorussian:jadžgár `ruff' [m o]Ukrainian:Czech:ježdík `ruff' [m o]Polish:jażdż (arch., N. dial.) `ruff' [m jo];Old Polish:jeżdżyk `ruff' [m o]Kashubian:i̯wžǯ, i̯wšč `ruff' [m jo]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: egź-io-;; ē̆źg-io-Lithuanian:ežgỹs `ruff' [m io] 4;egžlỹs (arch.) `ruff' [m io] 4;ežegỹs (Pruss.) `ruff' [m io] 3b \{3\}Old Prussian:assegis (EV) `perch'Page in Pokorny: 292Comments: It seems perfectly plausible to me that this etymon is cognate with *ežь `hedgehog'. Like its close relative the perch, the ruff has prickly fins (cf. MoHG Barsch `perch', Borste `bristle', Lith. ešerỹs `perch', which presumably derives from *h₂eḱ- `sharp'). The g of this word may be the well-known Baltic intrusive velar. In that case, archaic Lith. egžlỹs would have preserved the original constellation. The Slavic forms would have to be borrowings from Baltic, which in view of their distribution is not unlikely.Notes: -
6 ūslò(?)
ūslò(?) Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `woven fabric on a loom'Russian:usló (Kostrom.) `woven fabric on a loom' [n o] \{1\}Comments: The most plausible etymology for this obscure form involves a connection with Lith. áusti (1sg. áudžiu) `weave'. Vasmer (s.v.) reconstructs the suffix as *-slo, but I find *- tlo more attractive. In this case, the correspondence between AP (b) in Slavic and an acute root in Baltic would not pose a problem because the glottal stop originating from Winter's law would be lost in pretonic position (see Derksen 1996: 105-111).Notes:\{1\} As far as I know, this form has only been recorded by Dal', who adds a question mark. The word is illustrated by the sentence Сколъ велико усло? `Много ли наткала'?' -
7 bě̄dà
bě̄dà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `need, poverty, misery'Page in Trubačev: II 54-56Old Church Slavic:běda `distress, need, necessity' [f ā]Russian:bedá `misfortune, trouble' [f ā]Czech:bída `poverty, misery' [f ā];běda `woe!' [interj]Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:Upper Sorbian:běda `grief, woe, misery' [f ā]Lower Sorbian:běda `grief, pain' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:bijèda `grief, misfortune' [f ā]Slovene:bẹ́da `misery' [f ā]Bulgarian:bedá `misfortune, misery' [f ā]IE meaning: forceCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 117Comments: According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds.Other cognates:Alb. be `oath' [f] \{2\}Notes:\{1\} The vocalism of Modern Polish bieda `id.' is of Mazowian origin, cf. biada `woe!'. \{2\} According to Būga (RR I: 345-346), Lith. bėdà 4 `misfortune, trouble, guilt' is probably not a borrowing from Slavic because it has ė instead of the expected ie (cf. biẽdnas `poor'). Indeed, there seems to be no obvious reason why bėdà and Latv. bę̀da `sorrow, grief, distress' should not be old. These words could be connected with bãdas `hunger' and Skt. bā́dhate `oppress' (Būga l.c., Derksen 1996: 258). However, a dilemma arises if we consider that Slavic běditi `force, persuade' cannot be separated from Go. baidjan `force'. We must either declare the Baltic forms borrowings or assume that in Slavic *běd- < *bhoidh- and *běd- < *bʰēdʰ- were contaminated (cf. Anikin 1998: 39). In the latter case OCS běda `distress' and `necessity' would continue different roots. This is a possibility which cannot be excluded. The hypothesis that Lith. baidýti `to scare' < *bʰiH- `to fear' is cognate with *bē̌dà and *běditi (cf. Trubačëv II: 55-56) must be rejected, if only on formal grounds. \{3\} Demiraj prefers *bʰeidʰ-i-s to an ā-stem (1997: 94). -
8 dyra
dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'Page in Trubačev: V 205Russian:dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]Old Russian:Polabian:dară `hole, prison' [f ā]Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex. -
9 dyr'a
dyra; dyr'a Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'Page in Trubačev: V 205Russian:dyrá `hole, gap' [f ā]Old Russian:Polabian:dară `hole, prison' [f ā]Indo-European reconstruction: dr(H)-Comments: In the ESSJa, it is argued that Ru. dyrá, which occurs alongside dirá (-> * dira), results from secondary ablaut (starting from * dъr- instead of of * dьr- `tear'. The same is suggested for -> * dura. It seems to me that such a scenario requires that there existed a formally and semantically similar root. In this particular case the root of Lith. dùrti `stab, push' has often been mentioned, but more often than not (e.g. Vasmer s.v. dyrá, Fraenkel LEW: 113, Sɫawski SEJP I: 208) the latter root is considered etymologically identical. This implies that already in Balto-Slavic both * dir- and * dur- functioned as the zero grade of * der- `tear'. Here I would like to adopt a more agnostic attitude, i.e. I prefer to separate forms belonging to the "u" ablaut series provisionally from * der- `tear'. Note that Baltic * duris firmly acute, while in the case of the verb `to tear' there are many indications for an old circumflex. -
10 esetь
esetь Grammatical information: f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `rack for drying grain'Page in Trubačev: -Russian:osét' `granary, rack for drying grain' [f i]Belorussian:(v)ósec' (W.), aséc' (W.) `granary, drying shed' [f i];osëtka (dial.) `granary', asëtka (dial.) `spot in granary for drying sheafs' [f ā]Ukrainian:ósit' (dial.) `granary' [f i]Polish:jesieć (dial.) `grain sieve' [f i];osieć (E. dial.) `granary' [f i];jesiótka (dial.) `grain sieve' [f ā];osiótka (W dial.) `granary' [f ā]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: eś-et-i-Lithuanian:akė́čios `harrow' [Nompf ā] 1;ekė́čios (dial.) `harrow' [Nompf ā] 1 \{1\}Latvian:Old Prussian:aketes `harrow'Indo-European reconstruction: h₂oḱ-et-i-IE meaning: harrowPage in Pokorny: 18Comments: This is another case where we find Balto-Slavic evidence for *e- corresponding to *a- or *o- in other branches of Indo-European (Rozwadowski's change). Toporov regards the k of the Baltic forms as evidence for a western technological borrowing (I: 67). Since the Baltic and Germanic forms mean exactly the same, while the Slavic forms are semantically more remote, this is a serious option.Other cognates:Fi. äës `harrow'Notes:\{1\} The Standard Lithuanian form with a- may stem from the territory where the development e- > a- occurred. In any case, the attestations of the form with e- (see the LKŽ, s.v.) indicate that there are Lithuanian forms completely matching Latv. ecêšas. -
11 avě
avě Grammatical information: adv. Proto-Slavic meaning: `manifestly'Page in Trubačev: I 93-94Old Church Slavic:javě `manifestly, openly, clearly' [adv];avě `manifestly, openly, clearly' [adv]Serbo-Croatian:Bulgarian:áve `in reality' [adv];jáve `in reality' [adv]Macedonian:Lithuanian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₂ēu-ēisIE meaning: apparentlyCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 78Comments: OLith. ovyje `in reality' is sometimes regarded as a borrowing from Slavic but there are no compelling arguments for this view. The absence of initial j- rather points in the direction of an etymological relationship, cf. jovnai `openly', which is a borrowing from Belorussian. In that case we would have to start from a PBSl. i-stem *āv-i- (cf. Anikin 1998: 21, see also s.v. javiti). On the other hand, it seems possible that the form ovyje, whose oldest attestations are two occurrences in Daukša, is based on Church Slavic (j)avě. The Slavic adverb in turn may have been borrowed from Iranian (Lubotsky p.c.).Other cognates:Skt. āvíṣ `apparently, noticeably' [adv]; -
12 blьskъ
blьskъ Grammatical information: m. oPage in Trubačev: II 113-114Church Slavic:Old Czech:Lower Sorbian:Bulgarian:blắsăk `blow, stab' [m o]Lithuanian:blìzgas `shine, glimmer' [m o] 2Indo-European reconstruction: bʰliǵ-sko-Page in Pokorny: 156Comments: The preglottalized velar may or may not have been lost before Winter's law. In the latter case, the Slavic and Baltic forms with short *i would have to be of analogical origin. For this reason I prefer a Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction without ʔ. -
13 bỳstrъ
bỳstrъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `quick'Page in Trubačev: III 153-154Old Church Slavic:Russian:býstryj `quick' [adj o]Czech:bystrý `quick, sharp-witted' [adj o]Slovak:bystrý `quick, sharp-witted' [adj o]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:bȉstar `clear, transparent, quick' [adj o]Slovene:bístǝr `quick, vivacious, transparent' [adj o]Bulgarian:bístăr `clear, transparent' [adj o]Page in Pokorny: 146Comments: Attempts have been made to connect *bỳstrъ with -> bъ̀drъ `cheerful, lively', which derives from PIE * bʰudʰ-. This etymology fails to provide an explanation for the acute *y, however. We could assume that the root is simply * by- `be', but in that case the origin of the the suffix would be unclear. In my opinion, it is not unattractive to assume a connection with Skt. bhū́ṣati `support, be active for assume, strengthen', the root of which is probably an s-enlargement of * bʰu- `be'. -
14 debelъ
debelъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `fat'Page in Trubačev: IV 201-202Church Slavic:Russian:debélyj `plump, corpulent' [adj o];debëlyj (dial.) `healthy, strong, plump, corpulent' [adj o]Serbo-Croatian:dèbeo `fat' [adj o];Čak. dȅbē (Vrgada) `fat' [adj o], debelà̀ [Nomsf]Slovene:débeɫ `fat, big, strong' [adj o], debę́la [Nomsf]Bulgarian:debél `fat, strong' [adj o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: deb-Latvian:depsis `small, fat boy'Old Prussian:Certainty: -Comments: Formally, the Balto-Slavic and the Germanic forms do not match, considering that in the case of PIE *b the Balto-Slavic evidence would violate Winter's law. It is by no means necessary, however, to assume that this etymon is of Indo-European origin.Other cognates: -
15 dě̀verь
dě̀verь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: a (c) Proto-Slavic meaning: `husband's brother'Page in Trubačev: V 19Russian:déver' `husband's brother' [m jo], dever'já [Nom p] \{1\}Old Czech:deveř `husband's brother' [m jo]Old Polish:Serbo-Croatian:djȅvēr `husband's brother, best man' [m o];Čak. dȉver (Vrgada) `husband's brother, best man' [m o];Čak. dȅver (Orbanići) `marriage witness' [m o]Slovene:dẹvę̑r `husband's brother' [m jo], dẹvȇrja [Gens];dẹ́ver `husband's brother, best man' [m o], dẹ́vera [Gens]Bulgarian:déver `husband's brother, best man' [m o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: dáʔiuer-Lithuanian:díeveris `husband's brother' [m i] 1;dieverìs `husband's brother' [m i] 3aLatvian:diẽveris `husband's brother' [m io]Indo-European reconstruction: deh₂i-uer-IE meaning: husband's brotherCertainty: +Comments: In case-forms with original stress on the suffix one expects root stress as a result of Hirt's law. This accounts for the many indications for root stress in both Baltic and Slavic.Other cognates:Skt. devár- `husband's brother';Gk. δα̑ήρ `husband's brother'Notes:\{1\} AP (a) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 138). -
16 esètrъ
esètrъ; esètra Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sturgeon'Page in Trubačev: VI 30-31Russian:osëtr `sturgeon' [m o], osetrá [Gens];osetër (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o]Old Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:Upper Sorbian:Lower Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:jèsetra `sturgeon' [f ā]Slovene:Bulgarian:esétra `sturgeon' [f ā]Lithuanian:erškẽtas `sturgeon' [m o];erškė́tras (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o] 1 \{1\}Old Prussian:esketres `sturgeon'Page in Pokorny: 18Comments: It seems highly plausible that *jesètra is cognate with *jesera `awn, fishbone', Lith. ešerỹs `perch' and that both etyma belong to PIE *h₂ḱ- `sharp', cf. Lat. acipēnser `sturgeon' < *h₂eḱu-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like erškẽtas and erškė́tras were probably influenced by erškė́tis `thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development erškẽtas < eškẽtras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov II: 89), but it is clear that the original form contained a k, cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešerỹs. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to depart from a Baltic protoform *ekśetras.Notes: -
17 esètra
esètrъ; esètra Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sturgeon'Page in Trubačev: VI 30-31Russian:osëtr `sturgeon' [m o], osetrá [Gens];osetër (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o]Old Russian:Czech:Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:Upper Sorbian:Lower Sorbian:Serbo-Croatian:jèsetra `sturgeon' [f ā]Slovene:Bulgarian:esétra `sturgeon' [f ā]Lithuanian:erškẽtas `sturgeon' [m o];erškė́tras (dial.) `sturgeon' [m o] 1 \{1\}Old Prussian:esketres `sturgeon'Page in Pokorny: 18Comments: It seems highly plausible that *jesètra is cognate with *jesera `awn, fishbone', Lith. ešerỹs `perch' and that both etyma belong to PIE *h₂ḱ- `sharp', cf. Lat. acipēnser `sturgeon' < *h₂eḱu-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like erškẽtas and erškė́tras were probably influenced by erškė́tis `thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development erškẽtas < eškẽtras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov II: 89), but it is clear that the original form contained a k, cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešerỹs. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to depart from a Baltic protoform *ekśetras.Notes: -
18 jūxà
jūxà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `broth, soup'Page in Trubačev: VIII 193Church Slavic:Russian:uxá `fish-soup' [f ā], uxú [Accs] \{1\}Czech:jícha `liquid, sauce, (arch.) soup' [f ā]Slovak:Polish:Slovincian:ju̇̂ẋa `soup' [f ā]Serbo-Croatian:júha (dial.) `soup, broth' [f ā];Čak. jūhȁ (Vrgada) `soup, broth' [f ā] \{2\};Čak. jūhȁ (Novi) `soup, broth' [f ā];Čak. jūhȁ (Orbanići) `soup' [f ā], jȗho [Accs]Slovene:júha `soup' [f ā]Lithuanian:jū́šė `broth, soup' [f ā] 1Old Prussian:Comments: The fact that all in all the accentological evidence points to AP (b) is problematic in view of the laryngeal reflected by forms from other branches. If the root is identical with Skt. yu- `unite, attach, bind', we may reconstruct * ieu- alongside * ieuH, cf. Lith. jáuti, jaũti. In any case, Slavic has full grade, * ieu(H)-s- or * iou(H)-s-, against zero grade in Baltic.Other cognates:Skt. yū́ṣ- (RV+) `broth' [n];Notes:\{1\} AP (b) is also attested in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 135). \{2\} According to Jurišić, this form is a recent designation of čõrba.
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